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I 



DANTE DICTIONARY 



PAGET TOYNBEE 



HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 

PUBUSBBR TO THB UK1VBR8ITT OP OXFORD 




LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK 



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A 



DICTIONARY 



OF 



PROPER NAMES AND NOTABLE MATTERS 



IN THE 



WORKS OF DANTE 



BY 



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PREFACE 



■♦♦■ 



In this Dante Dictionary I have made an attempt to bring together, in 
a convenient and concise form, such information as is available concerning the 
various persons and places mentioned or referred to in the works of Dante 
(i. e. in the Divina Co^nmediay the Cansoniere^ the Vita Nuova, the ConviviOy 
the De Vulgari Eloquentia, the De Monarchia^ the Epistolae, the Eclogae^ and 
the Quaestio de Aqua et Terra^ as printed in the Oxford Dante ^). I have 
endeavoured, as far as possible, to present the results of the most recent 
researches. This has been, in not a few cases, a matter of some difficulty, 
owing to the fact that a great many of the numerous articles on Dantesque 
subjects published in Italy make their appearance in more or less ephemeral 
periodicals. For this reason I have been obliged occasionally to accept my 
information at second hand, through the medium of one or other of the 
special Dante publications, such as the Giornale Dantesco^ the Bullettino delta 
Socictd Dantesca Italiana, and the like. I am not sanguine enough to suppose 
that I have succeeded in every instance in bringing my articles wholly * up to 
date ' ^. In extenuation of any shortcomings in this respect I can only plead 
the wide extent of the field which has had to be explored, and the ' quel 
d'xAdamo ', as Dante puts it, * Tincarco della carne d'Adamo *, beneath which 
the energies of even the most ardent explorers will sometimes flag. 

A few kindred subjects have been included with the proper names, such 
as the denominations of the several classes of sinners, &c., and of the various • 
heavens, &c., mentioned in the Divina Commedia (e. g. Accidiosi, Ipocriti, 
Traditori ; Cielo Stellato, Rosa Celestiale) ; certain personifications and titles 
(e. g. Aquila, Pellicano ; Archimandrita, Savio) ; the titles of books quoted by 
Dante (e. g. Aeneis, Etbica, De Regimine Principutn) ; and so on^. 

^ Tu(/e U Opere di Dante Aiighieri, nucvamente rivtdtUc nel testo dot Dr. £. Moore, con Indict dei 
Nomi Propri e delU Cose Notabili, compilaio da Paget Toynbee. Oxford, 1894 (second edition, 1897). 
The convenience of this edition for the porposes of reference can hardly be overrated. 

' I have been able in a few cases to add references to important articles which appeared while this 
work was passing through the press. 

^ A list of these ' notable matteis ' will be found at the end of the volume (Table xzxv). 

M 



PREFACE 

I have appended sundry genealogical and chronological tables ^ (with an 
index *) in illustration of the numerous historical allusions in Dante's works. 
Also, for the convenience of those who do not happen to be provided with 
the Oxford Dante, I have given an index of first lines (in both alphabetical 
and numerical order) in the Canzoniere ^ and comparative tables of the chapter- 
divisions in the De Monarchia^ adopted respectively in the editions of Witte 
(followed by the Oxford Dante), Fraticelli, and Giuliani. I have, further, to 
facilitate reference, supplied an index of such English or Anglicised names as 
differ in form from the Italian or Latin, with cross-references to the latter *, 
e.g. Apulia [Puglia], Elbe [Albia], Ephialtes [Fialte], Jesse [Isai], Phaethon 
[Fetonte], Uzzah [Oza], and the like. 

The idea of this work was originally suggested by the Vocabolario Dantesco 
of L. G. Blanc ^. This invaluable handbook, however, deals with the Divina 
Commedia only, and, as its title implies, includes the vocabulary of the poem 
as well as the articles (necessarily very brief) on the proper names. Blanc's 
book was followed twenty years later by the Dizicniario delta Divina Commedia 
of Donato Bocci "', a useful work, but marred by the introduction of a great 
deal of irrelevant matter, especially in the historical articles, which, by a strange 
freak on the part of the author, are brought down to the nineteenth century. 
In 1865 appeared the first three volumes of the Manuale Dantesco of Jacopo 
Ferrazzi, which were followed by a fourth volume in 1871, and by a fifth in 
1877 ®. This work (of which the four last volumes bear the sub-title of Enciclo- 
pedia Dantesca) contains a mass of useful information on all subjects connected 
with Dante. Its value, however, as a book of reference is seriously impaired 
by the total absence of method in the arrangement of the material, as well 
as by the fact that the indices appended to the several volumes are of the 
most meagre and unsatisfactory description. In the comprehensive Dizionario 
Dantesco of Giacomo Poletto ® an attempt is made for the first tim^ systemati- 
cally to cover the whole range of Dante's writings. The chief value of this 
work lies in the author's acquaintance with scholastic theology. It is unfor- 
tunately very incomplete ; and, owing to the grave inaccuracies and mis- 
references with which it abounds, it must be used with great caution. 

Of these works I have availed myself to such limited extent as the scheme 
of the present volume would allow. I may take this opportunity of acknow- 
ledging my obligations to them. 

* Tables i-xxxi. * Table xxxviii. ' Table xxxii. * Table xxxiii. * Table xxxvi. 

• Vocabolario Dantesco, ou Dictionfiaire Critique et Raisonn^ de la Divine Comidie de Dante 
Allighieriy par L. G. Blanc. Leipsic, 1853. An Italian translation by G. Carbone was published at 
Florence in 1859; ^^*^ edition, 1896. 

' Dizionario Storico, Geografico^ Universale^ delta Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieriy contenente la 
Biografia dei Personaggi^ la Kotizia dei Paisi^ e la Spiegazione delie Cose piii difficili del Sacro Poema, 
opera di DoTiKto Bocci. Turin, 1873. A brief Biographical Guide to the Divina Commedia^ by Frances 
Locock, appeared in the next year (London, 1874'i. 

* Manuale Dantesco del Prof. Giuseppe Jacopo Ferrazzi. 5 vols. Bassano, 1865-77. 

• Dizionario Dantesco di quanto si contiene ftelle Opere di Dante Allighieri, con richiami alia 
Somma Teologica di S, Tommaso d^ Aquino, coir illustrazione dei nomi proprt mitologiciy storici^ gtografici, 
e delle qtieslioni pih confroi'erse, compilcUo dal Prof. D. Giacomo Poletto. 7 vols. Siena, 1885-7. 

[vi] 



PREFACE 

A few weeks before the completion of my own work Dr. Scartazzini pub- 
lished the first part of his Enciclopedia Dantesca * ; of this book it is not my 
provmce to speak here. 

My obligations, as far as modern commentaries on the Divina Comtnedia 
are concerned, are chiefly to those of Dr. Scartazzini ^ and Prof. Casini ®, to the 
latter of which especially I am greatly indebted. I have also made frequent 
use of Mr. A. J. Butler's notes to his English version of Dante's poem* ; and 
I have found much valuable information in Mr. W. W. Vernon's carefully 
compiled volumes on the Inferno and Purgatorio ^. 

Of the mediaeval commentaries I have, for general purposes, made most 
frequent reference to that of Benvenuto da Imola (in the handsome edition 
for which Dante students are indebted to the munificence of Mr. Vernon ^). 

In the case of local allusions I have, wherd possible, given the preference 
to the commentator best qualified by circumstances of birth or residence to 
supply the required inforniation (as, for instance, to Jacopo della Lana and 
Benvenuto for Bologna, to Francesco da Buti for Pisa, and so on). The con- 
temporary chronicles of Giovanni Villani ^ and Dino Compagni ® have also, of 
course, been in constant requisition. 

To attempt to enumerate here, even in the most summary manner, the host 
of other authorities made use of in the course of the work (the majority of 
them * scritti danteschi ' published in the form of fugitive pieces) would be to 
trench on the province of the bibliographer®, and would prove almost as onerous 
an undertaking as the proverbial 'doppiar degli scacchi.' References to the 
most important authorities, however, will be found in their proper places in the 
body of the Dictionary. 

As regards Dante's prose works, I have had for the most part to break new 
ground, the help afforded by the few existing commentaries being, as a rule, of 
the scantiest. The results of my own researches, which are necessarily given 
only in brief in the Dictionary^ have been published from time to time in 
Romania, the Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italianay the Academy, the 

^ Dr. G. A. Scartazzini : Enciclopedia Dantesca — Dizionario critico e ragionato di quanio conceme la 
Vita e le Opere di Dante Alighieri. Vol. i. A-L. Milan, 1896. Vol. ii. (Parte prima) M-R. Milan, 
1898. 

' La Divina Comtnedia di Dante Xlighieri, riveduta nel testo e commtntata da G. A. Scartazzini. 
4 vols. Leipzig, 1874-90. Ediziome Minore, Milan, 1893 ; second edition, 1896. 

' La Divina Comnudia di Dante lAlighicri^ con il commento di Tommaso Casini. (4ta edizione.) 
Florence, 1896. | 

* The Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise of Dante Alighieri^ edited with Trcmslation and Notts by 
Arthur John Butler. 3 vols. London, 1880-92. 

* Recuiings on thi Inferno and Purgatorio of Dante, chiefly based on the Commtntary of Benvenuto da 
Imola, by the Honble. William Warren Vernon. 4 vols. London, 1889-97. 

* Benevenuti de Rambaldis de Imola Comentum super Dantis Aldighcrii Comoediamy nunc primum 
integre in lucem editum, sumptibus Guilielmi Warren Vernon, curante Jacobo Philippo Lacaita. 5 vols. 
Florence, 1887. 

^ The edition nsed is that in 8 vols, published at Florence (II Magheri) in 1823. 

* Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, per Isidoro del Lungo. a vols. Florence, 1879. 

* What promises to be an exhaustive bibliography of Dante literature is in course of preparation by 
Mr. T. W. Koch, Librarian of the Dante Collection recently presented by Mr. Willard Fiske to the Cornell 
University Library (U.S.A.). 

[vii] 



PREFACE 

Athenaeum, the Reports of tfie Cambridge {U.S,A.) Dante Society, and other 
periodicals, to which references are supplied as occasion arises. 

I am indebted for valuable assistance on special points to several Oxford 
friends, members of the Oxford Dante Society, among whom I may mention 
the Principal of St. Edmund Hall (Rev. Dr. E. Moore), the Rector of Exeter 
College (Rev. Dr. W. W. Jackson), the Regius Professor of Modern History 
(Mr. F. York Powell, of Oriel College), the Quain Professor of English Litera- 
ture at University College, London (Mr. W. P. Ker, of All Souls* College), Mr. 
Edward Armstrong, of Queen's College, Dr. Charles L. Shadwell, of Oriel 
College, and Rev. H. F. Tozer, of Exeter College. 

In the verification of Dante's numerous quotations from classical writers 
and from Scripture I have been largely helped by the exhaustive indices com- 
piled by Dr. Moore, and recently published in the first series of his Studies in 
Dante'^. I am glad to take this opportunity of expressing my acknowledge- 
ments to Dr. Moore for his generosity in allowing me the use of * advanced 
sheets ' of these indices, whereby I was enabled to check, and in many cases to 
supplement, my own reference-lists. 

I must also acknowledge my obligations to the Keeper of Printed Books 
(Dr. Richard Gamett), and the Keeper of Coins (Dr. Barclay V. Head), at the 
British Museum, who have courteously supplied me with information on subjects 
connected with their respective departments ; as well as to Bodley s Librarian 
at Oxford (Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson), the Librarian of the Cambridge University 
Library (Mr. F. Jenkinson), M. Gaston Raynaud of the Biblioth^que Nationale 
at Paris, Professor Pio Rajna of Florence, and Professor Rodolfo Renier of 
Turin, for services of a similar nature ; and to various writers m the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica (ninth edition) and in Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary, 

I may mention, in conclusion, that I hope to deal later with the Vocabulary 
of the Divina Commedia, Canzoniere, Vita Nuova, and Convivio — 

Se tanto lavoro in bene assommi t 

PAGET TOYNBEE. 

DoRNEY Wood, Bucks. 
August 23, 1897. 

*^* A few corrections and additions which were too late for insertion in the 
body of the work will be found under the heading of Corrigenda et Addenda 
on pp. 564-5. 



» Studies in Dante. First Series : Scripture and Classical Authors in Dante. By Edward Moore, 
D.D. Oxford, 1896. I have also availed myself of the labours of Mazzucchelli in this department for the 
Convivio, and of those of Witte for the De Monarchia. 



[viii] 



CONTENTS 



■♦•- 



FAGB 

Preface v-viii 

Proper Names and Notable Matters 1-S63 

Addenda et Corrigenda . 564-565 

Genealogical Tables 567-591 

Chronological Table 592-597 

Index of First Lines of the CanMoniere 598-600 

Chapter-divisions in various Editions of the De Monorchia . . 601-^3 

Numeration of the Epistolae in various Editions 604 

List op Articles dealing with Notable Matters other than Names of 

Persons or Places 605-607 

Index of English or Anglicised Names which differ from the Italian 

or Latin 60S-610 

Plates 611-613 

List of Tables and Plates 614 

Index to Tables and Plates 615-616 



[ixl 



LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. 



A.T. 


Quaestio de Aqua et Terra, 


A.V. 


Authorised Versiou. 


B. 


Beatrice (in the D.CX 


BaU. 


Bailaia, 


Canz. 


Canzone. 


Cent. 


Century. 


Conv. 


Conoivio. 


D. 


Dante. 


D,C, 


Divina Commedia. 


Eel. 


Ecloga. 


ed. 


edited by. 


edd. 


editors or editions. 


Encye. Brit. 


Encyclopaedia Britannica. 


Epist. 


Epistola. 


Inf. 


Inferno. 

Matilda (in the D,C.), 


M. 


Mon. 


De Monarchia. 


N.T. 


New Testament. 


Nov. 


Novella, 


O.F. 


Old French, 


O.T. 


Old Testament. 


Par. 


Paradiso. 


Pnrg. 


Purgatorio. 


ref. 


reference. 


S. 


Statins (in the D.C.). 


Sest. 


Sestina. 


Son. 


Sofutto. 


V. 


Virgil (in the D,C.), 


V, 


verse. 


V.E. 


De Vulgari Eloquentta. 


V.N. 


Vita Nuova. 


var. 


variant. 


vm. 


Villani. 


Vulg. 


Vulgate. 



EXPLANATION OF SIGNS, &c. 

References throughout are to the Oxford edition of the complete works of Dante. In order, however, 
that the Dictionary may serve equally well for other editions of Dante's works (e.g. those of Witte, 
Fraticelli, and Giuliani), I have, as is explained in the Preface, appended, in the case of the Cansoniere^ 
an index of first lines arranged (i) in alphabetical order, (a) in numerical order (^according to the numeration 
of the {>oems in the Oxford edition) [Table xxadi] ; in the case of the De Monarchia^ comparative tables of 
the chapter-divisions adopted respectively in the editions of Witte (whose arrangement is followed in the 
Oxford Dante), Fraticelli, and Giuliani [Table xzxiii] ; and, in the case of the Epistolae, comparative 
tables of the numeration adopted respectively in the Oxford Dante, and in the editions of Fraticelli and 
Giuliani [Table xzxiv]. 

In order to facilitate reference in the case of the prose works, references (indicated by * superior * or 
index numbers) are given to the lines (numbered se])arately for each chapter) of the several treatises as 
])rintcd in the Oxford Dante, as well as to Book and Chapter \ thus Conv. i. 12'* = Convivio, Bk, i, Ch, 12, 
/. 19 ; Mon. ii. 3*®* — De Monarchia, Bk. ii, Ch. 3, /. 102 ; V.N. § 25^* = Vita Nuova, Sect. 25, /. 76 ; and 
so on. The index-numbers being disregarded, the references hold equally well, of course, for the other 
editions of the several treatises. 

Cross-references are indicated by printing the name referred to between square brackets and in black 
type, e.g. [Buenune]. A single square bracket after a name, e.g. A^famexnnone], Iiondra], indicates 
that the person or place in question is alluded to only, not mentioned by name, in Dante's works. Index- 
numbers are employed for the purpose of distinguishing between several persons or places of the same 
name, e.g. Adriano', Adriano'; Ida', Ida*; Iiapo', Iiapo'. The titles of books are printed in 
slanting type, e.g. AenelSf De CMtate Del. 

w 



A 



Abati], ancient noble family of Florence, 
thought by some to be referrea to by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) as guei che 
son disfatti Per lor superbia^ Par. xvi. 109- 
10. The reference is more probably to the 
Ubcrti [Ubepti]. 

The Abati, who, as ViUani records, lived in 
the 'sesto di porte san Piero,' were Ghibel- 
lines (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; they were among those 
who were expelled from Florence in 1258 
(vi. 65) ; they took part in the battle of Mont- 
aperti, with which their name is associated 
through the treachery of Bocca degli Abati 
(vi. 78) [Boooa] ; at the time of the feuds 
which arose through the factions of the Bian- 
chi and Neri in Florence, they were partly 
Ghibellines, partly Guelfs, but they all threw 
in their lot together with the Bianchi (viii. 39) ; 
and they were among those of the latter party 
who were the objects of the vengeance of the 
Florentine podestk, Fulcieri da Calboli, in 
1302 (viii. 59) [Calboli]. 

Abatiy Bocca degli. [Bocoa.] 
Abatiy Buoso degli. [Buoso.] 

AbbagliatOy name applied by the Floren- 
tine Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell) as a nickname ('muddle-head') to a 
Sienese spendthrift, who has been identified 
with one M eo (i. e. Bartolommeo), son of Kai- 
nieri de' Folcacchieri of Siena, and who was 
a member of the ' spendthrift brigade,* a com- 
pany of twelve wealthy young Sienese, who vied 
with each other in squandering their means. 
Inf. 3Qdx. 130-2 [Brig^ata Spenderecoia]. 

This Bartolommeo de* Folcacchieri held 
high office in Siena between 1277 and 1300, 
where he was chancellor in 1279, and gon- 
fialonier of the army in 1278 and 1280; he 
was rector of Campagnatico in 1288, podestk 
of Montereggioni in 1290 and of Monteguidi 
in 1300, and captain of the Sienese mer- 
cenaries in the Maremma from 1289 to 1292 ; 
it is on record that he was fined in 1278 for 
bebg found drinking in a tavern. (See C. 



Mazzi, Folcacchiero Folcacchieri rimatore 
senese del sec, xiti,) 

Benvenuto and others, reading * Tabbagliato 
suo senno proferse,* instead of * TAbbagliato,' 
take abbagliato as an epithet of sennoj and 
refer the verb to Caccia d'Asciano of the 
previous line (displayed his own muddled 
wits '). 

Abel, Abel, second son of Adam ; mentioned 
by Virgil among those released by Christ from 
Limbo, Inf. iv. 56. [Iiimbo.] 

Abido, Abydos, town in the Troad, on the 
narrowest part of the Hellespont, nearly opposite 
to Sestos in Thrace ; celebrated as the home 
of Leander, who used to swim nightly across 
to Sestos to visit Hero, Purg. xxviii. 74 
[Leandro : Sesto ^] ; mentioned in connexion 
with the bridge of boats built by Xerxes 
across the Hellespont, Mon. ii. 9^3"^ [EUes- 
ponto: Serse]. 

Abile], Mt. Abyla, in N. Africa, opposite 
Caipe (Gibraltar), one of the * Columns of 
Hercules'; alluded to, In£ xxvi. 108. [Colonne 
di Eroole.] 

Abraam, the patriarch Abraham ; men- 
tioned by Virgil among those released by 
Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 58. [Iiimbo.] 

Absalone, Absalom, son of David by 
Maachah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur 
(2 Sam, iii. 3) ; encouraged by the evil coun- 
sels of Ahithophel the Gilonite, he rebelled 
against his father, but was defeated in Gilead, 
in the wood of Ephraim, where he met his 
death (2 Sam, xv-xix) ; he is mentioned by 
Bertran de Bom (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII (^ 
Hell), who compares his own instigation of 
the 'Young King' to rebel against his father 
Henry II of England with the similar part 
played by Ahithophel in encouraging Absalom 
to rebel against David, Inf. xxviii. 136-8. 
[Arrlgol] 

Abydos, town in the Troad, on the Helles- 
pont, Mon. ii. 9^^. [Abide] 

[1] B 



Academicae Quaestiones 



Aooiaiuoli, Niccola 



Academicae QuaesUoaea], the Academic 
Questions (a fragment, in two books) of 
Cicero ; hence D. got the opinion of Zeno 
that virtue is the highest good, Conv. iv. 6**"^ 
(Acad, Quaest. ii. 22 : * . . . utrura Zenoni ere* 
didisset, honestum quod esset, id bonum solum 
esse'; ii. 42 : 'honestum autem, quod ducatur 
a conciliatione naturae, Zeno statuit finem 
esse bonorum, qui inventor et princeps Stoi- 
corum fuit ') [Zenone] ; and also the account 
of the Academic and Peripatetic schools of 
philosophy, Conv. iv. 6^1"^ {Acad, Quaest. 
1. 4) :— 

' Platonis autem auctoritate, qui varius, et multi- 
,plex« et copiosus fuit, una et consentiens duobus 
vocabulis philosophiae forma instituta est, Academi- 
corum et Peripateticorum : qui rebus congruentes, 
iiominibus differebant Nam, cum Speusippum, 
sororis filium, Plato philosophiae quasi heredem 
reliquisset; duos autem praestantissimos studio 
atque doctrina, Xenocratcm Cbalcedonium, et 
Aristotelem Stag^ritem: qui erant cum Aristotele 
Peripatetici dicti sunt, quia disputabant inambu- 
lantes in Lycio: illi autem, qui Platonis instituto 
in Academia, quod est altenim gymnasium, coetus 
erant, et sermones habere soliti, e loci vocabulo 
nomen habuerunt. Sed utrique Platonis ubertate 
completi, certam quandam disciplinae formulam 
composuenint, et eam quidem plenam, ac refertam : 
illam autem Socraticam dubitationem de omnibus 
rebus, et nulla affirmatione adhibita consuetudinem 
disserendi reliquerunt.' 

Acam. [Aoan.] 

Acaily Achan, son of Carmi, of the tribe of 
Judah, * who took of the accursed thing * in 
appropriating part of the spoil of Jericho, con- 
trary to the commands of Joshua. After the 
defeat of the Israelites in their attack upon Ai, 
A. confessed his guilt, and the booty was dis- 
covered. Thereupon he and his whole family 
were stoned to death by command of Joshua, 
and their remains and property were burned 
(Josh. vii). D. includes A. among the in- 
stances of avarice proclaimed by the Avari- 
cious in Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 109- 
II [Avari]. 

Accademia, the Accuiemia, a piece of land 
on the CephissuS) near Athens, so called from 
having originally belonged to a hero named 
Academus. It was subsequently a gym- 
nasium, adorned with groves and statues, and 
became celebrated as the scene of Plato's 
teaching, whence his foUowers were called 
Academic philosophers. D. speaks of it as 
* lo luogo dove Platone studiava,' in connexion 
with the origin of the name of his school of 
philosophy, Conv. iv. 6*^6-8, [Aooademioi : 
Flatone.] 

Accademiciy the Academic or Platonic 
school of philosophers, so called from the 
Academia at Athens, where Plato and Speus- 

* i.e. had them tied np and 



ippus used to teach, Conv. iv. 6^25-8 [Aooa- 
demia] ; they were succeeded and superseded 
by the Peripatetics, Conv. iv. 6^*^"* [Peri- 
patetloi]. D. got his account of these schools 
from the Academicae Quaestiones of Cicero 
(i. 4) [Academicae QuaesUoaes]. 

Acciaiuoliy Niccola], Florentine Guelf, 
who in 1 299, together with Baldo d'Aguglione 
(Par. xvi. 56), in order to destroy the evidence 
of a fraudulent transaction in which, with the 
connivance of the Podestk, he had been en- 
gaged, defaced a sheet of the public records 
of Florence. This scandal took place during 
the period of corruption and maladministra- 
tion which followed the expulsion of Giano 
della Bella from Florence [Aguglione : 
Giano della Bella]. D. alludes to this tam- 
pering with the * quademo,' Purjg^. xii. 105. 

The following account of the incident, which 
appears to have been unknown to Benvenuto, 
is given by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Nel MCCLXXXxv, doppo la cacciata di Gian de 
la Bella, essendo Firenze in male stato, fu chiamato 
rettore di Firenze, a petizione di quelli che regge- 
vono, uno povero gentile uomo chiamato messer 
Monfiorito della Marca Trivigiana, il quale prese la 
forma della terra, et assolvea et condennava sanza 
ragione, et palesemente per lui et sua famiglia si 
vendea la'giustizia. Nol sostennono i cittadini, et 
compmto Tufficio, presono lui e due suoi famigli, 
et lui missono alia coUa *, et per sua confessione si 
seppono cose che a molti cittadini ne segul grande 
infamia; et faccendolo collare due cittadini chia- 
mati sopra a ci6, I'uno dicea : basta, I'altro dicea : 
no. Piero Manzuoli cambiatore, chiamato sopra 
ci6, disse: dkgli ancora uno crollo; e '1 cavalieri 
ch'era in sulla colla disse : io rende' uno testimonio 
falso a messer Niccola Acciaioli, il quale non con- 
dannai ; non volea il Manzuolo che quella con- 
fessione fosse scritta, per6 che messer Niccola era 
suo genero; Taltro pure voile, et scrissesi; et 
saputo messer Niccola questo fatto, ebbe si gran 
paura che il fatto non si palesasse, ch'egli se ne 
consiglid con messer Baldo Agulione, pessimo 
giudice ghibellino antico. Chiesono il quaderno 
degli atti al notaio, et ebborlo ; et il foglio dov'era 
il fatto di messer Niccola trassono del quaderno : 
et palesandosi per lo notaio del foglio ch' era 
tratto, fu consigliato che si cercasse di chi 1' avea 
fatto ; onde il Podestli, non palesando niente, prese 
messer Niccola, et messer Baldo fuggi. Fu con- 
dennato messer Niccola in libre .iii.™*, et messer 
Baldo in .ii."** et a'confini fuori della citt4 et del 
contado per uno anno.* 

Villani makes no mention of this incident, 
possibly because the Acciaiuoli were Guelfs like 
himself; it is, however, recorded at length by 
Dino Compagni (i. 19), whose account is sub- 
stantially the same as that given above; he 
adds that the corrupt Podestk, whom he calls 
* Messer Monfiorito di Padova,* was not only 
flogged but imprisoned by the Florentines, 
who refused to release him in spite of repeated 

flogs^ with a ropers end. 



[2] 



Accidiosi 



Aohaemenides 



applications from the Paduans; he finally 
elTected his escape by the help of the wife of 
one of the Arrigucci [Arri^rucci]. 

Accidiosi], the Slothful, supposed by some, 
on account of the expression 'accidiosofummo' 
(Inf. vii. 123), to be included with the Wrathful 
(and perhaps also the Envious) in Circle V 
of Hell [Invidiosi : Iraoondi]. 

Those who expiate the sin of Sloth {accidia) in 
Purgatory are placed in Circle IV, Purg. xvii. 
46-xix. 43 [Beaiitudlal : Piirgatorio] ; their 
punishment is to be obliged to run continually 
round and round, urging each other to greater 
exertion with the cry ' Ratto, ratto, che il tempo 
non si perda Per poco amore,* Purg. xviii. 94- 
104; those in front recall instances of alacrity, 
viz. how the Virgin Mary hastened to salute 
Elisabeth (Luke i. 39), and how Julius Caesar 
hastened to subdue Lerida {ttu. 99-102) 
[Maria ^ : Cesare i] ; those behind recall 
instances of sloth, viz. how the children of 
Israel lost the promised land, and how some 
of the companions of Aeneas remained behind 
in Sicily [vv. 131-8) [Ebrei: AceBte^]. 
Example : an Abbot of San Zeno at Verona 
[Alberto della Soala : Zeno, San]. 

Accorso, Francesco d', son of the famous 
Florentine jurist, Accorso da Bagnolo (com- 
monly known by the Latin name of Accursius), 
who lectured in the university of Bologna, 
where he died in 1260 ; the son, who was bom 
at Bologna in 1225, was himself a celebrated 
lawyer; he was professor of civil law at 
Bologna, and in 1 273, when Edward I passed 
through that city on his way back from 
Palestine, decided, upon the invitation of the 
latter, to accompany him to England, where 
he lectured for some time at Oxford, being 
provided with free quarters in the * King's 
Manor' (i.e. Beaumont Palace, the traditional 
birthplace of Richard Coeur-de-Lion, the 
memory of which is preserved in the name 
of the present Beaumont Street). The Bolo- 
gnese, who were anxious not to lose him, for- 
bade him to go, under pain of confiscation of 
all his property, a threat which was carried into 
execution in the next year, when he was pro- 
scribed as a Ghibelline ; his belongings, how- 
ever, were restored to him on his return to 
Bologna in 128 1, where he died in 1293. A 
sister of his is said also to have professed law 
at the university of Bologna. A tale about 
him forms the subject of one of the Cento 
Novelle Antiche (Nov. Ixxxi. ed. Biagi). 

D. places Francesco d*Accorso, together 
with Priscian and Brunetto Latino, among 
the Sodomites in Round 3 of Circle VII of 
Hell, Inf. XV. 1 10 [Sodomiti]. 

Benvenuto states that D.'s condemnation 
of these persons aroused a good deal of indig- 
nation, which he himself was inclined to share 
until his own personal experience of the grue- 



some state of affairs in the university of 
Bologna, where he lectured on Dante in 
1375, induced him to modify his opinion ; he 
says : — 

' Franciscus filius Accursii priixiogenitus fuit etiam 
famosissinius doctor legum, qui laboravit morbo 
pejoris et ardentioris febris, quam pater suus . . . 
autor ponit Franciscum ista horrenda ignominia 
maculosum, quia male servavit legem suam pulcerri- 
mam, quam docebat alios, quae dicit : cum vir 
nubit in femi^nam armentur leges, etc. £t hie nota, 
lector, quod vidi aliquando viros sapientes magnae 
literaturae conquerentcs, et dicentes, quod pro 
certo Dantes nimis male locutus est hie nominando 
tales viros. £t certe ego, quando primo vidi literam 
istam, satis indignatus fui ; sed postea experientia 
teste didici, quod hie sapientissimus poeta optime 
fecit. Nam in mccclxxv, dum essem Bononiae, et 
legerem librum istum, repcri aliquos vermes natos 
de cineribus sodomorum, iniicientes totum illud stu- 
dium: nee valens diutius ferre foetorem tantum, 
cujus fumus jam fuseabat astra, non sine gravi 
periculo meo rem patefeci Petro cardinali Bituri- 
censi, tune legato Bononiae ; qui vir magnae 
virtutis et seientiae dctestans tam abhominabile 
scelus, mandavit inquiri contra principales, quorum 
aliqui capti sunt, et multi territi difliigerunt £t 
nisi quidam saeerdos proditor, cui erat commissum 
negotium, obviasset, quia laborabat pari morbo 
cum illis, multi fuissent traditi flammis ignis ; quas 
si vivi effugerunt, mortui non evadent hie, nisi 
forte bona poenitudo extinxerit eas aqua lacryma- 
rum et compunctionis. £x hoe autem incurri 
eapitale odium et inimicitiam multorum ; sed divina 
justitia me contra istos hostes naturae hucusque 
benigne protexit.' 

Aceste^, Acestes, a Trojan bom in Sicily, 
whose father was the river-god Crimisus, and 
his mother a Trojan woman named Egesta, 
who had been sent to Sicily by her parents. 
D. refers to the account given by Virgil {A en. 
V. 711-18) of how Aeneas on his arrival in 
Sicily was hospitably entertained by Acestes, 
with whom he left those of his companions 
who were unfit to proceed with him to Italy, 
Conv. iv. 265^~* ; these latter are mentioned 
as instances of sluggards by the Slothful in 
Circle IV of Purgatory, Purg. xviii. 136-8. 
[AcoidioBL] 

Aceste^y Acaste, the nurse of Argia and 
Deiphylg, the two daughters of Adrastus, 
king of Argos ; mentioned with reference to 
the account given by Statius in the Thebcdd 
(i. 529 if.) of how she brought the two maidens 
into the presence of their father when Polynices 
and Tydeus were with him, Conv. iv. 25^^"*^. 
[Adrasto.] 

Achaemenides, companion of Ulysses, 
who left him behind in Sicily, when he escaped 
from the Cyclops. When subsequently the 
Trojans landed in the island they found Achae- 
menides there and heard from him how his 
companions had been devoured by Poly- 



[3] 



B2 



Aoheronte 



Aohitofel 



phemus. D. refers to this episode, Eel. ii. 
82-3 ; his account is taken either from Virgil 
(Aen. iii. 588-691), who appears to have in- 
vented the incident, or from Ovid (Metapn. 
xiv. 160-222). [Polyphemus.] 

Acheronte, *sad Acheron, the flood of 
sorrow, black and deep/ one of the rivers of 
Hell, which forms the boundary of Hell proper, 
Inf. iii. 78; xiv. 116; Purg. ii. 105; gran 
fiume^ Inf iii. 71 ; trista riviera^ v- 78 ; fiume^ 
t/. 81 ; livida fialude^ v, 98; onda bmna^ 
V. 118; mal fiume^ Purg. i. 88; on its shore 
assemble from every land all those who have 
died in the wrath of God, Inf iii. 122-3 ; 
Purg. i. 88 ; ii. 105 ; here they wait to be 
ferried across by Charon, Inf. iii. 70-120 
[Caron : Inferno] ; its origin, and that of the 
other rivers of Hell, is explained to D. by 
Virgil, Inf. xiv. 1 12-19 [Piumi Infemali]. 

Achille, Achilles, son of Peleus and Thetis, 
the foremost hero of the Greeks in the Trojan 
war. In his youth he was instructed by 
Chiron the Centaur, from whose charge he 
was withdrawn by his mother, who placed 
him in hiding in the island of Scyros, to pre- 
vent his going to the Trojan war. While there 
he became enamoured of Deidamia, daughter 
of Lycomedes, king of Scyros, but at the 
instance of Ulysses, who discovered his hiding- 
place, he deserted her and accompanied him 
to the war. The spear of Achilles possessed 
the property of healing the wounds inflicted 
by it. At the first landing of the Greeks in the 
Troad, Telephus, son of Hercules, the king 
of Mysia, was wounded by A. ; as the wound 
did not heal he sought the oracle, and was 
told that it could only be cured by him who 
inflicted it; he accordingly sought A., who 
applied some of the rust of his spear to the 
wound and healed it. 

p. places A., *il grande Achille' (cf. Purg. 
xxi. 92), in Circle II of Hell, among those who 
met their death through love, and says of him, 
in allusion to the mediaeval tradition as to 
his death, 'con amore al fine combatteo,' 
i.c he fought on love's side to the end. Inf. 
V. 65-6 [Lussurlosi] (see below) ; he is men- 
tioned in connexion with his bringing up by 
Chiron, Inf. xii. 71 [Chirone]; his desertion 
of Deidamia, Inf. xxvi. 62 [Deidamia] ; the 
healing property of his spear. Inf. xxxi. 5 
[Peletui]; his conveyance to Scyros by his 
mother, Puig. ix. 34 [Sohiro] ; the (unfinished) 
poem of Statins (the AMlleid) on the subject 
of his heroic achievements, Purg. xxi. 92 
[Acbilleide] ; his descent from Aeacus, Conv. 
iv. 2719^5 [Baoo]. 

According to the Homeric story A. was 
killed before Troy, after having slain Hector. 
D. follows (Inf. v. 65-6) the later account, 
current in the Middle Ages, which was derived 
from the De Bella Trojano and the De Excidio 



Trojae of the so-called Dictys the Cretan and 
Dares the Phrygian. These two works, which 
purported to be written by actual combatants 
m the war, were the principal authorities in 
mediaeval times for the story of the Trojan 
war; and upon them Guido delle Colonne 
professed to have based his popular prose 
romance of Troy, the Historia Trojana 
(written in 1270 and 1287), which as a matter 
of fact is a more or less close translation of 
the Old French Roman de Troie, written more 
than a hundred years before by Benoit de 
Sainte-More. According to the mediaeval 
account Achilles was killed by treachery in 
the temple of Apollo Thymbraeus in Troy, 
whither he had been lured by the promise of 
a meeting with Polyxena, of whom he was 
enamoured, and who had been offered him in 
marriage if he would join the Trojans.^ Paris 
(Alexander) lay in wait inside the temple with 
Deiphobus, and when A. arrived the latter 
threw his arms round him and embraced him. 
While A. was thus helpless Paris transfixed 
him with his sword and fled, leaving him 
mortally wounded on the ground. When dis- 
covered by Ajax and Ulysses he had just 
strength to murmur with his last breath that 
he had been killed by treachery through his 
love for Polyxena — * dolo me atque insidiis 
Deiphobus atque Alexander Polyxenae gratia 
circumvenere * [Bell. Troj, iv. 1 1 ). This tradi- 
tion as to the death of Achilles is twice referred 
to by Servius in his commentary on Virgil 
(Aen, iii. 522 ; vi. 57). 

AcbWeide], the Achilleid^ poem in hexa- 
meters on the subject of Achilles and the 
Trojan war, commenced by Statius, the author 
of the Thebaidy but left incomplete at his death, 
only one book and a portion of the second 
having been written. 

Statius (in Pulsatory) alludes to it, in ad- 
dressing Virgil, as la seconda somma^ 'the 
second burden,' under which he fell by the way, 
Purg. xxi. 92-3 [Stazio]. D. was indebted to 
it for the incident of Ulysses' persuasion of 
Achilles to desert Deidamia, Inf. xxvi. 61-2 
(Achill, i. 536 if. ; ii. i fi.) [Deidamia : Ulisse] ; 
and for that of Achilles awaking in Scyros, 
Purg. ix. 34-9 {Achill, i. 198 ff.) (SchiroJ ; as 
well as for certain details in his mvocation to 
Apollo, and his reference to the laurel as the 
reward of poets and warriors. Par. i. 13 if., 
25-9 (Achill. i. 9-16). 

Achitofel, Ahithophel the Gilonite, who 
encouraged Absalom m his rebeUion against 
his father David, and who, when his counsel 
was overthrown by Hushai, David's emissary, 
' put his household in order, and hanged him- 
self, and died ' (2 Sam, xv-xvii) ; he is men- 
tioned by Bertran de Bom (in Bolgia 9 of 
Circle VIII of Hell), who compares his own 
evil-doing in stirring up the * Young King ' to 



w 



Acis 



Acri 



rebel against his father Henry II with that of 
A. in inciting Absalom to rebel against David, 
Inf. xxviii. 136-8 [Absalone: Bertram dal 
Bomio]. 

AciSy a shepherd of Sicily, son of Faunus, 
who was beloved by the nymph Galatea, and 
was consequently crushed beneath a rock by 
the Cyclops Polyphemus, who was jealous of 
him ; his blood as it gushed from under the 
rock was changed by Galatea into the river 
Acis. The story, which is told by Ovid 
(Meiam. xiii. 860-97), whence D. took it, is 
referred to, Eel. ii. 78-80. [Galatea: Poly- 
phemus.] 

Acone^y village in Tuscany, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Florence, the exact situation of 
which is uncertain ; some place it between 
Lucca and Pistoja, others in the Valdisieve, 
one of the valleys opening out of the upper end 
of the Valdamo. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments 
that the feud between the Church and the 
Emperor, among other consequences, brought 
the Cerchi, the leaders of the Bianchi, from 
their original home at Acone to settle in 
Florence, Par. xvi. 65. [Oerchi.] 

It appears that the people of the Acone 
district were constantly at war with the Floren- 
tines on account of the castle of Monte di 
Croce, which belonged to the Conti Guidi, and 
was situated in their neighbourhood, close to 
the Florentine territory. After a number of 
unsuccessful attempts the Florentines at length 
in 1 1 54 captured it by treachery, and razed it 
to the ground, on which account the Conti 
Guidi ever after bore a grudge against Florence, 
as Villani relates (iv. 37). It was about this 
time that the Cerchi came to Florence. 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

' I Cerchi furono della contrada detta ogg^ Pie- 
vere d'Acone, la quale per lo castello di Monte di 
Croce, ch' h, in quello pievere, ebbe molte guerre 
col comune di Firenze : finalmente nel mille 
cento cinquanta tre li Fiorentini presero e dis- 
fecero il detto castello ; di che piii uomini della 
contrada vennero ad abitare la citta di Firenze, 
in fra i quali furono i Cerchi.* 

Acone ^], Hakon V (VII), king of Norway, 
1299- 1 3 19 ; alluded to (probably) by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter as quel di Norvegia^ 
Par. xix. 139. [Aquila'^: Norvegla.] 

Acquacheta (' Still- water 0, the name, ac- 
cording to D., of the river Montone (* Ram '), 
above Forli, Inf. xvi. 97. D. compares the 
descent of the infernal river, Phlegethon, to the 
falls of the Montone near the monastery of San 
Benedetto in Alpe (ttv, 94-105). He speaks of 
the Montone as the first river which, rising on 
the N. side of the Apennines, flows direct into 
the Adriatic without entering the Po (inf, 94-6). 
This description is no longer true of the Mon- 



tone. At the present day it applies to the 
Lamone, which falls into the Adriatic N. of 
Ravenna. From the time of Pliny, however, 
who speaks of it as the Anemo (Hist, Nat, iii. 
20), down to Cent, xvi, the Lamone had no 
direct outlet to the sea, but flowed either into 
the Po di Primaro, or into the swamps about 
the mouth of that river (see Barlow, Contribu- 
tions to the Study of the D, C, pp. 13 1-3), 
[Iiamone : Monte Veso.] 

The Montone rises as a torrent in the district 
of the Etruscan Apennines known as Mura- 
glione, about six miles from the monastery of 
San Benedetto ; close to the latter it is joined 
by the torrents of the Acquacheta and Rio- 
destro, and later on, a few miles above Forll, 
near Terra del Sole, it receives the waters of 
the Rabbi; finally at Ravenna it joins the 
Ronco (the ancient Bedesis), and the two, 
forming one stream under the name of the 
Fiumi Uniti, enter the Adriatic between 
Ravenna and S. Apollinare. D. implies that 
the river was known as the Acquacheta as far 
as Forll, and only received the name of 
Montone on reaching that city. In the present 
day, at any rate, this is not the case, the name 
of Montone being applied to it as high up as 
San Benedetto. (See P. Nadiani: Interfire- 
tasione dei versi di D. sulfiume Montone,) 

Acquaqueta. [Acquacheta.] 

Acquasparta, village in Umbria, about 
ten miles S.W. of Spoleto, at the head of 
a torrent of the same name, which flows into 
the Tiber not far from Todi ; mentioned by 
St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the Sun), 
together with Casale, Par. xii. 124. The 
allusion is to Matteo d'Acquasparta, a Fran- 
ciscan who, having been appointed General of 
the Order in 1287, introduced relaxations of 
discipline, which were strongly opposed by 
Ubertino da Casale and his following [CaaaleJ. 
Matteo was created cardinal by Nicholas IV 
in 1288 ; he was sent in 1300, and again in 
1 301, by Boniface VIII to settle the differences 
between the Bianchi and Neri in Florence, 
a mission in which be totally failed (Vill. viii. 
40, 49) ; he died in 1302. 

Acri, Acre or Acca (the Ptolemais of the 
N.T.), commonly called St. Jean d'Acre by 
Europeans, town and seaport of Syria, situated 
on a low promontory at the N. extremity of 
the Bay of Acre, about 80 miles N.W. of 
Jerusalem and 27 S. of Tyre (mod. Siir). 
After having been in the possession of the 
Saracens since the middle of Cent, vii. Acre 
was taken by the Crusaders under Baldwin I 
in 1 104, who made it their principal port, 
and retained it until 1187, when it was re- 
covered by Saladin. In 1191, after a long 
siege, which cost 100,000 lives, it was retaken 
by Richard Cceur-de-Lion and Philip of France, 



[5] 



Aori 



Adamo 



who gave the town to the knights of St. John 
of Jerusalem, whence it received the name of 
St. Jean d'Acre. It remained in the posses- 
sion of the Christians for a hundred years, 
during which, in spite of being continually 
assaulted by the Saracens, it grew into a large 
and populous city, with numerous churches, 
convents, and hospitals, enclosed on the land 
side within a double line of immensely strong 
fortifications. In the spring of 129 1, however, 
in consequence of the violation of a truce with 
the Saracens on the part of the Christian 
mercenaries in the city, it was besieged with 
a great host by the Sultan, El-Melik El- 
Ashraf Khaleel, and after holding out for a few 
weeks was carried by assault, 60,000 of the 
inhabitants being taken prisoners, and either 
put to the sword or sold into slavery. With 
this great disaster, by which the last of the 
Christian possessions in the Holy Land passed 
back into the hands of the Saracens, the Latin 
kingdom of Jerusalem came to an end. On 
receipt of the news the Pope, Nicholas IV, at 
once attempted to organize a new crusade for 
the recove^ of the city, and called upon all 
Christians, under pain of excommunication, to 
abstain from any further traffic with Egypt, 
the head-quarters of the Mussulman power. 

The I0S5 of Acre is referred to by Guido da 
Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), who reproaches Boniface VIII with 
carrying on war at home with Christians 
(meaning the Colonnesi), instead of devoting 
his resources to the recovery of Acre and the 
chastisement of the Saracens, Inf. xxvii. 85-9. 
[Colonnesi: Laterano.] 

Villani, who gives a long account of the fall 
of Acre (which is copied almost verbatim by 
Benvenuto), laments the loss of the place, 
apparently not so much as a blow to Chris- 
tianity, as on account of the damage inflicted 
on commerce by the closing to the West of 
such a valuable emporium : — 

'La cristianita ricevette uno grandissimo dam- 
maggio, che per la perdita d'Acri non rimase nella 
terra santa neuna terra per gli cristiani ; e tutte le 
buone terre di mercatanzia che sono alle nostre 
marine e frontiere, mai poi non valsono la met^ 
a profitto di mercatanzia e d*arti per lo buono sito 
dov* era la citta d'Acri, perocch* ell* era nella 
fronte del nostro mare e in mezzo di Soria, e quasi 
nel mezzo del mondo abitato, presso a Gerusalem 
settanta miglia, e fondaco e porto d*ogni merca- 
tanzia si del levante come del ponente ; e di tutte 
le generazioni delle genti del mondo v* usavano 
per fare mercatanzia, e turcimanni v' avea di tutte 
le lingue del mondo, si ch' ella era quasi com' uno 
alimento al mondo. . . . Venuta la dolorosa novella 
in ponente, il papa ordind grandi indulgenzie e 
perdoni a chi facesse aiuto o soccorso alia terra 
santa, mandando a tutti i signori de' cristiani, che 
volea ordinare passaggio generale, e difese con 
grandi processi e scomuniche quale cristiano 
andasse in Alessandria o in terra d'Egitto con 



mercatanzia, o vittuaglia, o legname, o ferro, o 
desse per alcuno modo aiuto o favore/ (viL 145.) 

Actus Apostolorum, the Acts of the Apostles, 
Mon. ii. S"^^ (ref. to Ac/s i. 26) ; Mon. iii. 
1^42-3 . quoted, Conv. iv. 2o2«-9 {Ads x. 34) ; 
Mon. iii. 9137-9 (^^/^ i. i) . Mon. iii. i3*3-«3 
(Acts XXV. 10; xxvii. 24; xxviii. 19) ; Epist. 
v. 4 (Acts ix. 5). The book of the Acts of the 
Apostles is supposed to be symbolized by the 
elder habited like a physician (in allusion to 
the description of the author as 'Luke, the 
beloved physician,* Coioss, iv. 14) in the 
mystical Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 134-8, 145-8 [Processlone]. 

Adalagia], Alazais (Adelais), wife of Barral, 
lord of Marseilles, of whom the troubadour 
Folquet of Marseilles was enamoured ; his love 
for her is hinted at, Par. ix. 96-9. [Foloo.] 

Adam, Adam, V. E. i. 42*, 6IO' ", 49 . Mon. 
ii. 132* ^ ; gen. Adam, V. E. i. 6^® ; gen. Adae, 
Mon. ii. 13^' 6 ; dat. Adae, V. E. i. 424, 6i7. 

t Adamo.] — Note, D. follows the Vulgate in 
lis use of the inflected form of the Latin Adam ; 
.^£^ occurs as dat. in Gen, ii. 20; iii. 17 ; as 
gen. in Rom, v. 14; Adam occurs as gen. in 
Gen, V. I, 4 ; as ace. in Gen, ii. 19, 22, &c. ; as 
abl. in Gen, ii. 22. 

Adamo, Adam, the first man, Inf. iii. 115 ; 
Purg. ix. 10 ; xi. 44 ; xxix. 86 ; xxxii. 37 ; 
Conv. iv. I528» 32, 63, 70 ; Mon. ii. I32> 6 ; y. E. 
i. 4"-*, 6^o» ^'*^» *9 ; // primo parente. Inf. iv. 55 ; 
Conv. iv. 152^; il primo generante, Con. iv. 
1528 ; pumana radice, Purg. xxviii. 142 ; radix 
humanae propaginis, V. E. i. 8®; Panima 
frimaf Purg. xxxiii. 62 ; Par. xxvi. 83 ; V. E. 
1. 6*^ ; ranima primaia. Par. xxvi. 100 ; Puom 
che non nacque. Par. vii. 26 ; seme delPumana 
natura, Par. vii. 86 ; il petto onde la cost a Si 
trasse per formar la delta guancia^ II cui 
palato a tutto il mondo costa. Par. xiii. 37-9 ; 
la terra degna Di tutta P animal perfezione. 
Par. xiii. 82-3 ; // primo pculre^ Par. xiii. 1 1 1 ; 
porno eke maturo Solo prodotto fosti, Par. 
xxvi. 91-2 ; padre antico. Par. xxvi. 92 ; // 
padre per lo cui ardito gusto Vumana specie 
tanto amaro gusta. Par. xxxii. 122-3 ; il mag- 
gior padre difamiglia, Par. xxxii. 136 ; primus 
homo, V. E. i. 5^"*> ^2 . primus loquens, V. E. 
i. S^-f* 6^'^ ; vir sine matre, vir sine lacte, qui 
neque pupillarem aetatem nee vidit cuiultam, 
V. E. i. 6^7 ; Adam and Eve, la prima gente, 
Purg. i. 24 ; // primi parentis Par. vii. 148 ; 
primi parentes, Mon. i. 16"^; Adam and 
St. Peter, due rcullci (of the Celestial Rose), 
Par. xxxii. 1 20. 

// mal seme cP Adamo, i. e. the damned. Inf. 
iii. 115; quel cP Adamo, i.e. human nature, 
Purg. ix. 10; so la came cP Adamo, Purg. xi. 
44 » ^^ figl^^ d^ Adamo, i.e. womankind, Purg. 
xxix. 86 ; figli cPAdamOy figlitioli cPAdamo^ 



[6] 



Adamo 



Adamo, Maestro 



i.e. mankind, Conv. iv. 1$^^'"^^ ; jUti Adam, 
V. E. i. 610. 

Adam created as a full-grown man, Par. vii. 
26 ; XX vi. 91-2 ; V. E. i. 6^"^ ; the most per- 
fect of livmg things, Par. xiii. 82-3 ; V. E. i. 
5I* ; the father of the human race, Inf. iii. 
115; iv. 55 ; Purg. ix. 10 ; xi. 44 ; xxix. 86 ; 
Par. vii. 86, 148; xiii. iii; xxvi. 92; xxxii. 
122, 136; Mon. i. 16^; his and Eve's eating 
of the forbidden fruit the cause of all the 
woes of mankind. Par. xiii. 37-9 ; xxxii. 
122-3. 

Adam is mentioned by Virgil among those 
released by Christ from Limbo, Inf. iv. 55 
[liimbo] ; his name is murmured by those 
who accompany the mystical Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise in token of their re- 
probation of his sin of disobedience, Purg. 
xxxii. 37 ; his place in the Celestial Rose, 
where be is seated on the left hand of the 
Virgin Mary, as being the first to believe in 
Christ to come, while St. Peter, the first to 
believe in Christ come, is seated on her right, 
is pointed out to D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 
121-6 [Bosa] ; D. sees his spirit in the 
Heaven of the Fixed Stars, quarto lume (the 
other three being those of the three Apostles, 
St. Peter, St. James, and St. John), Par. xxvi. 
81 ; being informed by Beatrice who it is, 
D. bums with a desire to hear him speak and 
prays him to gratify it (w. 82-96) ; Adam com- 
plies, and informs D. that he was expelled 
n-om Paradise for disobedience and pride (vv. 
97-117); that the Creation took place 5232 
(i.e. 4302 + 930) years before the Crucifixion 
(hence 6498, i.e. j 232 + 1300-34, years before 
the date of the Vision) (w. 118-20) ; that he 
lived 930 years upon earth {Gen, v. 5) \uv, 121- 
3) ; that the language he spoke was extinct 
before the building of the Tower of Babel 
(w. 124-6) (see below) \ that speech is natural 
to man, but the manner of it subject to his 
will {yv. ivj-yi) ; that before his death God 
was called /upon earth, but that afterwards 
man changed the name to El (w. 133-8) 
[Bl] ; lastly, that he abode in Paradise rather 
more than six hours (in/. 139-42). 

In discussing the nature of nobility D. 
argues that, if it is merely hereditary and 
cannot be begot anew in any individual, then, 
if Adam was noble, all mankind must be 
noble, and, if Adam was vile, then all mankind 
must be vile, Conv. iv. is^^-s*; Solomon's 
description (EccUs. iii. 21) of mankind, as 
distinct from beasts, as the sons of Adam, 
Conv. iv. 1585-71 ; the sin of Adam not pun- 
ished in Christ if the Roman Empire did not 
exist of right, Mon. ii. 13^"^; all mankind 
sinners through his sin, Mon. i. 16®""®; ii. 
I3*"7. Adam the first being endowed with 
speech, V. E. i. 4*^*"*^; his first utterance 
addressed to God, V. E. i. s^~^ ? the absurd 
pretensions of those who claim that their 



mother- tongue was the language spoken by' 
Adam, V. E. i. 6i^"i7 ; the language spoken 
by him Hebrew, which survived the confusion 
of tongues at the building of the Tower of 
Babel, V. E. i. 6«-«i (D. retracts this opinion, 
Par. xxvi. 124-6). [Heber.] 

Adamo, Maestro, Master Adam of 
Brescia, famous coiner, who, at the instigation 
of the Conti Guidi of Romena, counterfeited 
the gold florin of Florence, striking coins con- 
taining one-eighth of alloy (21 carats of gold 
instead of 24, the legal standard). The fraud 
was soon detected, and the Florentines, jealous 
for the purity of their coinage, which had 
become a standard throughout Christendom, 
caused the false coiner to be burned alive 
(in 1 281) at Consuma, on the road between 
Florence and Romena, in the Casentino. 

D. places Maestro Adamo among the Falsi- 
fiers in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxx. 61 ; masiro A,, v, 104 ; 
un fatto a guisa di liuto, v. 49 ; FidropicOy 
V. 112; quel ch^ avea enfiata Pepa, v, 119; 
il monetier, v, 124 [Falsatori] ; after parting 
from Gianni Schicchi and Myrrha in Bolgia 
10, D. and Virgil come upon a figure dis- 
torted with dropsy. Inf. xxx. 46-57 ; it ad- 
dresses D. and names itself as Master Adam 
(w, 58-61) ; then, after describing the tortures 
he is suffering from thirst (w, 62-72), he pro- 
ceeds to narrate the circumstances of his 
crime and punishment (w. 73-5), and says that 
if he could see the three brothers Guidi down 
there in Hell he would not barter the sight 
for the Fonte Branda {vv, 76-8) [Branda, 
Fonte]; he adds that he has been told that 
one of them (probably Aghinolfo) is already 
in Hell, and that if he had been able to stir, 
though only at the rate of an inch in a hun- 
dred years, he would ere this have cet out to 
look for him, since it was he and his brothers 
who had brought himself to this pass {w. 79- 
90) ; D. then questions him as to two figures 
lying prostrate close by {w. 91-3) ; he replies 
that they are Potiphar's wife and Sinon the 
Greek, who were in that position when he 
arrived and had not stirred since {w, 94-9) ; 
Sinon thereupon strikes Master Adam on the 
paunch with his fist, and the latter returns 
the blow, smiting S. in the face {w. 100-5) ; 
they then indulge in mutual recriminations 
{w, 106-29), to which D. listens until he is 
reproved by Vii^il {w. 130-2), and they move 
on [Sinone]. 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says : — 

* Questi fu maestro Adamo da Brescia, grandis- 
simo maestro di monete ; fu tirato in Casentino nel 
castello di Romena al tempo che i conti di quelle 
lato stavono male col comune di Firenze. Erono 
allora signori di Romena, et d'attomo in quello 
paese, tre fratelli: il conte Aghinolfo, il conte 
Guido, et il conte Alessandro ; il maestro Adamo, 
riduttosi con loro, costoro il missono in sul salto, 



[7] 



Adioe 



Adimari 



et feciongli'battcrc iiorini sotto il conio del comune 
di Firenzc, ch' erono buoni di peso ma non di 
lega; per6 ch'egli crono di xzi carati, dove elli 
debbono essere di zxiiii; si che tre carati v'avea 
dentro di rame o d'altro metallo : venia Tuno 
a essere peg^^io il nono o circa. Di questi fiorini 
se ne spesono assai : ora nel line, vcnendo un di 
il maestro Adamo a Fircnze spendcndo di questi 
fiorini, furono conosciuti essere falsati : fu preso 
et ivi fu arso.' 

Master Adam is said to have been originally 
employed by the Florentines to coin their 
fi^old florins, so that it was an easy matter for 
him to counterfeit them. Butler suggests that 
he had been introduced into Florence by his 
fellow-townsman, Filippo degli Ugoni, who 
was Podestk in 1252, when the gold florin was 
first struck, as Villani records: — 

' Nel detto tempo ... la cittade mont6 molto in 
istato e in ricchezze e signoria, e in gran tran- 
quillo: per la qual cosa i mercatanti di Firenze 
per onore del comune, ordinaro col popolo e comune 
che si battesse moneta d^oro in Firenze ; e eglino 
promisono di fomire la moneta d'oro, che in 
prima battea moneta d*aricnto da danari dodici 
Tuno. £ allora si cominci6 la buona moneta 
d'oro fine di ventiquattro carati, che si chiamano 
fiorini d*oro, e contavasi Tuno soldi venti. £ ci6 
fu al tempo del detto mcsser Filippo degli Ugoni 
di Brescia, del mese di Novembrc gli anni di 
Cristo 1959. I quali fiorini, gli otto pesarono una 
oncia, e dall* uno lato era la 'mpronta del giglio, 
e dall* altro il san Giovanni.' (vl 53.) 

According to Troya the fraud upon the 
Florentines was found out through the acci- 
dental burning down of a house belonging to 
the Anchioni in the Mugello, when a large 
collection of the counteifeit coins was dis- 
covered. 

Adice, the Adige, river of Upper Italy, 
formed by th^ junction of the Etsch or Adige 
proper and the Eisach, which rise in the 
Tyrolese Alps and flow S. as one stream 
through the Tyrol past Trent and Roveredo ; 
entering Italy the river turns S.£. towards 
Verona, which it encloses in a loop, and sub- 
sequently flows E. past Rovigo and falls into 
the Adriatic a few miles below Chioggia,and 
about eight to the N. of the most northerly 
outlet of the Po. 

D. mentions it in connexion with the de- 
flection of its course by a g^eat landslip in the 
neighbourhood of Trent, Ii5. xii. 4-5 [l^^nto] : 
the March of Treviso, with Lombardy and 
Romagna, is described by Marco Lombardo 
(in Circle III of Purgatory) as // paese cK 
Adice e Po riga, Purg. xvi. 115 [Maroa Tri- 
visiana] ; Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) 
refers to the inhabitants of the greater part of 
the modern province of Venetia, includmg the 
towns of Vicenza, Padua, Treviso, Feltro, Bel- 
luno (and perhaps Verona and Venice), as la 
turba . . . Che Tagliamento ed Adice richiude^ 



Par. ix. 43-4 [Tagliamento].— A^^/^. D. uses 
the article, VAdice^ Inf. xii. 5 ; elsewhere he 
writes Adice^ Purg. xvi. 115; Par. ix. 44. 

Adimari], powerful Florentine family, al- 
luded to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as roltracotata schiatta^ Par. xvi. 115; 
he describes them as overbearing and savage 
to such as gave way to them, but servile 
towards those who opposed them or were 
wealthy {w. 11 5-17); and adds that in his 
day they were already coming into impor- 
tance, but were of such low extraction that 
Ubertino Donati (who had married a daughter 
of Bellincione Berti, of the house of Ravignani) 
was not by any means pleased when his wife's 
sister married one of them (w. 118-20) [Bel- 
linoion Berti : Donato, Ubertin]. 

Villani says of the Adimari : — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . il 
legnaggio degli Adimari i quali furono stratti di 
casa i Cosi, che oggi abitano in Porta rossa, e 
santa Maria Nipotecosa feciono eglino : e bene 
che sieno oggi il maggiore legnaggio di quello 
sesto e di Firenze, non furono per6 in quelli 
tempi de* piii antichi ' (iv. 1 1). 

He says they were Guelfs (v. 39), and as 
such were expelled from Florence in 1248 
(vi. 33) ; they were among those who took 
refuge in Lucca after the Ghibelline victory 
at Montaperti in 1260 (vi. 79); and, when 
subsequently the Guelf party in Florence split 
up into Bianchi and Neri, thev all joined the 
former, with the exception of the Cavicciuli 
branch : — 

* I Cerchi furono in Firenze capo della parte 
bianca, e con loro tennero della casa degli Adimari 
quasi tutti, se non se il lato de* Cavicciuli.' (viii. 

39f) 

It appears from Villani (vii. 56) that there 
was a bitter feud between them and the Donati 
(who were afterwards leaders of the Neri) 
long before the split-up of the Guelf party in 
Florence, and this feud is doubtless hinted at 
in Cacciaguida's allusion, Par. xvi. 118-20; 
Benvenuto comments on this passage : — 

* Unus nobilis de Donatis nomine Ubertinus 
moleste tulit quod soror uxoris suae daretur unl 
de Adimaris. . . . Ad quod sciendum quod dominus 
Bellincionus fuit soccr Ubcrtini de Donatis, qui 
filiam suam habuit in uxorem ; sed quia tradidit 
aliam filiam uni de Adimaris Ubertinus valde 
indignatus fuit, quia reputabat sibi ad verecundiam, 
quod esset factus affinis et cognatus unius de 
Adimaris.' 

The Adimari, who were divided into three 
branches, viz. the Argenti, the Aldobrandi, and 
the Cavicciuli, were D.'s near neighbours in 
Florence, and were notoriously hostile to him. 
This was especially the case with the Cavic- 
ciuli branch, who, as Villani states (viii. 39), 
unlike the rest of the family, joined the Neri ; 
one of these, a certain Boccaccio or Boccac- 



[8] 



Adoardo 



Adriano 



dno, according to the old commentators, got 
possession of D.'s property when he was 
exiled, and always actively opposed his return. 
Benvenuto says : — 

' Est pracsciendum, quod isti vocantur Adimari, et 
alio nomine Caviccioli, ex quibus fuit unus nomine 
Boccaccinus, quern Dantes offenderet tempore quo 
erat in statu. Quare ille post exilium autoris impe- 
travit in communi bona ejus^ et semper fuit slbi 
infestus, et totis viribus semper obstitit cum con- 
sortibus et amicis ne autor reverteretur ad patriam. 
Quare autor facit istam vindictam cum penna, 
quam non potuit facere cum spata.' 

According to Dino Compagni (ii. 25) one of 
the Adimari, one Baldinaccio, was included 
in the same sentence of banishment in 1302 
as D. himself. 

Adoardo. [Edoardo.] 

AdolfOy Adolf of Nassau, Emperor (but 
never crowned) from 1292 to 1298, in which 
year he was defeated and slain in a battle near 
Worms by his successor, Albert I. [Alberto 
Tedesco.] D. mentions him, together with 
Albert, and his predecessor Rudolf, among the 
successors of Frederick II, Conv. iv. 3*^~2. 
[Federigo ^ : Bidolfo ^ : Table iz.] 

Adrasto, Adrastus, King of Argos, father 
of Argia and Deiphyle, whom he respectively 
married to Polynices of Thebes, and Tydeus 
of Calydon, each of them a fugitive from his 
native country. His attempt to restore Poly- 
nices to the throne of Thebes, which had been 
usurped by his brother Eteocles, led to the 
celebrated war of the Seven against Thebes, 
Adrastus, Polynices, and Tydeus being joined 
by four other heroes, Amphiaraus, Capaneus, 
Hippomedon, and Parthenopaeus. 

D. mentions A., in illustration of his defini- 
tions of * stupore,* * pudore/ and * verecundia,' 
in connexion with three incidents related by 
Statius in the Thebaidy Conv. iv. 25^^*' 78-88, 
107-16, — First (* stupore *) how he was stupefied 
when he saw Polynices covered with a lion's 
skin, and Tydeus with that of a wild-boar, the 
oracle of Apollo having told him that his 
daughters should marry a lion and a wild- 
boar : 

*Hic primnm lostrare ocalis caltoaqae viroram 
Telaqae magna vacat: tergo videt hnjns inanem 
Inpexis atrimqne jubts horrere leonem . . . 
Terribiles contra saetis ac dente recnrvo 
Tjrdea per latos nmcros ambire laborant 
Fjcaviae, Calydonis bonos. Stapet omine taoto 
Defixaa tenior, divina oracnla Phoebi 
Agnoaceos ... 

Sensit manifesto nomine dactoe 
Adfore, qnoa nexis ambagibaa angar Apollo 
Portendi generos, voltn fallente feranun, 
Bdideiat.*^ ( Tfub, L 482 fiL) 

Second (' pudore '), how his daughters ^ turned 
pale and red,' and kept their eyes fixed on 
his face when they were brought by their 
nurse, Acaste, into the presence of Tydeus and 
Polynices : 



[9] 



'Tone rex longaevns Acasten 
(Natanim haec altriz . . .) 
Imperat acciri tacitaqae immarmarat anre. 
Nee mora praeceptis. cum protinus ntraqae virgo 
Arcano egreasae thaiamo: . . . 

Nova deinde padori 
Visa viruro facies: pariter pallorque ruborqne 
Purpareas hansere gcnas, oculiqae verentes 
Ad sanctum rediere patrem.* {Xheb. i. 539 flf.) 

Thirdly (* verecundia *), how Polynices, being 
questioned by Adrastus as to his parentage, 
mentions his mother and his country, but out 
of shame does not mention the name of his 
father Oedipus [Edipo] : 

' " Cadmus origo patrum, tellus Mavortia Thebe, 
Est {[enetrix Jocasta mihi.*' Turn motns Adrastus 
Hospitiis (agnovit enim): "Quid nota recondis?*'* 

(7)U».i. 68off.) 

It was probably this last passage, as is noticed 
by Benvenuto, that suggested to D. the delicate 
touch whereby he makes Manfred speak of 
himself as * the grandson of the Empress Con- 
stance* (Purg. iii. 113), thus avoiding the men- 
tion of his mother, he being a natural son. 
Benvenuto observes : 

* Facit Manfredus sicut mulus, qui interrogatus 
a leone cujus filius esset, dicebat : sum nepos equi, 
cum ipse esset filius asini. Simile est ei, quod 
scribit Statius secundo Majoris de Polynice, qui 
interrogatus ab Adrasto rege Argivorum, nolebat 
propalare nomen patris sui Oedipi, qui infamis 
genuerat eum ex matre propria.' 

Adria, the Adriatic sea ; Ravenna referred 
to by Tityrus (i. e. D.) as being in the Emilia 
on the shores of the Adriatic, * Aemilida qua 
terminat Adria terram,' Eel. ii. 68. [Adria- 
tico: Bavenna.] 

Adriano^, Adriatic; il lito Adriano^ i.e. 
the shores of the Adriatic, the reference being 
to the situation of the monastery of Sta. Maria 
in Porto fuori at Ravenna, or, more probably, 
to that of Sta. Maria in Pomposa near Co- 
macchio, Par. xxi. 122 [Damiano, Pier] ; il 
mare Adriano^ i. e. the Adriatic sea, Conv. iv. 
13121. [Adriatioo.] 

Adriano 2], Adrian V (Ottobuonode* Fieschi 
of Genoa), elected Pope at Rome, in succession 
to Innocent V, July 11, 1276 ; died at Viterbo 
on Aug. 16 following, before he had been 
crowned. He was nephew of Innocent IV, 
and had been sent by Clement IV to England 
as legate in 1268, in which capacity he helped 
to bring about the restoration of peace after 
the Barons' War, and preached the Crusade 
of 1270 which was joined by Prince Edward. 
O. places him among the Avaricious in Circle 
V of Purgatory, alluding to him as successor 
Petriy Purg. xix. 99 ; Faltro nascosto^ v, 84 ; 

f'uella creaturay v, 89 ; Roman Pastore^ v. 107 
Avari]. When D. and Virgil enter the Circle 
of the Avaricious, V. prays the spirits to direct 
them on their upward course (Purg. xix. 
70-8) ; a voice (that of Adrian V) replies, 
bidding them bear continually to the right 
(w, 79-81) ; D., with the approval of V., ap- 



Adrianus 



Aeneis 



proaches the speaker (tn/, 84-90) and addresses 
him, asking who he was and what sin he and 
his companions are expiating (w. 91-6) ; he 
replies that he had been a Pope (vv, 97-9), 
of the family of the Counts of Lavagna (vv. 
100-2) [Lavagna], and had only held office 
a little more than a month (zn/. 103-5) ; he 
then tells D. how during his life he had been 
avaricious, for which he was now being 
punished, and how after he became Pope he 
turned from his evil ways (vv. 106-14) ; and 
explains that he and his companions are 
undergoing purgation from the sin of avarice 
(w. 115-26); becoming aware that D. is 
kneeling, A. asks the reason (zn/. 127-30) ; 
D. replies that it is out of respect for the 
papal dignity (tti/. 131-2) ; whereupon A. bids 
him rise, reminding him that earthly distinc- 
tions have no place there (t/v. 133-8) ; he then 
dismisses D., after mentioning his niece Alagia 
as the only one of his kin whose prayers could 
avail him (tw. 139-45) [Alag^ia]. 

Adrianus, Pope Adrian 1 (772-795) ; men- 
tioned by D., who erroneously states that 
Charlemagne was crowned Emperor by him, 
in reference to the fact that it was at his invi- 
tation that the King of the Franks attacked 
and crushed the Lombards under Desiderius, 
and thus saved the Church from destruction, 
Mon. iii. ii'~^ [Carlo Magno : Desiderio]. 
D.'s authority for these statements was prob- 
ably Vincent of Beauvais, who records the 
events here referred to in the Speculum His- 
toriale (xxiii. 168-70). 

Adriatico. [Adriatioum Mare.] 

Adriaticum Mare, the Adriatic Sea ; its 
shores the £. limit of the Italian language, 
V. E. i. 8^3-7 . receives the waters of the left 
side of Italy (if the Apennines be taken as the 
dividing line from N. to S.), V. E. i. lo*'^"^ . 
referred to as, la marina^ Inf. v. 98 ; Purg. xiv. 
92 ; il mar£y Par. viii. 63 ; // mare Adriano^ 
Conv. iv. 1 3^21 . Adriay Eel. ii. 68. [Adria : 
Adriano ^ : Mare Adrianc] 

Adtllatori], Flatterers, placed among the 
Fraudulent in Bolgia 2 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 100-36 [Frodolenti] ; 
their punishment is to be plunged up to the 
lips in filthy excrement, while they beat their 
heads with their fists, 7/2/. 104-8, 112-14, 124. 
Examples : Alessio Interminei of Lucca 
[Alessio Interminei] ; the harlot Thais 
[Taide]. 

Aeacidae, descendants of Aeacus, king of 
Aegina ; Pyrrhus, king of Epirus (who claimed 
the title of Aeacides as being descended from 
Achilles, grandson of Aeacus), described by 
D. as ' tam moribus Aeacidarum, quam san- 
guine generosus,* Mon. ii. io^*^~**. [Eaoo : 
Pirro'^.] 



Aegvptiiy Egyptians ; do not concern 
themselves with the political system of the 
Scythians, Mon. iii. 3154-16 (from Ethics iii. 3 : 
' quomodo Scythae optime administrare rem- 
publicam possint, nuUus ex Lacedaemoniis 
consultat,'— D. having by a slip of memory 
substituted Egyptians for Spartans) ; as op- 
pressors of the Israelites they typify the oppo- 
nents of the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. v. i. 

Aegyptius, Egyptian, Mon. iii. 3I2. [Ae- 

gyptiij 

Aegyptus, Egypt; the exodus of the 
Israelites from (Psalm cxiv. l), Purg. ii. 46 ; 
Epist. X. 7 fBgitto] ; Vesoges, king of, Mon. 
ii. 9*^^ [Vesogea] ; death of Alexander the 
Great in, Mon. ii. 9**!'"^ [Alessandro 2] ; 
Ptolemy XII, king of, Mon. ii. 96^-70 [Tolom- 
meo 2], 

Aemilis Terra, the Emilia, province of 
N. Italy, corresponding roughly (as regards 
its present boundaries) with the old province 
of Romagna ; mentioned by Tityrus (i. e. D.) 
in connexion with the situation of Ravenna on 
the Adriatic coast, 'Aemilida qua terminat 
Adria terram,' Eel. ii. 68. [Bavenna: Bo- 
magna.] 

Aeneas, the hero of i}^^ Aeneidy Mon. ii. 

j30, 46) 61, 64, 71, 113^ ^^\^ 7C9, 80^ j j8, 16 j Epist. 

vii. 4. [Enea.] 

Aeaeis, the Aeneid of Virgil, epic poem in 
twelve books, containing an account of the 
fortunes of Aeneas after the fall of Troy, and 
of his wanderings until he settled in Italy; 
quoted as (ace. sing.) Aeneidem (wsLr.Aeneida), 
Mon. ii. 3'-^^ ; (gen. sing.) Aeneidos^ Mon. ii. 
Ii^fi ; and (according to nearly all the printed 
edd.), V. E. ii. 8^2 j (gen. plur.) Aenetdorum^ 
V. E. ii. 4*^3 J and (according to Pio Rajna), 
V. E. ii. 82-' ; Eneida, Purg. xxi. 97 ; V. N. 
J 2576,88. Conv. i. 3^5; ii. 612'J; iii. \\^^^ \ 
IV. 4IIS, 7.^^y 26^1* ^ ; D. speaking to Virgil 
calls it il tuo volume^ Inf. 1. 84 ; V. himself 
calls it la mia rima^ Inf. xiii. 48 ; Valia mia 
Tragedia^ Inf. xx. 113; Statins calls it la 
divina fiamma Onde sono allumati piik di 
milUy Purg. xxi. 95-6 ; and says of it, mamma 
Fummi^ e fummi nutrice poetandoy w. 97-8. — 
Note, The barbarous gen. plur. Aeneidorum 
(V. E. ii. 473, ^i-% which is doubtless due to 
the analogy of Bucolicorum^ Georgicorum (from 
Bucolica^ Georgica)^ is by no means uncommon 
in mediaeval MSS. Rajna mentions two well- 
known MSS. of the Aeneidy one of Cent, xi, 
the other, which belonged to Petrarca, of 
Cent, xiii or early Cent xiv, in which this form 
constantly recurs, especially in the headings 
to the several books. 

D. quotes from, or refers to, the Aeneid 
directly upwards of forty times: — Inf. xx. 
112-3 (Aen. ii. 114); Purg. xxii. 40-1 (Aen. 



[10] 



Aeneis 



Aetnicus 



iii. 56-7) ; Purg. xxx. 21 (A en, vi. 884) ; Purg. 
XXX. 48 (Aen, iv. 23) ; V. N. § 2$"^^^ (Aen» i. 
65,76-7; iii. 94); Conv.i. 3^6-7 (^^.iv.i74-j) ; 
Conv. ii. 6^^^~3 (Aen» i. 664-5) ; Conv. iii. 
uifiMo (^Aen. ii. 281) ; Conv.iv. 4I17-19 (Aen. 
i. 278-9) ; Conv. iv. 26^^^*^ (Aen, iv, v, vi ; 
iv. 272-82 ; vi. 98 ff. ; v. 715-18 ; v. 545 if. ; 
vi. 162-84; V. 45 ff.); V. E. ii. 473-5 (Aen. 
vi. 129-31) ; V. E. ii. 8^3 (Aen, i. i) ; Mon. 
ii. 3*«"^i* (Aen, i. 342 ; i. 544-5 ; vi. 166-70 ; 
iii. 1-2; viii. 134-7; iii. 163-7; iii. 339-40; 
iv. 1 7 1-2 ; xii. 936-7) ; Mon. ii. /^^^"'^ (Aen, 
viii. 652-6) ; Mon. ii. 597-120 {^Aen, vi. 844-5 '» 
vi. 826; vi. 821-2) ; Mon. ii. 771-80 (Aen, vi. 
848-54 ; iv. 227-30) ; Mon. ii. 8^2-4 (Aen, v. 
237-8) ; Mon. ii. 98*~6 (Aen, i. 234-6) ; Mon. 
li. Ii8"*-2i (Aen, xii. 697-765; xii. 938-52); 
Epist. vi. 5 (Aen, ii. 353) ; Epist. vii. 3 (Aen, 
i. 286-7) ; Epist. vii. 4 (Aen, iv. 272-6). 

D. was also indebted to the Aeneid for 
information or details as to the following: — 
*just' Aeneas (Aen, i. 544-5), Inf. i. 73-4 
[Snea] ; ' proud ' Ilium (Aen, iii. 2-3), Inf. i. 
75 (cf. Inf. xxx. 14 ; Purg. xii. 61-3) [Ilion] ; 
* humble' Italy (Aen, iii. 522-3), Int. i. 106 
[Italia] ; Camilla (Aen, xi. 657, 768-831), Inf. 
1. 107; iv. i24[Cammilla] ; Nisus and Eurya- 
lus (Aen, ix. 176-449), Inf. i. 108 [Eurialo: 
Zi^iso] ; Tumus (Aen, xii. 947-52), Inf. i. 108 
rTurnol ; Silvius (Aen, vi. 763), Inf. ii. 13 
[Silvlof ; Charon (Aen, vi. 298-301), Inf. iii. 
82-109 [Caron] ; Electra, ancestress of Aeneas 
(Aen, viii. I34ff.)i Inf. iv. 121 [Elettra^] ; 
Penthesilea (Aen, i. 490-3; xi. 662), Inf. iv. 
124 [Pentesilea] ; Latinus and Lavinia (Aen, 
vii. 72), Inf. iv. 125-6 [Iiatino^: Iiavinial; 
Minos (Aen, vi. 432-3), Inf. v. 4-5 [Miz^oBj ; 
Dido and Sychaeus (Aen, iv. 68, loi, 552), 
Inf. V. 62 ; Par. ix. 97-8 [Dido : Sioheo] ; 
Cerberus (Aen, vi. 395-6, 417-23), Inf. vi. 13- 
33 ; ix. 98-9 [Cerbero] ; Styx (Aen. vi. 323, 
569), Inf. vii. 106 [Stigel ; the Furies (Aen, 
vi. 554-5), Inf. ix. 36-42 LESrine] ; Tisiphone 
(Aen, X. 761), Inf. ix. 48 [Tesifone] ; Dis 
(Aen, vi. 127), Inf. viii. 68 [Dite] ; Pasiphae 
(Aen, vi. 24-6, 447), Inf. xii. 12-13 [Paelfe] ; 
the Harpies (Aen, iii. 209 ff.). Inf. xiii. 10-15 
[Arpie] ; the trees inhabited by spirits (Aen, 
iii. 26 ff.), Inf. xiii. 31 ff. [Pier delle Vigne: 
Suioidi] ; Crete and Rhea (Aen, iii. 104-5, 
111-12), Inf. xiv. 94-102 [Creta: Beat; 
Cocytus (Aen, vi. 323), Inf. xiv. 119 [CooitoJ ; 
Manto (Aen, x. 198-200), Inf. xx. 55 ff. 
[ICaato] ; Cacus (Aen, viii. 193-267), Inf. 
XXV. 17-27 [Caco]; Sinon (Aen, ii. 183-98; 
ii. ^^ ff.), Inf. xxvi. 58-60 ; xxx. 98 ff. [Slnone] ; 
the Palladium (Aen, ii. 163-70), Inf. xxvi. 63 
[Palladio] ; Gaeta (Aen, vii. 1-4), Inf. xxvi. 
^2-3 [Gaeta] ; Cato (Aen, viii. 670), Purg. 
1. 31 ff. [Catone 2] ; Tithonus and Aurora (Aen, 
iv. 584-5 ; ix. 459-60), Purg. ix. 1-3 [Aurora: 
Titone] ; the rape of Ganymede (Aen, v. 
352-7), Purg. ix. 20-4 [Ganimede : Ida ^] ; 



Circg (Aen, vii. 15, 17-20), Purg. xiv. 40-2 
[Circe] ; Amata (Aen, xii. 593-607), Purg. 
xvii. 34-9 ; Epist. vii. 7 [Amata] ; Acestes 
(Aen, V. 711-18), Purg. xviii. 136-8; Conv. 
iv. 26»*~® [Aceste ^] ; Fabricius (Aen, vi. 844- 
5), Purg. XX. 25-7 [Fabbrizio] ; Pygmalion 
(Aen, i. 340 ff.), Purg. xx. 103-5 [Pigmalione] ; 
Helicon (Aen, vii. 641 ; x. 163), Purg. xxix. 
40 [Elioona] ; the * bird of Jove,* i. e. the 
Eagle (Aen, i. 394), Purg. xxxii. 112 [AquilaJ; 
Pallas, son of Evauder (Aen, x. 479 ff. ; xii. 
887-952), Par. vi. 36 [Pallante] ; Antandros 
(Aen, iii. i-ii). Par. vi. 67 [Antandro] ; 
Hector's tomb (Aen, v. 371), Par. vi. 68 
[Bttore] ; Cupid and Dicfo (Aen, i. 657-60, 
715-19)1 Par. viii. 9 [Cupldo ; Dido] ; Dido's 
love for Aeneas (Aen, iv. 2, 68, loi). Par. ix. 
97 [Dido] ; Anchises in the Elysian fields 
(Aen, vi. 676 ff.). Par. xv. 25-7 [Anchiae: 
Elisio] ; the death of Anchises (Aen, iii. 707- 
11), Par. xix. 13 1-2 [Anchise] ; Rhipeus (Aen, 
ii. 426-7), Par. xx. 68, 121 [Rifeo]; the Sybil 
(Aen, iii. 441-52), Par. xxxni. 65-6 [Sibilla]; 
the Tarquins (Aen, vi. 818), Conv. iv. 5^1 [Tar- 
quinii] ; the Decii and Drusi (Aen, vi. 825), 
Conv. iv. 5 122-3 [Deoii : Drusi] ; Pergama, the 
citadel of Troy (Aen, iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; x. 58), 
Epist. vi. 4 [Pergama] ; Sergestus (Aen, v. 
208-72), Ed. ii. 31 [Sergestus J. 

D. not infrequently borrows or echoes 
phrases from the Aeneid \ e.g. 'ante oculos 
se offert ' (Aen, vii. 420), Inf. i. 62 ; * Sed si 
tantus amor casus cognoscere nostros ' (Aen, 
ii. 10), Inf. V. 124-5; *carcere caeco* (Aen, 
vi. 734), Inf. X. 58-9 ; Purg. xxii. 103 ; * Si 
bene quid de te merui ' (Aen, iv. 317}, Inf. xxvi. 
80-1; *Ter conatus' &c. (Aen, vi. 700-1^, 
Purg. ii. 80-1 ; * litore rubro* (Aen, viii. 686), 
Par. vi. 79 ; * sanguis meus ' (Aen, vi. 836), 
Par. XV. 28 ; ' grates persolvere dignas Non 
opis est nostrae, . . . nee quicquid ubique est 
Gentis Dardaniae ... [si qua est coelo pietas 
(Aen, ii. 536)] . . . Praemia digna ferant ' (Aen, 
\, 600-5), Epist. i. 2; *recidiva Pergama' 
(Aen, iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; x. 58;, Epist. vi. 4 ; 
' praesaga mens ' (Aen, x. 843), Epist. vi. 4 ; 
' malesuada fames ' (Aen, vi. 276), Epist. vi. 5; 
' quae tam sera moratur Segnities ? ' (Aen, ii. 
373-4), Epist. vii. 3. 

(See Moore, Studies in Dante^ i. 166-97.) 

Aeolus, god of the winds ; mentioned in 
quotation from Virgil (Aen, i.65), V. N. § 25"^^. 
[Eolo.] 

Aetna, Mt. Aetna ; name under which D. 
figures Bologna in his correspondence with 
Giovanni del Virgilio, Eel. ii. 27 ; referred to 
as Aetnaeum liius, v, 69 ; Aetnica saxa^ v, 74. 
[Etna.] 

Aetnaeus, Aetnaean ; Aetnaeum litus, i.e. 
Mt. Aetna, Eel. ii. 69. [Aetna.] 

Aetnicus, Aetnaean ; Aetnica saxa^ i. e. 
Mt. Aetna, Eel. ii. 74. [Aetna.] 



[H] 



AfQrioa 



Agamemnone 



Affrica, Africa ; the scene of the combat 
between Hercules and Antaeus, Conv. iii. 3®*"^ 
[Anteo] ; Hannibal's despatch to Carthage of 
the rings taken from the Romans slain at 
Cannae, Conv. iv. 5I66-8 [Canne] ; the African 
campaign of Scipio Africanus Major, Conv. iv. 
C163-71 [Scipione^]; the continent to which 
belonged Electra, ancestress of Aeneas, and 
Dido, his second wife, Mon. ii. 3«8-77, 102-3 
[Enea] ; Atlas, the ancestor of Aeneas, of 
African origin, Mon. ii. 3»^ [Atlas ^] ; Mt. 
Atlas in Africa, as testified by Orosius, Mon. 
ii. 385-91 [Atlas 2] ; the scene of Julius Caesar's 
victory (at Thapsus), and Cato's death (at 
Utica), Mon. ii. 5159-70 [Cesare 1 : Catone] ; 
alluded to as, le arene, Purg. xxvi. 44 ; la terra 
cheperde ombra (since in the torrid zone when 
the Sun is vertically overhead there is no 
shadow), Purg. xxx. 89 ; la terra dU larba, 
Purg. xxxi. 72 [larba]. 

Affricani. [Afrloani.] 

Affricano, Scipio Africanus Major, Purg. 
xxix. 1 16. [Soiplone 1.] 

Aforismi, the AphoristPis of Hippocrates, 
one of the chief medical authorities in the 
Middle Ages. Galen wrote a commentary 
upon them which, with the Aphorisms them- 
selves, was translated into Latin from an Arabic 
version by Constantinus at Monte Cassino in 
Cent. xi. Benvenuto defines an aphorism as 
a ' maxim in medicine,' and quotes an example 
from Hippocrates (this being the first in the 
collection) :—*ars longa, vita brevis, judicium 
difficile, tempus acutum, experimentum vero 
fallax.' 

D. mentions the Aphorisms y Par. xi. 4; 
couples them with the Tegni of Galen as in- 
appropriate gifts from a physician to a knight, 
Conv. i. 83i~3. [Ippoorate : Oalieno : Tad- 
dec] 

Afri, Africans, i.e. Carthaginians; their 
defeat by the Romans, Mon. ii. ii^^ [Carta- 
ginesi.] 

Africa, Africa, Mon. ii. 3««» s^' «7, 90, 103^ 
5i«i. [Aflfrioa.] 

Africani, Africans ; do not admit the claim 
of the Church to bestow the Imperial autho- 
rity, Mon. iii. 14'''-^; i.e. Carthaginians, com- 
manded by Hannibal in their war with the 
Romans, Mon. ii. 1 1 '»»-60^ [AfH : Cartaginesi.] 

AgdbitOy Agapetus I, Pope 535-536 ; men- 
tioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the 
Heaven of Mercury) as havmg convinced him 
of the error of his heretical belief as to there 
being but one nature in Christ, Par. vi. 14-18 
[Giustinlano]. It appears, however, as a 
matter of fact, as Butler observes, to have 
been not Justinian himself, but his wife Theo- 
dora, who held heterodox opinions, she having 
been attached to the Eutychian or Mono- 



physite heresy. The Emperor's own orthodoxy 
seems to have been unimpeachable till quite 
the end of his life (d. 565), when he lapsed 
into erroneous views concerning not the nature 
but the person of Christ. Agapetus was Pope 
at the time when the Gothic power in Italy 
was being destroyed by Belisarius, and the 
story is that he was sent by Theodatus, king 
of the Goths, to make terms with Justinian at 
Constantinople. He angered the latter by his 
refusal to acknowledge Anthimus, who had 
been translated from the see of Trebizond to 
that of Constantinople, contrary to the canon 
of the Church. The Emperor, however, over- 
come by his firmness, consented to listen to 
the charges against Anthimus, who was con- 
victed of Eutychianism and deposed from his 
see. Agapetus died at Constantinople, while 
on his mission to Justinian, in 536. 

D.'s authority for his statement as to the 
conversion of the Emperor by Agapetus may 
have been Brunetto Latino, who says : — 

' £t jli soit ce que cist Justiniens fust au com- 
mencement en Terror des hereges, en la fin 
reconut il son error par le conseil Agapite, qui tors 
estoit apostoiles/ {Tresor, i. 87.) 

According to Anastasius Bibliothecarius 
Agapetus convinced Justinian as to the two- 
fold nature of Christ : — 

'Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum deum et 
hominem esse, hoc est duas naturas esse in uno 
Christo.' 

Agag, king of the Amalekites, who was 
spared by Saul contrary to God's command, 
and afterwards slain by Samuel (i Sam. xv) ; 
mentioned as type of the opponents of the 
Emperor Henry VII in Italy, whom D. urges 
the latter to destroy as Samuel destroyed 
Agag, Epist vii. 5. 

Agamemnone], Agamemnon, son of 
Atreus, and brother of Menelaiis, the leader of 
the Greeks in the Trojan war ; alluded to by 
Beatrice (in the Heaven of the Moon) in con- 
nexion with the sacrifice of Iphigenia, as lo 
gran duca dei Greci^ Par. v. 69. 

When Helen, the wife of Menelaiis, was 
carried off by Paris, and the Greek chiefs 
resolved to recover her by force of arms, 
Agamemnon was chosen as their commander. 
After two years of preparation, the Greek 
army and fieet assembled in the port of Aulis 
in Boeotia. Here, A. having killed a stag which 
was sacred to Artemis, the goddess sent a 
pestilence on the Greek army, and produced 
a calm which prevented them from leaving the 
port In order to appease her wrath A., by 
the advice of Calchas, consented to sacrifice 
his daughter Iphigenia ; but at the moment of 
the sacrifice she was rescued by Artemis, and 
another victim was substituted in her place. 
The calm thereupon ceased, and the Greek 



[12] 



Ag4pito 



Agndl 



host sailed to the coast of Troy. [Aulide : 
Calcanta : Ifigenia.] 

Ag&pito. [Ag&bitc] 

Agathoiiy Greek poet, Mon. iii. 6^^. [Aga- 
tone.J 

Agatone, Agathon, Greek tragic poet, a 

?upil of Socrates, and friend of Euripides and 
lato, bom at Athens circ. B. c. 448, died circ. 
400 ; a tragedy of his is mentioned by Aristotle 
in the Poetics^ and he himself is several times 
mentioned in the Rhetoric^ but none of his 
works have come down to us. 

Agathon is mentioned by Virgil as being 
amon^ the Greek poets who are with Homer 
and himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 107 [Limbo] ; 
his saying (taken from Ethics vi. 2) that God 
cannot cause what is, not to have been, Mon. 
iii. 6«o-3. 

Aggregaxlone delle Stelie, LIbro delP, the 

alternative title (Liber de Aggregatione Scien- 
tiiu Stellarum) of the Element a Astronomica 
of Alfraganus ; quoted to prove that the motions 
of the heaven of Venus are threefold, Conv. ii. 
5133-6. [Alfergano : Venere, Cielo di.] 

A^hinolfo da Romena], one of the 
Conti Guidi who persuaded Maestro Adamo 
of Brescia to counterfeit the Florentine gold 
florin ; referred to by Adamo as brother of 
Guido and Alessandro da Romena, Inf. xxx. ^^ ; 
one of them (supposed to be Aghinolfo, who 
died at the beginning of 1300), he says, is 
already in Hell, v, 79 [Adamo, Maestro]. 
This Aghinolfo was the Kither of Uberto and 
Guido da Romena, to whom D. addressed one 
of his letters, Epist. ii. [Guidi, Conti : Table 
xxiv. B]. 

Aglauro, Aglauros, daughter of Cecrops, 
King of Athens, who was changed into a stone 
by Mercury, because she in jealousy tried to 
prevent him from visiting her sister Hers6 
whom he loved ; her story is told by Ovid 
{Metam. ii. 737-832). D. introduces her as an 
instance of envy in Circle II of Purgatory, 
where her voice is heard proclaiming, * I am 
Aglauros who was turned into stone,' Purg. 
xiv. 139 [Invidiosi] ; she is mentioned as the 
type of envy, Canz. xviii. 71. 

Agli, Lotto degli], Florentine judge (one 
of the Guelf sureties in the peace concluded by 
Cardinal Latino in 1280, prior in 1285, and 
podest^ of Trent in 1287), who after delivering 
an unjust judgment iwent home and hanged 
himself; he is supposed by some of the com- 
mentators to be the individual placed among 
the Suicides in Round 2 of Circle VII of Hell, 
Inf. xiii. 123-xiv. 3; cesfuglio xiii. 123, 131 ; 
quegli^ V. 139; colui^ xiv. 3. [Suicidi.] Ja- 
como da Sanf Andrea, one of those punished 
in this Round for riotous living, being pursued 
by dogs, takes refuge behind a bush ; but the 
dogs seize him and tear him to pieces, rending 



[18] 



the bush at the same time, Inf. xiii. 120-9; D. 
and Virgil approach the bush, which wails at 
being torn (w, 130-5) ; V. addresses it, and 
inquires who the spirit contained in it was 
(vv. 136-8) ; the spirit, after begging them to 
collect the leaves that had been torn from the 
bush, tells them that he was a Florentine, and 
had hanged himself in his own house {w. 
139-51); D., having collected the scattered 
leaves, restores them to the bush, and moves 
on (xiv. 1-4). 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

' Alcuni dicono, ch'egli fu un Messer Lotto degli 
Agli di Firenze, il quale pervenuto in somma 
poverta, data per danari una falsa sentenza, per 
fuggire povertli e vergogna s'impiccd/ 

The Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Fu costui . . . uno giudice della famiglia degli 
Agli, il quale, avendo renduto uno consiglio falso, 
et essendo stato condennato per questo vitu- 
perevolmente, se ne pose tanto dolore a cuore 
ch' egli, tomato a casa sua, per disperazione s'im« 
picc6 per la gola.' 

The Agli of Florence, as appears from 
Villani (v. 39) and Dino Compagni (ii. 36), 
were Guelfs. 

Other commentators think the person in- 
tended was one of the Mozzi, who hanged 
himself in despair at finding himself bankrupt ; 
thus the Anonimo (ed. Selmi) says : — 

'Questo cespuglio che piangea si ebbe nome 
Rucco de' Mozzi da Firenze ; e fu molto ricco : 
e perchd la compagnia loro falll, venne in tanta 
poverta che egli s'impiccd egli stesso in casa sua.' 

The Ottimo mentions this alternative 
opinion : — 

' Alcuni dicono che questi fu Rucco de' Mozzi di 
Firenze, il quale di molto ricco divenuto poveris- 
simo, voile finire sua vita anzi rultima miseria.' 

Buti, Benvenuto, and others, mention both 
names, but remark that, as many Florentines 
hanged themselves about this time, they are 
inclined to think that D. left the reference 
purposely vague. This is the opinion of Boc- 
caccio : — 

' Non h costui dall' autor nominato, credo per 
Tuna delle due cagioni, o per riguardo de' parent! 
che di questo cotale rimasero, i quali p^r awen* 
tura sono onorevoli uomini, e percid non gli vuole 
maculare della infamia di cosl disonesta morte; 
owero perciocchd in que' tempi, quasi come una 
maladizione mandata da Dio nella citt^ nostra, 
pill se ne impiccarono ; acciocch^ ciascun possa 
apporio a qual piii gli piace di que' moltL' 

Casini thinks the mention of 'il passo 
d*Amo ' (v. 146), i. e. the Ponte Vecchio, points 
to Rocco de' Mozzi, whose family, as Villani 
records (vii. 42 , dwelt close to the Ponte 
Rubaconte on the other side of the Amo, and 
not far from the Ponte Vecchio. 

Agn^ly Agnello, one of five Florentines (Inf. 
xxvi. 4-5) placed by D. among the Thieves in 



Agobbio 



Aguglione 



Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), 
Inf. XXV. 68; uno (spirito)^ v. 51 [Iiadri] ; he 
is one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo 
transformation, he being blended in form with 
a serpent ivv, 49-78) ; the latter is identified 
by the commentators with Cianfa de' Donati 
[CianfiBi : Fuooio Soianoato]. 

According to the old commentators he 
belonged to the Brunelleschi, a Ghibelline 
family of Florence, who first joined the Bianchi 
and then went over to the Neri ; none of them 
give any details except the Anonimo (ed. 
Selmi), who says : — 

* Questo Agnello fu de' Brunelleschi di Firenze ; 
e infino picciolo votava la borsa al padre e a la 
madre, poi votava la cassetta a la bottega, e imbo- 
lava. Poi da grande entrava per le cas^ altrui, 
e vestiasi a modo di povero, e faciasi la barba di 
vecchio, e per6 il fa Dante cosi trasformare per li 
morsi di quelle serpente come fece per furare/ 

Agobbio, Gubbio, town of Central Italy on 
the slopes of the Apennines in N. of Umbria, 
about thirty miles £. of Arezzo, and about 
twenty N. of Perugia ; mentioned in connexion 
with Oderisi, the illuminator, whom D. calls 
Vonor d' Agobbio, Purg. xi. 80. [Odericd.] 

Agostino ^y Augustine, one of the earliest 
followers of St. Francis of Assisi, whom he 
joined in 12 10, and eventually (in 1216) head 
of the Franciscan Order in Terra di Lavoro ; 
placed by D., together with lUuminato of Rieti, 
among the Spirits who loved wisdom (Spiriii 
Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, where 
they are named to him by St. Bonaventura, 
Par. xii. 130-2 [Sole, Cielo del]. 

Agostino 2, St. Augustine (Aurelius Augus- 
tinus), the greatest of the four great fathers of 
the Latin Church (the other three being St. 
Ambrose, St. Jerome, and St. Gregory the 
Great) ; bom at Tagaste in Numidia, Nov. 13, 
354; died at Hippo, during the siege of the 
town by the Vanclals, Aug. 28, 430. His father, 
Patricius, was a pagan at the time of his birth, 
but his mother, Monica, was an earnest 
Christian, and brought up her child in the 
Christian faith ; he was, however, not baptized, 
and as he grew up he fell away from his 
mother's influence, and led a dissolute life, but 
was devoted at the same time to his studies, 
which he began at Tagaste, and afterwards 
pursued at Carthage ; at the latter place he 
joined the Manichaeans, but becoming dis- 
satisfied with their doctrines he abandoned 
the sect. From Carthage he went to Rome, 
whence he was invited to Milan, in his thirtieth 
year, as teacher of rhetoric Here he came 
under the influence of St Ambrose, Bishop of 
Milan, and in 386 was converted and baptized. 
After paying a second visit to Rome, he went 
to Hippo, where he was ordained presbyter, 
and finally became Bishop in 396; here he 



died thirty-four years later at the age of seventy- 
six. St. Augustine was a volummous writer, 
his works being directed chiefly against the 
Manichaeans and the Pelagians ; his two most 
famous books are his Confessions y written 
about 397, shortly after he became bishop, in 
which he gives a vivid sketch of his early 
career, and the City of God, written between 
413 and 426, an apologetic treatise in vindica- 
tion of Christianity and the Christian Church. 
St. A. is mentioned by St. Thomas Aquinas 
in the Heaven of the Sun in connexion with 
Orosius, of whose Historia adversus Paganos 
he is said to have availed himself in the De 
Civitate Dei, Par. x. 120 [OroBio]; his place 
in the Celestial Rose, where he is seated below 
St. Benedict and St. Francis, is pointed out to 
D. by St Bernard, Par. xxxii. 35 [Bosa]; his 
Confessions the kind of work in which it is 
allowable for the author to speak of himself, 
Conv. i. 2^o^~^ \CoBiessloBf\ ; his saying that 
* no man is without stain *, Conv. i. \^^~^\Conf 
i. 7 : ' nemo mundus a peccato coram te, Deus ') ; 
his contention that if men comprehended and 
practised equity there would be no need of the 
written law, Conv. iv. ^^'^-^ ; his advice that 
men should acouire the habit of self-control, 
Conv. iv. 21^^^^ ; a man may lead a religious 
life without assuming the habit of St Benedict, 
or St. Augustine, or St. Francis, or St. Dominic, 
Conv. iv. 28®*"''*; his writings undoubtedly 
inspired, Mon. iii. 387-^1 ; his De Civitate Dei 
and De Doctrina Christiana quoted, Mon. iii. 
46I-72 [CMtate Dei, De: Doctriaa CbrU» 
tiana, De] ; his works and those of the other 
Fathers neglected for those of the Decretalists, 
Epist. viii. 7 [DecretaliBtae] ; his treatise De 
Quantitate Animae, Epist x. 28 [Quantitate 
Animae, De], Some think St. Augustine is 
alluded to as one of ' the four in humble guise ' 
in the mystical Procession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise (the other three being St. Ambrose, 
St. Gregory, and St. Jerome), Purg. xxix. 142. 
[FroceBslone.] 

Agosto ^ • [ Augusto.] 

Agosto ^, month of August ; mentioned in 
connexion with the prevalence of * vapori ac- 
cesi' (i.e. meteors and summer lightning) in 
the twilight of summer evenings, Purg. v. 37-9 ; 
referred to as the period tra il luglio e il 
settembre, in connexion with the crowded state 
of the hospitals of Valdichiana at that time of 
year, owing to the malaria generated by its 
swamps (' maxime autem augustus est infirmus 
mensis etiam in locis sanis,' observes Ben- 
venuto). Inf. xxix. 47 [Chiana]. 

Agubbio. [Agobbio.] 

Aguglione, castle (now destroyed) formerly 
called Aquilone, in the Florentine territory in 
the Val di Pesa to the S. of the city ; Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments that 



[14] 



Alagia 



owing to the extension of its boundaries 
Florence has * to endure the stink ' of il villan 
d*Agugli(m (i.e. according to the most general 
interpretation Baldo d'Aguglione), Par. xvi. 
56 ; this Baldo was concerned in the fraud of 
Niccola Acciaiuoli alluded to, Purg. xii. 105 
[Aooiaiuoli, Nicoola]. 

Baldo d'Aguglione, who is spoken of by 
Dino Compagni (i. 19) as ' giudice sagacissimo/ 
was one of those who drew up the Ordinamentl 
di Giustizia in Florence in 1293 [Giano della 
Bella]. His family were Ghibellines, and as 
such his father Guglielmo^ and his brother 
Puccio, were exiled from Florence in 1268. 
Baldo himself, however, took the other side 
and remained in Florence, where, after playing 
an important part in the events of 1293, and 
in the expulsion of Giano della Bella in 1295, 
he became Prior in 1298. In 1299, in con- 
sequence of the discovery of his share in the 
fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli, he fled from 
Florence, and was condemned in his absence 
to a fine of 2,000 lire and to a year's banish- 
ment. In 1302, when through the intervention 
of Charles of Valois the Bianchi were expelled, 
he and Bonifazio da Signa (Par. xvi. 56) joined 
the Neri with certain other renegade Bianchi 
and Ghibellines. From this time forward he 
occupied a position of great influence in 
Florence. In 1311, while he was Prior for 
the second time, and the city was anxious to 
present a united front to the Emperor Henry 
VII, he drew up the decree (dated Sep. 2, 
131 1 ) known as the 'Riforma di Messer Baldo 
d'Aguglione,' whereby the sentences against 
a number of the Guelf exiles were revoked and 
cancelled, and a number of others, who are all 
included under the head of Ghibellines, were 
expressly excepted, among the latter being 
Dante Alighieri [Dante]. In this proclamation 
(which is printed in extenso by Del Lungo in 
his DeW Est Ho di Dante, pp. 109-44) the 
Priors and Gonfaloniere and twelve good men 
by them elected : — 

* Attendentes providere fortificationi corrobo- 
rationi et reconciliation i Populi et Comunis 
Florentie et Partis Guelfe dicte civitatis et comi- 
tatus et districtus Florentie Guelforum, et super 
rebampniendis Guelfis, et aliis ... ad hoc ut ipsa 
civitas et districtus in pace consistat, et Guelforum 
unio fiat et sit in dicto Populo et Comuni et civitate 
et comitatu et districtu Florentie, et ad exaltatio- 
nem Guelfe Partis, Christi nomine invocato, pro 
fortificatione, custodia, corroboratione et recon- 
ciliatione Populi et Comunis Florentie et districtus, 
et singularium personarum ipsius . . . concorditer 
providenint et ordinaverunt, firmaverunt et stantia- 
venint : Quod omnes et singuli vere Guelfi, mares 
et femine, tarn popuiares quam magnates, natione 
seu origine de civitate comitatu et districtu Flor- 
entie, indudendo in districtu Florentie comunia 
terras populos plebatus et loca que fuerunt dis- 
trictus Pistorii, ac etiam plebatus terras et populos 
civitatis et districtus Florentie, condempnati et 



exbampniti, seu condempnati tantum seu exbamp- 
niti tantum, Comunis Florentie, expresse vel 
tacite, seu pro exbampnitis habiti, vel qui ipso 
jure exbampniti vel condempnati essent ... ex 
nunc intelligantur esse et sint exempti liberi et 
totaliter liberati cancellati et absoluti, et exemptio 
libera et totaliter liberata cancellata et absoluta, 
de predictis et a predictis omnibus et singulis . . . 
£t salvo et reservato quod omnes et singuli infra* 
scripti nullum benefitium consequantur expresse 
predictis provisionibus vel aliqua earum, nee de 
ipsorum condempnationibus et bampnis, vel con- 
dempnationibus tantum vel bampnis tantum, liberari 
cancellari vel absolvi possint vel debeant ullo 
modo, ymmo exbampniti sint et condempnati sint 
et remaneant in omnibus sicut erant ante pre- 
sentem provisionem. 

Nomina quorum sunt hec . . .' [here follows 
a long list of names of families and individuals, 
numbering between four and five hundred, grouped 
according to the quarters of the city in which their 
residences were situated. In the last division but 
one, Dt Sextu Porte Sancti Petri, occurs the entry 
* Filii domini Cionis del Bello et Dante Alleghierii,' 
in this same division being included * Omnes de 
domo de Abbatibus, excepto Ciolo' (this last being 
perhaps the Ciolus referred to by D., Epist. ix. 3), 
' De domo de Eliseis' (to which house the Alighieri 
are said to have belonged), *De domo de Porti- 
nariis' (the family of Beatrice \ and ' Gianus della 
Bella et filii ']. 

When, in the next year, the Emperor Henry 
VI Ts army was advancing towards Florence, 
Baldo d'Aguglione fled from the city, and was 
consequently himself declared an outlaw ; he 
managed, however, to secure a pardon, and 
returned to Florence, where he died not long 
after, leaving several sons to succeed him, but 
the family died out before the end of Cent. xiv. 
Benvenuto says : — 

' Iste, quem vocat autor Rusticum, fuit quidam 
jurista nomine Ubaldus de Aguglione, villa comi- 
tatus Florentiae, qui fuit magnus canis. Dicebat 
se optime nosse guelphos ct ghibellinos, et fecit 
librum de tam detestanda materia, quem diu floren- 
tini sequuti sunt/ 

Aiace, Ajax, son of Telamon ; his descent 
from Aeacus, Conv. iv, 2719* [Eaco.] 

Aimeric. [Hamerioua : Namericius.] 

Alagherius. [Alighieri.] 

Alagia, Alagia de' Fieschi, of Genoa, 
daughter of Niccol6 de' Fieschi, Imperial Vicar 
in Italy, niece of Pope Adrian V, and wife of 
Moroello Malaspina, the friend of D., by whom 
she had three sons [Malaapina, Moroello] ; 
she had two sisters, one of whom, Fiesca, 
married Alberto Malaspina, while the other, 
Giacomina, married Obizzo II of £ste. [Table 
zzvi : Table xziii.] A. is mentioned by 
Adrian V (in Circle V of Purgatory) as being 
still alive, and the only one of his kin who was 
virtuous, and whose prayers could avail him, 
Purg. xix. 142-5 [Adriano ^]. Benvenuto says 



[15] 



Alagna 



Alagna 



that D. means to imply * quod mulieres illonim 
de Flisco fuerunt nobiles meretriccs.' Some 
of the old commentators think that Alagia is 
the/fmmtna of Purg. xxiv. 43 [Gentuooa]. 

Alagna, Anagni, town in Latium, situated 
on a hill about forty miles S.E. of Rome, cele- 
brated as the birthplace of Pope Boniface VI II, 
and as the scene of his imprisonment by Philip 
the Fair ; mentioned by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) in connexion with 
Philip's outrage on the Pope, Purg. xx, 86-7 ; 
guel (T Alagna^ i.e. Boniface VIII, Par. xxx. 
148 [BoniHazio 1 : Pilippo 2]. 

The long struggle between Philip the Fair 
and Pope Boniface culminated at length in 
the employment of open violence on the part 
of the King of France against the Pope's 
person. Philip accused Boniface of profligacy 
and heresy, and demanded the convocation of 
a General Council *to remove these scandals 
from the Church.' Boniface retorted by issuing 
a Bull, in which the King of France was de- 
clared excommunicate, while his subjects were 
released from their allegiance, and the clergy 
were forbidden to receive benefices at his 
hands. This Bull was ordered to be suspended 
in the porch of the Cathedral of Anagni on 
Sep. 8, 1303; but on the eve of that day 
Saarra Colonna, whose house Boniface had 
so bitterly wronged, and "William of Nogaret, 
the emissary of the King of France, suddenly 
appeared in Anagni with an armed force, and 
seizing the person of the Pope, after heaping 
every indignity upon him, held him a prisoner 
for three days, while the soldiers plundered his 
palace. He was at last rescued by the people 
of Anagni, who expelled the soldiers and forced 
Sciarra and Nogaret to fly for their lives. 
Boniface immediately set out for Rome to 
prepare measures of vengeance against Philip 
and his accomplices, but the shock he had 
undergone was too much for him ; he became 
raving mad, and died at Rome, barely a month 
after his rescue from prison, Oct. 11, 1303. 
[Colonna, Sciarra: Guglielmo di Nogaret] 

Villani gives the following account of the 
incident of Anagni, and of the death of Boni- 
face : — 

' Dopo la discordia nata tra papa Bonifazio e '1 
re Filippo di Francia, ciascuno di loro procacci6 
d'abbattere Tuno Taltro per ogni via e modo che 
potesse : il papa d'aggravare il re di Francia di 
scomuniche e altri processi per privarlo del reame 
... Lo re di Francia dall' altra parte non dormia, 
ma con grande sollecitudine, e consiglio di Stefano 
della Colonna e d'altri savi Italiani e di suo reame, 
mand6 uno messere Guiglielmo di Lunghereto di 
Proenza, savio cherico e sottile, con messer 
Musciatto Franzesi in Toscana, forniti di roolti 
danari contanti, e a ricevere dalla compagnia de* 
Peruzzi (allora suoi mercatanti) quanti danari 
bisognasse, non sappiendo eglino perchft. £ arri- 
vati al castello di Staggia, ch* era del detto messer 



Muscbitto, vi stettono piii tempo, mandando am- 
basciadori, e messi, e lettere, e faccendo venire 
le genti a loro di segreto, faccendo intendere id 
palese che v'erano per trattare accordo dal papa 
al re di Francia, e perci6 aveano la detta moneta 
recata : e sotto questo colore menarono il trattato 
segreto di &re pigliare in Anagna papa Bonifazio, 
spendendone molta moneta, corrompendo i baroni 
del paese e* cittadini d'Anagna ; e come fu trattato 
venne fatto : che essendo papa Bonifazio co* suoi 
cardinali e con tutta la corte nella citti^ d'Anagna 
in Campagna, ond'era nato e in casa sua, non 
pensando n^ sentendo questo trattato, n^ pren- 
dendosi guardia, e se alcuna cosa ne sentl, per suo 
grande cuore il mise a non calere, o forse come 
piacque a Dio, per gli suoi grandi peccati, del 
mese di Settembre 1303, Sciarra della Colonna 
con genti a cavallo in numero di trecento, e a pi6 
di sua amistii assai, soldata de' danari del re di 
Francia, colla forza de' signori da Ceccano, e da 
Supino, e d'altri baroni di Campagna, e de' figliuoli 
di messer Maffio d'Anagna, e dissesi coll' assento 
d'alcuno de' cardinali che teneano al trattato, 
e una mattina per tempo entr6 in Anagna coUe 
insegne e bandiere del re di Francia, gridando: 
muoia papa Bonifazio, et viva il re di Francia; 
e corsono la terra sanza contesto niuno, anzi quasi 
tutto I'ingrato popolo d'Anagna segul le bandiere 
e la rubellazione ; e giunti al palazzo papale, 
sanza riparo vi saliro e presono il palazzo, perocch^ 
il presente assalto fu improwiso al papa e a' suoi, 
e non prendeano guardia. Papa Bonifazio sen* 
ten do il romore, e veggendosi abbandonato da 
tutti i cardinali, fuggiti e nascosi per paura 
o chi da mala parte, e quasi da* piii de* suoi 
famigliari, e veggendo ch'e' suoi nemici aveano 
presa la terra e '1 palazzo ov'egli era, si cus6 
morto, ma come magnanimo e valente disse: 
Dacch^ per tradimento, come Gesii Cristo voglio 
esser preso e mi conviene morire, almeno voglio 
morire come papa; e di presente si fece parare 
deir ammanto di san Piero, e colla corona di 
Costantino in capo, e colle chiavi e croce in mano, 
e in su la sedia papale si pose a sedere. £ giunto 
a lui Sciarra e gli altri suoi nimici, con villane 
parole lo schemiro, e arrestaron lui e la sua famiglia, 
che con lui erano rimasi : intra gli altri lo scheml 
messer Guiglielmo di Lunghereto, che per lo re di 
Francia avea menato il trattato, donde era preso, 
e minacciolo, dicendo di menarlo legato a Leone 
sopra Rodano, e quivi in generale concilio il 
farebbe disporre e condannare. II magnanimo 
papa gli rispuose, ch'era contento dessere con- 
dannato e disposto per gli paterini com' era egli, 
e '1 padre e la madre arsi per paterini; onde 
messer Guiglielmo rimase confuso e vergognato. 
Ma poi come piacque a Dio, per conservare Im 
Santa dignitli papale, niuno ebbe ardire o non 
piacque loro di porgli mano addosso, ma lasciario 
parato sotto cortese guardia, e intesono a rubare 
il tesoro del papa e della Chiesa. In questo 
dolore yergogna e tormento stette il valente papa 
Bonifazio preso per gli suoi nimici per tre dl, 
ma come Cristo al terzo dl resuscitd, cosi piacque 
a lui che papa Bonifazio fosse dilibero, che 
sanza priego o altro procaccio, se non per opera 
divina, il popolo d'Anagna raweduti del lore 
errore, e usciti della loro cieca ingratitudine, 



[16] 



Alamania 



Albanus 



subitamente si levaro all' arme, gridando : viva il 
papa e sua famiglia, e muoiano i traditori ; e cor- 
rendo la terra ne cacciarono Sciarra della Colonna 
e' suoi seguaci, con danno di loro di presi e di 
morti, e liberaro il papa e sua famiglia. Papa 
Bonifazio veggendosi libero e cacdati i suoi nimici, 
per ci6 non si rallegr6 niente, perch^ avea con- 
ceputo e addurato neir animo il dolore della sua 
awersita: incontanente si parti d*Anagna con 
tutta la corte, venne a Roma a santo Pietro per 
iare concilio, con intendimepto di sua offesa e di 
santa Cbiesa fare grandissima vendetta contra il re 
di Francia, e chi offeso V avea ; ma come piacque 
a Dio, il dolore impetrato nel cuore di papa Boni- 
fazio per la ingiuria ricevuta, gli surse, giunto 
in Roma, diversa malattia, che tutto si rodea come 
rabbiosoy e in questo stato pass6 di questa vita 
a dl la d*Ottobre gli anni di Cristo 1303, e nella 
cbiesa di san Piero all' entrare delle porte, in una 
ricca cappella fattasi fare a sua vita, onorevole- 
mente f\i soppellito.' (viii. 63.) 

Alamania, Germany, V. £. i. 18^®. [La- 
xnagna.] 

Alamanni, Germans, V. £. i. 8^^. [Te- 
dMcht] 

Alardo, Erard de Val^ry, lord of Saint- 
Valerian and of MaroUes, Constable of Cham- 
pagne, bom circ. 1200, died 1277 ; mentioned 
m connexion with the battle of Tagliacozzo 
(Aug. 23, 1268), in which by his aid Charles of 
Anjou defeated Conradin, the last of the Hohen- 
staufen, Inf. xxviii. 17-18. 

Erard and his brother, Jean de Val^ry, ac- 
companied St. Louis on his first expedition to 
the East in 1248. Joinville records (lix. 295) 
that Erard rescued his brother from the hands 
of the Turks, who had made him prisoner in 
a skirmish ; but makes no further mention of 
him. In 1255 he was in France, and in the 
same year he was a prisoner in Holland, 
whence, after a captivity of a few months, he 
was ransomed by Charles of Anjou. In 1265, 
acGording to the continuators of Guillaume-de- 
Tyr, he went a second time to the East. In 
liSS, finding himself on account of his advanc- 
ing years unequal to the fatigues and hard- 
ships of oriental warfare, he set out from 
Patcstine to return to France. On his way, as 
Villani records, he passed through Italy (*il 
buono messer Alardo di Valleri, cavaliere 
francesco di grande senno e prodezza, di quegli 
tempi era arrivato in Puglia tomando d'oltre- 
mare dalla terra santa,' vii. 26), where his 
opportune arrival was hailed with delight by 
Charles of Anjou, then on the eve of a battle 
with the young Conradin. The two armies 
met at Tagliacozzo, and Charles, though inferior 
in numbers, was enabled, by the superior skill 
of Erard, to defeat his foe and take him 
prisoner. The victory was due mainly to the 
fact that Charles, by Erard's advice, kept his 
reserves in the background until Conradin's 
German and Spanish troops, who at the be- 



ginning of the day had routed their opponents, 
were disordered by pursuit and scattered over 
the field in search of plunder. Charles then 
suddenly advanced with his fresh troops (con- 
sisting of a third of his forces, which Erard had 
prevailed upon him to hold concealed behind 
a hill), and, falling upon the enemy, completely 
routed them. It is in allusion to Charles' 
victory by means of this stratagem of Erard's 
that D. speaks of ' Tagliacozzo Ove senz' arme 
vinse il vecchio Alardo,' Inf. xxviii. 17-18. 
[Curradino : Tagliaoozzo.] 

Shortly after the battle of Tagliacozzo (his 
brother having apparently died meanwhile) 
Erard once more assumed the cross, and ac- 
companied St. Louis on his second voyage (in 
1270) to the East. In 1271, after the return of 
the expedition, in which St. Louis had met his 
death at Tunis, Erard was again in France, 
where he appears to have remained, in a 
position of high importance, until his death in 
1277 (see Academy^ Aug. 4 and 18, 1888). 

The Burgundian poet Rustebuef, who was a 
contemporary of Erard, speaks of him with high 
praise in his lament for the King of Navarre 
(i.e. Teobaldo II, who had also accompanied 
St. Louis in 1270 and had died on his way 
home), describing him as a peerless knight : — 

*Mes sire Erare de Valeri, 
A cut onques ne 8*aferi 
Nob chevaliers de loiaat6.* 

An amusing stor^, relating to a deception 
practised by Erard upon St. Louis at the in- 
stance of Charles of Anjou, whereby they 
obtained permission to hold a tourney which 
had previously been forbidden by the king, is 
told in the Cento Nuvelle Antiche (Nov. v, 
ed. Biagi). 

Alba, Alba Longa, the most ancient town 
in Latium, built according to tradition by 
Ascanius, son of Aeneas. Rome is supposed 
to have been founded by the inhabitants of 
Alba Longa, which was so called from its 
stretching in a long line down the Alban 
Mount to the Alban Lake. The town was 
destroyed byTullus Hostilius,and was never re- 
built. Its inhabitants being removed to Rome. 

The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) mentions Alba in connexion with the 
Roman Eagle, which he says remained there for 
three hundred years, until the defeat of the three 
Alban Curiatii by the three Roman Horatii, 
Par. vi. 37-9. [Aqiiila^ : Albani : Curiatii] 

Albani, inhabitants of Alba Longa ; thei^r 
descent from Aeneas and Lavinia, Mon. ii. 
^los-g ; their defeat by the Romans in the com- 
bat between the Roman Horatii and the Alban 
Curiatii, Par. vi. 37-9 ; Conv. iv. 5155-60 . Mon. 
ii. 1 1 22-36. [Alba : Curiatii.] 

Albanus, Alban ; populus A,, the Albans, 
their contest with the Romans for supremacy, 
Mon. ii. 1x22-7. [Albani.] 



[16] 



Alberichi 



Alberto 



Alberichiy ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been already in decline in his 
day, Par. xvi. 89. In Dante's time the family 
was extinct ; Villani says : — 

* Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . gli 
Alberighi, che fu loro la chiesa di santa Maria 
Alberighi da casa i Donati, e oggi non n' & nullo.* 
(iv. II.) 

Alberigo, Frate, Friar Alberigo (so called 
because he was one of the 'Jovial Friars,' 
which order he joined in or before 1267), a 
member of the Manfredi family, the Guelf lords 
of Faenza (to which also belonged Tribaldello, 
Inf. xxxii. 122), and father of Ugolino Bucciola 
(V. E. i. 1419-^0) [Bucciola, Ugolino: Prati 
Gk>denti] ; placed by Dante in Tolomea, the 
third division of Circle IX of Hell, amon^ 
those who betrayed their guests, Inf. xxxih. 
118; un d^ tristi della fredda crosta^ «/. 109 ; 
luiy vv, 115, 121, 139, 150; el, V, 142; // 
peggiore spirio di Romagna^ v. 154 JTolo- 
mea : Tradltori]. As Dante and Virgil pass 
among the traitors in Tolomea, one of them 
(Alberigo), taking the poets for damned spirits 
on their way to Giudecca, begs them to re- 
move the crust of ice from his face that he 
may weep, Inf. xxxiii. 109-14 ; Dante under- 
takes to do so if he will reveal his identity, 
and on hearing who he is expresses surprise 
that he was already dead (iw, 11 5-21); A. 
says that he knows not how his body fares 
upon earth, and then explains to D. the 
• privilege ' possessed by Tolomea, viz. that of 
receiving the souls of traitors like himself im- 
mediately after the act of treachery, while the 
body upon earth is tenanted by a fiend until 
its death {w, 122-33) ; he then points out the 
soul of Branca d*Oria of Genoa, who had 
murdered his father-in-law (vv, 134-8) ; D. 
does not believe him, saying that he knows 
Branca to be still alive {iru. 139-41); but A. 
explains that the soul of B. had descended to 
Hell even before that of his victim, and that 
its place in his body was occupied by a devil, 
as was also the case with the soul of his ac- 
complice in the crime {w. 142-7) [Branca 
d'Oria]. A. now claims the fulfilment of D.'s 
promise to remove the ice from his face, but 
D. refuses to do so, and with an imprecation 
on the Genoese parts from him (vv, 148-57). 

The circumstances of Alberigo's crime, ac- 
cording to Benvenuto, were as follows. In 
1286 (more probably in 1284) his younger 
brother, Manfred, in order to obtain the lord- 
ship of Faenza, plotted against him, and in a 
dispute which occurred in consequence struck 
Alberigo ; the latter, however, pretended to 
forgive the insult on the ground that it was the 
act of an impetuous youth, and a reconciliation 
took place. Later on, when he thought the 
matter had been forgotten, Alberigo invited 



Manfred and one of his sons to a banquet (at 
his house at Cesato, May 2, 1285) ; the repast 
over, he called out, * Bring the fruit,* at which 
signal some assassins, who had been concealed 
behind the tapestry, rushed out and despatched 
father and son before his eyes. Hence * le 
male frutta di Frate Alberigo' passed into 
a proverb. Villani, in recording the murder of 
a brother of Alberigo by his nephew in 1327, 
says : ^ cosl mostr6 che non volesse tralignare 
e del nome e del fatto di frate Alberigo suo 
zio, che diede le male frutta a' suoi consorti, 
faccendogli tagliare e uccidere al suo convito ' 
(x. 27). 
Benvenuto says: — 

'Iste vocatus est frater Albericus de Faventia 
civitate de Manfredis nobilibus et potentibus, qui 
saepe habuerunt dominium illius civitatis ; et fuit 
de fratibus Gaudentibus . . . Fuenint autem in 
dicta domo tres consanguinei eodem tempore, 
scilicet Albericus praedictus, Alberghettus et Man- 
fredus. Accidit autem, quod in mcclxxxvi Man- 
fredus, juvenis animosus, cupiditate reg^andi, 
stnixit insidias fratri Alberico; et cum incre- 
paretur ex hoc a fratre Alberico, et devenissent 
ad graves contentiones verbonim, Manfredus 
ductus impetu irae, dedit fratri alapam magnam, 
scilicet fratri Alberico. Sed ipse frater Albericus 
sagacior aliquandiu rem dissimulanter tulit; et 
tandem cum credidit injuriam excidisse a memoria 
illius, finxit velle reconciliare sibi dictum Man- 
fredum dicens, quod parcendum erat calori ju- 
venili. Facta igitur pace, Albericus fecit convivium, 
cui interfuerunt Manfredus et unus filius ejus. 
Finita coena, cum magna alacritate dixit Albericus : 
veniant fructus ; et subito eruperunt famuli armati, 
qui latebant ibi post unam cortinam, qui crudeliter 
tnicidaverunt ad mensam patrem et filium, Albe- 
rico vidente et gaudente.' 

Albero da Siena, said to be the son or 
prot^g^ of a bishop of Siena, whom he persuaded 
to cause the alchemist GrifTolino of Arezzo to 
be burned for pretending that he could teach 
him to fly ; mentioned by GrifTolino (in Bolgia 
10 of Circle VIII of Hell), Inf. xxix. 109 ; /«/, 
V, 112; guei, 2/. 114 [Griffolino]. The sim- 
plicity of a certain Alberto da Siena, supposed 
to be the same as the individual here men- 
tioned, forms the subject of several of the 
stories of Sacchetti (Nov. xi-xiv). The com- 
mentators identify the bishop in question with 
one Bonfiglio, who was bishop of Siena from 
1 2 16 to 1252, and an ardent persecutor of 
heretics. 

Albert!, Alberto degli. [Alberto 3.] 

Albert!, Alessandro degl!. [Alberto 3.] 

Albert!, Napoleone degli. [Alberto s.] 

Albert!, Orso degli. [Orao, Cont'.] 

Alberto ^, Albertus Magnus, Con v. iii. 7*7 ; 
iv. 231^6. [Alberto di Cologna.] 

Alberto 2, the Emperor Albert I of Austria, 
Par.xix.115; Conv. iv. 3**^. [Alberto Tedesoo.] 



[18] 



Alberto 



Alberto di Cologna 



Alberto \ Alberto degli Alberti, Count of 
Mangona in the Val di Sieve, and of Vernia 
and Cerbaia in the Val di Bisenzio, a few miles 
N.W. of Florence ; mentioned by Camicione 
de' Pazzi (in Caina) in connexion with his two 
sons Alessandro and Napoleone, who killed 
each other in a dispute about the inheritance, 
Inf. xxxii. 57. D. places the two brothers in 
Caina, the first division of Circle IX of Hell, 
among those who were traitors to their kindred : 
ijrtitei tniseri lassij Inf. xxxii. 21 ; due stretti, 
2/. 41 ; quei, v, 44 ; «, v. 50 ; cotesti duey v. 55 
[Caina: Traditori]. On arriving in Caina 
D. hears a voice warning him not to tread on 
the heads of the unhappy brothers, Inf. xxxii. 
16-21 ; he looks about him and sees at his 
feet, plunged up to the neck in ice, two forms 
in dose embrace {^. 22-42) ; he asks them 
who they are, whereupon they turn to look at 
him, and then in fury butt at each other * like 
two he-goats' (w. 43-51) ; a third spirit (that of 
Camicione de' Pazzi) informs D. that these 
were two brothers, sons of Alberto of Val di 
Bisenzio (vv, 52-8), and that they were the 
worst of all the traitors punished in Caina 
(w. 58-65) [Camidon de' Paazi]. 

Villani states (vi. 68) that the castle of 
Mangona belonged of right to Alessandro, the 
younger of the two brothers, and was unjustly 
seized by Napoleone, who was a Ghibelline, 
and to whom his father by his will dated 1250 
had left only a tenth part of the inheritance. 
Thereupon the Florentines (in 1259) expelled 
N. by force of arms, took possession of Man- 
gona and of Vernia, another castle belonging 
to the Alberti, and forced the inhabitants to 
swear allegiance and pay yearly tribute to 
Florence. When the Guelfs returned to Florence 
in 1267 A. was reinstated in his possessions, 
and in gratitude for the protection of the 
Florentines bequeathed to them the two castles 
in the event of his sons dying without heirs 
male. Villani says nothing as to the subsequent 
fatal quarrel between the two brothers (which 
took place some time after 1282) ; Benvenuto, 
however, says 'venientesad discordiam propter 
hereditatem, se invicem interfecerunt.' 

A son of Napoleone degli Alberti, viz. Count 
Orso, is placed in Antepurgatory, Purg. vi. 19 
[One, Cent*]. 

Alberto da Siena. [Albero da Blena.] 

Alberto della Magna, Albertus Magnus, 
Con v. iii. 5 ^^3. [Alberto di Cologna.] 

Alberto della Scala], lord of Verona, 
1 277-1301 ; referred to by the unknown Abbot 
of San Zeno in Circle V of Purgatory as having 
* already (i. e. in 1300, the assumed date of the 
Vision) one foot in the grave,' Purg. xviii. 121 ; 
the Abbot goes on to refer to Alberto's ap- 
pointment of his illegitimate son, Giuseppe, 
whom he describes as ' deformed in body and 



mind, and basely bom,' to the abbacy of San 
Zeno (' quel monistero*), an appointment which 
he will shortly repent in Hell (w, 122-6). 
[Zeno, San.] 

Alberto, who was at that date an old man, 
died on Sept. 10, 1301. Besides this illegitimate 
son— whose tenure of the abbacy of San Zeno 
(i 291-13 1 4) coincided in part, as Philalethes 
points out, with D.'s sojourn at Verona — he 
had three legitimate sons, who succeeded him 
one after the other in the lordship of Verona, 
viz. Bartolommeo (d. March 7, 130J), Alboino 
(d. Oct. 24, 131 1), and Can Grande, D.'s host 
at Verona. [Scala, Della : Table xxvili.] 

Alberto di Cologna, Albert of Cologne, 
better known as Albertus Magnus, styled 
* Doctor Universalis ' on account of his vast 
learning, was born of noble parents at Lavingen 
on the upper Danube in Swabia in 1 193. After 
studying at Padua and Paris, he joined the 
Dominican Order in 1222, and under its rules 
studied theology at Bologna and elsewhere. 
Subsequently he was appointed to lecture at 
Cologne, where the Order had a house, and he 
taught for several years there and at Ratisbon, 
Freiburg, Strasburg, and Hildesheim. Among 
his pupils at Cologne was Thomas Aquinas, 
who in 1245 accompanied him to Paris, where 
he received his doctorate ; after remaining in 
Paris for three years he returned to Cologne 
with Aquinas in 1248. In 1254 he was elected 
Provincial of the Dominican Order at Worms; 
and in 1260 was made Grand Master of the 
Palace at Rome, and Bishop of Ratisbon, by 
Alexander IV. Three years later he retired 
to Cologne, where he died at the age of eighty- 
seven, Nov. 15, 1280. He was a most volu- 
minous writer, his collected works (printed at 
Lyons in 165 1) filling twenty-one folio volumes, 
of which six are devoted to commentaries on 
Aristotle, five on the Scriptures, two on 
Dionysius the Areopagite, three on the Liber 
Sententiarum of Peter Lombard, the remaining 
five containing his Summa Theologiacy Summa 
de CreaturiSy treatise on the Virgin, and 
various opuscula^ one of which is on alchemy, 
Albertus was the earliest among the Latins, as 
Avicenna had been among the Arabs, to make 
known the complete doctrine of Aristotle ; he 
wrote not merely commentaries, but para- 
phrases and illustrative treatises on each one 
of Aristotle's works. He appears, says Butler, 
to have been the first of the Schoolmen who 
brought the Aristotelian and Christian philo- 
sophy into harmony ; and it is to him origin- 
ally that D. owes his doctrine of freewill as 
the basis of ethics. 

Albertus is referred to as Alberto^ Conv. iii. 
727; iv. 23I26 ; Alberto di Cologna, Par. x. 98; 
Alberto delta Magna, Conv. iii. 5^*-^ ; he is 
placed among the spirits of great theologians 
and others who loved wisdom (Spiritl Sapi' 



[19] 



c 2 



Alberto Tedesco 



Alchimisti 



entt) in the Heaven of the Sun, together with 
his pupil St. Thomas Aquinas, by whom his 
spirit is pointed out to D. as having been his 
*frate e maestro,' Par. x. 97-9 [Sole, Cielo 
del] ; his theory as to the Equator as pro- 
pounded in the De Natura Locorum and the 
De Proprietatibus Elementorum^ Conv. iii. 
^111-16 [^o^ivm^De Natura : Proprietatibus 
Eiemeatorum, De] ; his opinion in the De 
Intelleciu as to the distribution of the Sun's 
light, Conv. iii. 727-45 [tateiiectu, De] ; his 
theory as to the four ages of life and the 
several ' qualities ' appropriated to them, as 
set forth in the De Meteoris (a misreference 
of D., the passage in question occurring in the 
De Juventute et Senectute\ Conv. iv. 23^^3-26 
{Meteora"^]. 

D. also refers to the De Meteoris for the 
theory of Albertus as to the nature of comets, 
his references to Albumazar and Seneca being 
taken from the same source, Conv. ii. i4^<'*~7« 
[AlbumaBBar : Beneca] ; from here too he got 
the account of the various theories as to the 
nature and origin of the Milky Way, Conv. ii. 
1 545-77 [Galassia] ; and his account of the 
incident which happened to Alexander the 
Great and his army in India, Inf. xiv. 31-6 

SAlesBandro Magno]. From Albertus Magnus 
De Natura et Origins Animae) comes also 
the opinion that all potential forms of matter 
are actually existent in the mind of the Creator, 
which is wrongly referred to the De Substantia 
Orbis of Averrogs, A. T. § i83«-9 [Averrols] ; 
and (from the De Caelo et Mundo) the opinions 
of Aristotle and Ptolemy as to the number 
and order of the several heavens, Conv. ii. '^^-^ 
[Caeio, De'^]. 

The quotations from the De Causis, thought 
by some to be from the De Causis et Processu 
Universitatis of Albertus, are from the pseudo- 
Aristotelian treatise De Causis^ on which the 
work of Albertus is a commentary [Cairsis, De], 

(See Paget Toynbee, Some obligations ofD, to 
Albertus Magnus^ in Romania^ xxiv. 400-12.) 

Alberto Tedesco, German Albert, i.e. 
Albert I of Austria, son of Rudolf of Hapsburg, 
Emperor (but never crowned) 1 298-1 308 
[Bidolfo^]; he was elected after having de- 
feated and slain his predecessor, Adolf of 
Nassau, in a battle near Worms, his treason 
against Adolf having been condoned by Boni- 
face VIII in consideration of the advantages 
of his alliance against the Pope's mortal enemy, 
Philip the Fair of France [Adolfo]. 

D. refers to him as Alberto^ Par. xix. 115; 
Conv. iv. 3*2 ; Alberto Tedesco j Purg. vi. 97 ; 
Cesarey Purg. vi. 92, 114; he apostrophizes 
him, reproaching him for his neglect of Italy, 
and foretells his violent death (which took 
place on May i, 1308, when he was assassi- 
nated at Konigstein, close to the castle of 
Hapsburg, by his nephew John), Purg. vi. 97- 



7i7 ; rebukes him (by the mouth of the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter) for his cruel inva- 
sion of Bohemia (in 1304), Par. xix. 11 5-1 7 
[Pragma] ; mentions him as successor of Rudolf 
and Adolf, Conv. iv. 388-43 [Federlgo^ : Table 
ir]. 

Albia, the river Elbe, which rises in the 
Riesen-Gebirge in N. of Bohemia, through 
which it flows first S., then W., then N.W., 
being joined by the Moldau some 20 miles 
N. of Prague ; it subsequently flows N.W. 
through Saxony and Germany into the North 
Sea. 

Sordello (in Antepurgatory) mentions it in 
connexion with Bohemia, which he describes 
as the land drained by the Moldau and the 
Elbe, ' la terra dove Tacqua nasce, Che Molta 
in Albia, ed Albia in mar ne porta,' Purg. vii. 
98-9. [Buemine: Molta.] 

Albtiino della Scala, Alboino, second son 
of Alberto della Scala, who was lord of Verona, 
1 277-1 301 ; he succeeded his elder brother, 
Bartolommeo, in 1304, and held the lordship 
until his death on Oct. 24, 13 11 [Scala, 
Delia : Table xxvlii]. D. mentions A. — as 
some think, slightingly — in comparison with 
Guido da Castello, Conv. iv. \6'^^'~^\ he is 
alluded to, according to some, as il gran Lont" 
bardo, Par. xxvii. 71 [Ijombardo^]. 

Albumassar, Albumazar (Jafar ibn Mu- 
hammad Al Balkhi, Abu Mashar\ Arabian 
astronomer, bom at Balkh in Turkestan A. D. 
805, died 885. Three of his works are extant 
in Latin translations, viz. Introductorium in 
astronomiam and Uber de magnis conjunct 
tionibus (both printed at Augsburg in 1489), 
and Tractatus florum astronomiae (printed at 
the same place in 1488). 

D. quotes his opinion that meteors, as being 
under the domination of the planet Mars, 
portend political catastrophes, such as the 
death of kings, Conv. ii. 14^^^*; this is taken, 
not direct from Albumazar, but from the De 
Meteoris of Albertus Magnus, who says : — 

' Vapor iste . . . aliquando autem vulnerat exu- 
rendo multum, vel parum, secundum fortitudinem 
ignis sui. Si autem secundo modo est, debilem 
habet ig^em, qui parum alterat ea super quae 
cadit non vulnerando; quia statim extinguitur. 
Vult tamen Albumasar quod etiam ista aliquando 
mortem regis et principum significant propter 
dominium Martis.* (I. iv. 9.) 

Brunetto Latino, speaking of a comet which 
appeared shortly before the death of King 
Manfred, says : — 

' De cele estoile dient Ii sage astrenomien que 
quant ele apert el firmament, ele senefie remue- 
mens de regnes ou mort de grans seigneurs.' 
TrisoTy i. 98.) 

Alcamo, Citillo d\ [Cinllo d'Aloamo.] 
Alchimisti], Alchemists, placed among the 



[20] 



Alcide 



Aldobrandeschi 



Falsifiers in Bolgia lo of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxix. 67-139; their punish- 
ment is to be afflicted with paralysis and 
leprosy {ttu. 71-84) [Falaatorl]. Tommaseo 
says : — 

'Gli alchimisti per troppo trattare il mercurio 
e sostanze simili, al dir d'Avicenna, e d*altri, diven- 
tavano paraliticL' 

Alcide, AlcideSyi.e. Hercules, son of Alceus; 
the troubadour Folquet (in the Heaven of 
Venus) alludes to the love of A. for lole, 
daughter of Eurytus, King of Oechalia, whom 
he wished to marry after the completion of 
his twelve labours, Par. ix. 10 1-2 [Foloo: 
lole] ; D. calls upon the Emperor Henry VII 
to come and crush his opponents in Italy, as 
A. did the Hydra, by striking at the ' seat of 
life' (i.e. Florence), Epist. vii. 6. [Eroole.] 

Alcides, Hercules, Epist. vii. 6. [Aloide.] 

Alcimus, the high-priest appointed by 
Demetrius I, King of Syria, in opposition to 
Judas Maccabaeus (i Maccad, vii-ix); coupled 
with Demetrius as typifying respectively 
Clement V and Philip the Fair of France, 
Epist. viiL 4. [DemetriuB.] 

Alcithoe], one of the daughters of Minyas 
of Boeotia ; she and her sisters, Arcipp^ and 
Leudppe, refused to join in the worship of 
Bacchus during his festival, and spent the time 
in weaving instead, whereupon they were 
changed into bats, and their work into a vine. 
Ovid s account of their metamorphosis (Afeiam. 
iv. 1-35, 389-415) is referred to by D., who 
speaks of them as ' tres sorores contemtrices 
numinis in semine Semeles/ Epist. iv. 4. 
[Semele.] 

Alderotto, Taddeo di. [Taddec] 

Aldighiero. [AlighierL] 

Aldobrandeschi, ancient and powerful 
Ghibelline family. Counts of Santafiora in the 
Sienese Maremma, where they had been 
settled since Cent ix. Villani mentions them 
among the Ghibellines whose proposal to 
destroy Florence after the battle of Montaperti 
was overruled by Farinata degli Uberti (vi. 
81) ; he records that they were active sup- 
porters of the Emperor Henry VII (ix. 47), 
and subsequently of Uguccione della Faggi- 
uola (ix. 71) and Castruccio Castracane (ix. 301). 

Benvenuto says they were so powerful in 
Tuscany at one time that they used to boast 
that they had as many strongholds as there 
are days in the year ; he adds that they were 
nearly extinct in his day : — 

'In maritima civitatis Senarum fuerunt olim 
comites nobilissimi de Sancta Flore castello, adeo 
potentes in Tuscia, quod solebant gloriari quod 
poterant omni die anni mutare locum et stare in 
loco tuto, tot castella fortla habebant ; sed habue- 
runt diu bellum cum dicta civitate, per quod jam 



tempore nostri poetae erant in magna ruina, et 
hodie sunt quasi omnino exterminati.* 

The Ottimo Comento says of them : — 

*■ Li conti da Santa Fiore ebbono, ed hanno, ed 
aranno quasi sempre g^erra con li Sanesi; e la 
cagione 6, perch* li conti vogliono mantenere loro 
giurisdizione, e li Sanesi la vogliono sciampiare : 
come in generale delle comunanze italiche.' 

D. mentions Santafiora, whence the counts 
took their title, Purg. vi. 1 1 1 [Santafiora] ; 
and names two of the counts, viz. Gu^^lielmo 
Aldobrandesco, Purg. xi. 59; and his son, 
Omberto, Purg. xi. 67 [Guglielmo Aldo- 
brandesoo: Omberto]. 

Casini gives the following account of this 
family : — 

'La famiglia feudale degli Aldobrandeschi, che 
ebbe signoria su quei territorl che costituiscono 
air incirca la modema provincia di Grosseto, aveva 
raggiunto il colmo della sua potenza col conte 
palatino Ildebrando morto nel 1908, il quale 
lasci6 i suoi dominl ai figliuoli Ildebrandino 
maggiore, Bonifazio, Ildebrandino minore, e Gu- 
glielmo. Questo Guglielmo fu certo uno dei piii 
potenti e procaccianti signori del tempo suo in 
Toscana : nel 199 1, insieme coi fratelli, sommise 
i suoi castelli al comune di Siena obbligandosi 
a pagare il censo, e nel 1994 si obblig6 alio stesso 
comune di ritrarsi a vivere a Grosseto ; ma presto 
si mise in guerra con quella repubblica, e pare 
infelicemente, se nel 1997 fu per sei mesi in pre- 
gione a Siena : ma appena liberato, continu6 la 
guerra, aiutato sottomano dalla Chiesa romana, 
sino al 1937, in cui strinse societa coi senesi: nel 
1950 era al bando dell' impero insieme col figlio 
Ildebrandino, non sappiamo bene per qual ra- 
gione : tra il 1953 e if 1956 morl, lasciando i suoi 
diritti feudali ai figliuoli Ildebrandino e Omberto ; 
il primo dei quali, rimasto presto il solo erede, 
fece poi nel 1974 con i suoi consorti la divisione 
dei dominl nelle due contee di Soana e di Santa- 
fiora. Omberto, nominato una sola volta in un 
documento del 1956, ebbe la signoria del castello 
di Campagnatico, donde scendeva a depredare 
i viandanti e danneggiare i senesi ; tanto che nel 
1959 il comune di Siena mand6 a lui alcuni sicaii 
che lo afibgarono nel suo letto. II nome di 
Guglielmo Aldobrandeschi doveva suonare ancora 
famoso ai tempi di Dante, almeno in Toscana e 
tra i Ghibellini, se non altro perch^ ei fu Tautore 
di quel ramo della sua casa che prese il titolo 
dalla contea di Soana. La famiglia Aldobrandeschi 
era antichissima tra le case feudali toscane, e il 
primo di cssa di cui ci avanzi memoria fu Alperto, 
vissuto alia fine dell' ottavo secolo ; e antichi 
appariscono i titoli nobiliari della famiglia, poich^ 
un Ildebrando era messo imperiale al principio 
del secolo nono, e un altro Ildebrando era gia 
assai potente signore alia fine di quel secolo e 
accolse nella sua contea di Roselle Timperatore 
Guido . . . Gli Aldobrandeschi nel 1300 erano 
ormai divisi nelle due famiglie di Soana e di 
Santafiora, alle quali appunto era riuscita funesta 
la supcrbia (Purg. xi. 67*9) : ch6 il ramo di Soana 
finl con Margherita, nipote di Omberto e figlia 
d' Ildebrandino, la quale per desiderio di alte nozze 



[21] 



Aldobrandi, Tegghiaio 



Alessandro 






spos6 Guido di Montfort (Inf. xii. 119) e Iasci6 
solo una figliuola che trasmise quella contea agli 
Orsini di Pitigliano ; e il ramo di Santafiora si 
trov6 involto in lunghi contrasti col comune di 
Siena, il quale, se non riusd a domare del tutto 
la superbia di quei feudatari, molto assottigli6 
i loro domini ed abbass6 la loro potenza.' 

Aldobrandi, Tegghiaio, Florentine Guelf 
of the powerful Adimari family, at one time 
(in 1256) Podestk of Arezzo [Adimari]. 
Villani describes him as 'cavaliere savio e 
prode e di grande autoritade ' (vi. 77), He is 
mentioned (as // Tegghiaio) together with 
Farinata degli Uberti (with whom he is 
coupled), and Jacopo Rusticucci, Arrigo, and 
Mosca de' Lamberti, Inf. vi. 79 ; he is one of 
those ch^ a ben far poser gVingegni (v, 81) of 
whom D. asks Ciacco for news, the reply 
being et son tra le anime piil nere {v. 85) 
[Ciaooo]. Tegghiaio is one of the three 
Florentines (the other two being Guido Guerra 
and Jacopo Rusticucci) seen by D. afterwards 
among the Sodomites in Round 3 of Circle VII 
of Hell, Inf. xvi. 41; ombra^ v. 4; Valtro^ 
V. 40 [Sodomiti] ; his spirit is pointed out to 
D. by Jacopo Rusticucci, who alludes {vv. 
4 1-2) to the fact of his having attempted to 
dissuade the Florentines from undertaking the 
disastrous expedition against Siena in 1260, 
which resulted in the crushing defeat at Mont- 
aperti, and the ruin of the Guelf party in 
Florence. Villani narrates (vi. jj) that, on the 
occasion referred to, T. acted as the spokes- 
man of the Guelf nobles, at whose head was 
Guido Guerra ; they, knowing more of the 
conditions of warfare, and being aware that 
the banished Ghibellines and their Sienese 
allies had been reinforced by a body of German 
mercenaries, looked upon the undertaking 
with grave misgivings, and counselled delay, 
until the Germans, who had been engaged for 
three months only, half of which term had 
already expired, should be disbanded. In 
response to this appeal T. was taunted with 
cowardice, to which he replied by challenging 
the speaker to adventure himself on the day of 
battle wherever he should go [Monta];>erti]. 
According to Villani (vi. 81) T survived the 
battle and took refuge with the rest of the 
Tuscan Guelfs at Lucca. Noie.—lh^ name 
Tegghiaio must be scanned TegghiaC (dis- 
syllable); cf. Uccellatof, Par. xv. no. 

Alepri], Florentine family, thought by some 
to be included among those which received 
knighthood from the Marquis Hugh of Bran- 
denburg, * il gran barone,' Par. xvi. 128. [Ugo 
di Brajidimborgo.] 

Alessandria, Alessandria della Paglia, 
town on the Tanaro, in the ancient duchy of 
Milan ; mentioned in connexion with the war 
waged against it by the sons of William, 
Marquis of Montferrat, to avenge his capture 



and imprisonment, Purg. vii. 135 [Gxigli- 
elmo3] ; coupled with Trent and Turin as 
being near the frontier and consequently in- 
capable of preserving a pure dialect owing to 
the introduction of foreign elements, V. E. i. 

Alessandria was built in 1 168 by the Lom- 
bard League as a bulwark against the Emperor 
Frederick Barbarossa. It received the name 
Alessandria in honour of Pope Alexander HI, 
but it was also called Cesarea for a time. 
In 1 1 74 it was unsuccessfully besieged by 
Frederick, who gave it in derision the nick- 
name deila P agli a (i.e. * of straw *). 

Alessandro^, Alexander, Count of Ro- 
mena. Inf. xxx. 77, [Aleasandro da Bo- 
mena^.] 

Alessandro^, Alexander the Great, of 
Macedon, bom at Pella in Macedonia, B.C 356. 
A. ascended the throne B.C. 336, on the murder 
of his father Philip ; conquered Egypt (where 
he founded the city of Alexandria at the mouth 
of the Nile, B.C. 331), Syria, Media, Persia, 
and India; died at Babylon, B.C 323, at the 
age of 32, after a reign of nearly thirteen years. 
D. speaJcs of him simply as Alessandro^ Inf. xii. 
107 ; xiv. 31 ; Conv. iv. 1 1^^* ; Alexander^ V. E. 
ii. 6^* ; Mon. ii. 9^1 ; rex Macedo, Mon. ii. 9*- ; 
his place among the Tyrants in Round i of 
Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 107 {see below) \ 
his marvellous experiences in India, Inf. xiv. 
31 {see below) ; his liberality, Conv. iv. n 123-5 
(see below) ; contemporary with Aristotle, V. E. 
ii. 6^3-14 . more nearly attained universal mon- 
archy than any other sovereign, Mon. ii. 9 ®*'"^. 
In this last passage D. says that A. sent 
ambassadors to Rome to demand submission, 
but died in Egypt before the reply of the 
Romans reached him, * ut Livius narrat.' The 
circumstance is not mentioned by Livy, who 
on the contrary states his belief that the 
Romans never so much as heard of Alexander — 
'ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror fiiisse' 
(ix. 18). The story is probably of Greek origin, 
but it is not known whence D. got it. Otto of 
Freising, who may possibly have been D.'s 
authority, seems to refer to the same story in 
his account of A.'s death : — 

^ Alexander totius Orientis potitus victoria, dum 
Romam quoque cum uuiverso Occidente sibi sub- 
jugare parat, ab India revertitur in Babylonem, 
ubi exteranim gentium ex toto pene ori>e ac 
ultimo Occidente, id est ab Hispanis, Gallis, Ger- 
mania, Affrica, ac ferme omni Italia legati sibi 
occunenint, ut inde venisse cerneres legationem, 
quo vix tam parvo tempore crederes etiam nimo- 
rem pervenisse,' (ii. 35.) 

D.'s statement that A. died in Egypt and 
was buried there, in proof of which he quotes 
Lucan {Phars. viii. 692-4), Mon. ii. 9«^74^ is 
perhaps due to a confusion on his part between 
Babylon on the Euphrates and Babylon (Old 



[22] 



Alessandro 



Alessandro 



Cairo) on the Nile, a confusion into which he 
appears to have fallen elsewhere also [Babi- 
lonia]. (See Academy^ Aug. lo, 1895.) 

The majority of modem editors, contrary to 
the opinion of the old commentators, hold that 
the Alexander who is placed, together with 
Dionysius of Syracuse, among the Tyrants in 
Round I of Circle VII of Hell (/Quivi h Ales- 
sandro e Dionisio fero,' Inf. xii. 107) is not 
Alexander the Great, but the Thessalian tyrant, 
Alexander of Pherae [Alessandro Fereo : 
Dionisio^ : Violent!]. The contention is 
that D. would not thus condemn the king 
whom he eulogizes highly in the Convivio as 
an example of munificence (iv. 11^'^^), and in 
the De Monorchia as having nearly attained 
universal empire (ii. Qfii"'^). D., however, is 
by no means always consistent in his estimate 
of historical personages, his tendency being to 
regard them as types, rather than as indi- 
viduals; thus Bertran de Bom, who is eulogized 
equally with Alexander the Great in the Con- 
vivio, is placed in one of the lowest circles of 
Hell (Inf.xxviii. 134) ; and Cato, the suicide, and 
opponent of Caesar, instead of being in Hell, 
is placed as warder of Purgatory. Further, it 
is not in accordance with D.'s principle as 
enunciated by Cacciaguida, 'ti son mostrate 
. . . nella valle dolorosa, Pur V anime che son 
di fama note* (Par. xvii. 136-8), that the indi- 
vidual mentioned here simply as * Alessandro,' 
without any further description, should be the 
comparatively obscure tyrant of Pherae. 

The view that the person intended is Alex- 
ander the Great is strongly supported by the 
fact that Orosius, whose Historia adversum 
Paganos was one of D.'s chief authorities in 
matters of ancient history, repeatedly brands 
the Macedonian conqueror as a cmel and 
bloodthirsty monster; he describes him as 
'Alexander Magnus, magnus vere ille gurges 
miseriarum, atque atrocissimus turbo totius 
Orientis* (iii. 7) ; . . . *humani sanguinis in- 
saturabilis, sive hostium sive etiam sociomm, 
recentem tamen semper sitiebat cruorem * 
(iii. 18) ; *. . . per duodecim annos trementem 
sub se orbem ferro pressit * (iii. 23) ; and, after 
recording that he died at Babylon *adhuc 
sanguinem sitiens,* he concludes with a long 
apostrophe on the ruin and misery which 
had been inflicted by him upon the whole 
world. Lucan also, another of D.'s historical 
authorities, denounces Alexander of Macedon 
as a robber and the bane of the world : — 



Felix prmedo 



* Proles vesana Philippi 



Perqae Asiae popolos fatis arstientibas actus 
HiunanA cam strag^e rait, gladiumque per omnes 
Exe^rit Rentes . . . 

Terramm fatale malain. fulmenoue, qood omnes 
Percoteret pariter populos, et sidus iniquum 
Gentibus.* {.Phars. x. 20, 30-2, 34-6.) 

Aniong the early commentators Benvenuto 
mentions the theory that some other than 



Alexander the Great is intended, but dismisses 
it with contempt : — 

'Ad sciendum quis fuerit iste Alexander est 
notandum^quod aliqui, sequentes opinionem vulgi, 
dixerunt quod autor non loquitur hie de Alexan- 
dro Macedone, sed de quodam alio, sed certe 
istud est omnino falsum, quod potest patere dupli- 
citer : primo« quia cum dicimus Alexander debet 
intelligi per excellentiam de Alexandre Magno ; 
secundo, quia iste fuit violentissimus hominum.' 

He then proceeds to justify this opinion at 
length from Orosius, Justin, Lucan, and others, 
and concludes : — 

'Ad propositum ergo autor ponit Alexandrum 
hie tanquam primum et principem violentonim, 
maxime contra proximum; ita quod punit eum a 
vitio praedominante, et describit eum simpliciter et 
nude, quasi dicat : cum nomino Alexandrum in> 
tellige quod iste fuit maximus autor violentiarum 
in terris.* 

The fact that Alexander the Great does not 
appear among the g^eat heroes of antiquity in 
Limbo is also in favour of the view that he is 
the Alexander referred to by D. in this passage. 

D.'s allusion (Inf. xiv. 31-6) to the mcident 
which happened to A. and his army in India 
was doubtless derived, directly or indirectly, 
from the apocryphal Epistola Alexandri Regis 
ad AristotiUm praeceptorem suum de Afira-^ 
bilibus Indiae\ there is, however, a notable 
discrepancy between the two accounts, for D. 
says that A. bade his soldiers trample the 
flames^ whereas in the Epistola it is the snow 
they are bidden to trample : — 

* Frigus ingens vespertino tempore saeviebat. 
Cadere mox in modum vellerum immensae coe- 
penint nives ; quarum aggregatione metuens ne 
castra cumularentur, calcare militem nivem jube- 
bam, ut quam primum injuria pedum tabesceret* 

A similar account is given in the abridged 
Latin version (by Leo archi presbyter) of Pseudo- 
Callisthenes, commonly known as Historia de 
PraeiiiSy which had been popularized in Italy 
more than sixty years before the date of D.'s 
Vision by means of a version in elegiacs, com- 
posed in 1336 by Wilkinus de Spoleto. 

It has been assumed by the commentators 
that D.'s version was due to a confused recol- 
lection of the details of the story as given in 
the Epistola ; the immediate source of his 
account, however, was almost undoubtedly 
a passage in the De Meteoris of Albertus 
Magnus (a book with which D. was well 
acquainted), in which, owing to a misquotation 
of the Epistola^ precisely the same confusion 
occurs, as to the trampling of the flames, as 
was made by D. Albertus, at the close of 
a discussion as to the nature and origin of 
igneous vapours (the same term as that used 
by D. in speaking of the fiery downpour, 
^* 35)) quotes in illustration what happened to 
Alexander in India: — 

' Admirabilem autem impressionem scribit Alex- 



[23] 



Alessandro IV 



Alessio Interminei 



ander ad Aristotilem in epistola de mirabilibus 
Indiae, dicens quemadmodum nivis nubes ignitae 
de afire cadebant, quas ipse militibus calcare 
praecepit* {Meteor, i. 4). 

This same book of the De Meteoris of 
Albertus was also D/s authority for the quota- 
tions from Albumazar and Seneca in the Con- 
vivio (ii. i4i'0-6) [iMetoora^]. 

D. may also have been acquainted with the 
account of the episode in the O. F. Roman 
d Alixandre (Cent, xii), which has several 
features in common with the description in 
the D. C :— 

* Ensement comme nois est fas del ctel pleds ; 
Trestout art la contr^ ensement comme fas . . . 
A ne^er commen9a de Tair qui fa enbrons ; 
Ne demora pais gaires si en vint grans faisons, 
Et les flocei caioient si gnns comme toisons . . . 
Alixandres commande a trestoas ses barons 
Qae ne reme^e en Tost escuiers ne gar9ons. 
Que en mainent les bestes par tons les pavilions, 
Et abatent le noif k peas et k bastons. 
For le calor des bestes fa grans remetions; 
Li nois qoi est remise, caapa comme sablona.* 

(ed. Michelant, p. 337.) 

In the Convivio (iv. ni^a-s) j), quotes 
Alexander the Great as an example of munifi- 
cence, of which he was the proverbial type in 
the Middle Ages, as has been pointed out by 
Paul Meyer: — 

' A partir de la seconds moiti^ du xii* sidcle, et 
jusqu'k la fin du moyen &ge, le m^rite pour lequel 
Alexandre est universellement cdl^brd . . . est 
surtout et par dessus tout sa largesse/ {AUxati' 
dre U Grand dans la litt.franf, du moyen age, ii. 
379 ff.) ; see also Romania xxvi. 453-60. 

Alessandro IV], Pope Alexander IV, 
thought by some to be included among the 
Popes referred to, Inf. xix. 73-4 [Niooold^]. 
Ramaldo, of the family of the Counts of Segni 
and Anagni, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, nephew 
of Pope Gregory IX, was elected Pope at 
Naples, Dec. 12, 1254 ; died at Viterbo, May 25, 
1 261. 

Alessandro degli Albert!. [Albertl.] 

Alessandro da Romena^], Alexander (I), 
Count of Romena, who with his brothers Guido 
and Aghinolfo induced Maestro Adamo to 
counterfeit the Florentine gold florin. Inf. xxx, 
77 [Adamo^ : Guidi, Conti]. He is supposed 
by some to be the Alexander mentioned m the 
titles of Epist. I, Epist. II. 

Alessandro da Romena ^]» Alexander 
(II), Count of Romena, according to some the 
nephew of the above, and identical with the 
Alexander mentioned in the titles of Epist I, 
Epist. II. [Quidi, Conti] 

Alessandro Fereo], Alexander tyrant of 
Pherae, B.C. 368-359; defeated at Cynos- 
cephalae by Pelopidas the Theban general, 
B.C 364 ; killed by his own wife, B.c 359. He 
was famed for his cruelty, one of his amuse- 
ments being to dress up men in the skins of 
wild beasts, and to set dogs to worry them. 



Many commentators think he is the Alexander 
placed along with Dionysius of Syracuse among 
the Tjrrants in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, 
Inf. xii. 107. It is worthy of note that these 
two are coupled both by Cicero (De Officiis^ 
ii. 7) and Valerius Maximus (ix. 13), though in 
neither case as examples of tyranny. It is 
more probable that the person meant by D. 
was Alexander the Great. [Alessandro''^.] 

Alessandro Magno. [Alessandro 2.] 

Alessandro Novello], a native of Treviso, 
who was Bishop of Feltre from 1298 to 1320; 
alluded to by Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), 
in connexion with his treacherous surrender of 
certain refugees who had sought his protection, 
as Vempio pastor di Feltroy Par. ix. 52-3 ; prete 
cortese, v. 58. [Feltro^.] 

Alessio Interminei, a native of Lucca, 
with whom D. appears to have been acquainted, 
at any rate by si^ht, and whom he places among 
the Flatterers m Bolgia 2 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 122; un, v, 116; 
queiy V. 118 ; /«/, z/. 120 ; e^li^ v, 124 [Adula- 
tori]. As he looks down into this Bolgia D. 
sees a head so covered with filth that he can- 
not make out whether it belongs to a layman 
or to a cleric. Inf. xviii. 115-17 ; the owner of 
it asks D. why he stares at him more than at 
the others (w, 118-19); to which D. replies 
that, unless he is mistaken, he has seen him 
before * with his hair dry,' and that he recog- 
nizes him as Alessio Interminei, hence his 
curiosity {w, 120-3) ; A. thereupon, beating 
his head, acknowledges that his flattery has 
brought him to this pass (w, 124-6). 

Of Alessio but little is known beyond the 
fact that he lived in the latter half of Cent, xiii ; 
it appears from a document dated 1295 that 
he was alive in that year, and he must have 
died not long after ; he had several sons who 
survived him. The author of a sonnet (attri- 
buted to Cino da Pistoja) addressed to Busone 
da Gubbio represents D. himself and a Jewish 
friend of his, Immanuel Ben Salomo (Manoello), 
as sharing with Alessio the doom of the 
Flatterers in Hell. 

The Interminei or Interminelli were promi- 
nent Bianchi of Lucca, whence, as Villani 
records (viii. 46), they were expelled by the 
Neri in 1301. To this house belonged the 
famous Ghibelline leader, Castruccio Castra- 
cane, *on the mother's side* according to 
Benvenuto, but Villani describes him (x. 122) 
as bearing the name of Interminelli. Benvenuto 
says of Alessio, whom he depicts as an abject 
flatterer : — 

' Iste fuit quidam Alexius miles dignitate, nobilis 
genere, natione lucanus, natura blandissimus. Fuit 
enim de Interminellis de Luca ; de qua stirpe ex 
linca materna fuit ille strenuus miles Castruccius 
tyrannus cordatus et multum formidatus in tota 



[24] 



Aletto 



Alfergano 



Tusda, qui fuit magnus malleus Florentiae, do- 
minus Pisanim, Lucae, et Pistorii. . . . Iste ergo 
Alexius ex prava consuetudine tantum delectabatur 
adulatione, quod nullum sermonem sciebat facere, 
quem non condiret oleo adulationis : omnes un- 
gebat, omnes lingebati etiam vilissimos et mer- 
cenarios famulos ; et, ut cito dicam, totus colabat, 
totus foetebat adulatione.' 

Aletto, Alecto, one of the three Furies; 
she is stationed with Megaera and Tisiphon^ 
to guard the entrance to the City of Dis, Inf. 
X. 45-8 [Dite2], D. represents A. as weeping, 
probably in imitation of the Virgilian * luctifica 
Alecto * (Aen. vii. 324) [Erine]. 

Alexander^, Alexander the Great, Mon. ii. 
9«i ; V. E. ii. 6I* [Aleasandro^]. 

Alexander 2, Alexander, count of Romena, 
Epist. I. //'/.; II. //'/., I. [AleBsandro da 
Bomena.] 

Alexandria, Alessandria della Paglia, V. E. 
i. 15^^. [Alessandria.] 

Alfa, Alpha, first letter of the Greek alpha- 
bet ; mentioned in allusion to liev. i. 8 : 'I am 
Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end- 
ing,* Par. xxvi. 17 ; Aipha^ Epist. x. 33. 

Alfarabio, Alfarabius (Muhammad ibn 
Muhammad ibn Turkhdn Abu Nasr, Al- 
Farabi)^ so called from Farab, his birthplace, 
in Transoxiana, one of the earliest of the 
Arabian philosophers ; he practised as a phy- 
sician at Damascus, where he died in 950 ; in 
philosophy he was a follower of Aristotle, as 
mterpreted by the neo- Platonic commentators. 
Latin translations (made in Cent, xii) of two of 
his opuscula (viz. De Scieniiis and De Intel- 
Uciu et Iniellectd) are contained in Alpharabii 
Mera Omnia (Paris, 1638) ; and two others in 
Vocumenta Philosophiae Arabum (Bonn, 
1836); he also wrote a commentary on the 
Rhetoric of Aristotle, and a treatise De Bani- 
tate Pura, which was utilized by the author of 
the pseudo- Aristotelian De Causis ; his works 
are repeatedly cjuoted by Guillaume d'Auvergne 
(Bishop of Paris, 1228- 1248), by Roger Bacon 
( in his opus Majus)^ and by Albertus Magnus 
(in his De Causis). 

D. quotes A. (according to one reading) in 
support of the theory that every effect partakes 
of the nature of its cause, Conv. iii. 2^^. The 
correct reading in this passage, however, is 
almost certainly not Alfarabio (which is adopted 
by Fraticelli and Giuliani after Scolari), but 
Aipetragio (i.e. Alpetratis or Alpetragius), 
which is the reading of all the early edd., 
and consequently, probably, of the MSS. 
[Aipetragio]. 

Alfergano, Alfraganus (Ahmad ibn Mu- 
hammad ibn Kathir, Al-Farghani), so called 
from his birthplace Fergana in Sogdiana 
(now Samarcand), celebrated Arabian astro- 



nomer, who flourished at the beginning of 
Cent ix. during the Caliphate of Ma*mtjn (d. 
833). He wrote in Arabic (besides treatises 
on sundials and on the astrolabe) a work on 
the elements of astronomy, consisting of thirty 
chapters, which is based upon the principles 
of Ptolemy, whom A. frequently quotes. This 
work was translated from Arabic into Latin, 
about the year 11 42 (as is supposed), by 
Johannes Hispalensis, under the title of 
Alfragani Elemenia Astronomical for which 
the alternative title Liber de Aggregatione 
Scientiae Stellarum is sometimes substituted. 
This version, the popularity of which is attested 
by the number of^MSS. still in existence (there 
being at least a score in the libraries of Oxford 
alone), is the one which was in common use in 
the Middle Ages ; there are three printed edi- 
tions of it, published respectively at Ferrara 
(M93)» at Nuremberg (1537), and at Paris 
(1546). There are two other independent 
Latin versions, one by Christmann, published 
at Frankfort in 1590, the other by Golius, 
published at Amsterdam in 1669. According 
to the latter, Alfraganus was commonly known 
as * Computator ' on account of his proficiency 
in mathematics, just as Averroes was known 
as 'Commentator' from his commentaries 
upon Aristotle, and as Aristotle himself was 
styled par excellence * Philosophus.' 

D. was evidently familiar with the Elemenia 
Astronomica of Alfraganus, and studied it 
closely, for he was largely indebted to it for 
astronomical and other ^a/a, though only on two 
occasions does he acknowledge his obligations ; 
he mentions Alfraganus himself as his authority 
for the dimensions of the Earth and of the 
planet Mercury, Conv. ii. 14®* [Merourio^: 
Terra^] ; and refers to his Elementa, under 
the title of Libro delV Agp^egazione delle 
Stelle (but without mentionmg the name of 
the author), for the demonstration of the three- 
fold motion of the Heaven of Venus, Conv, ii. 
5134 [Venere, Cielo di] ; he was also indebted 
to Alfraganus for his information as to the 
projection of the shadow of the Earth as far as 
the sphere of Venus, Par. ix. 118-19 [Terra^] ; 
the Syrian calendar and the Arabian usage m 
reckoning the commencement of the day from 
sunset, V. N. § 3o^"'fi [Arabia : TisrinJ ; the 
poles and equators of the various heavens, 
Conv. ii. 4*'"^®, iii. 5<53-79 j and the motion of 
the heaven of the Fixed Stars from W. to E. 
I** in 100 years, Conv. ii. 6»«-3, is^^^-i* ; V.N. 
§ 2i«-i2 [Cielo Stellato] ; the diameter of the 
planet Mercuiy, Conv. ii. 140^-8 [Mercurio^J ; 
the distance of Venus from the Earth, Conv. li. 
7104-8 [Terra': Venereal; the diameter of 
the Earth, Conv. ii. ^'^^^\ 1497-8 . jv. %h^w 
[Terra2] ; the number of the Fixed Stars, 
Conv. ii. 15I8-22 [Stelle Fisse] ; the periods 
of the revolutions of the planets, Conv. ii. 
1513--57 [Cielo Cristallino] ; the circum- 



[25] 



Alfonso 



Ali 



ference of the Earth, Conv. iii. 5^^107 [Terra^] ; 
the difference between * equal ' and * temporal ' 
hours, Conv. iii. 6^^""32 (j^^ below) ; the dia- 
meter of the Sun, Conv. iv. 8 '®~* [Sole]. 

D.*s explanation of the difference between 
* equal * and * unequal * or * temporal ' hours is 
taken from cap. 1 1 of the Element a : — 

' Posuerunt astrologi initium uniuscujusque diei 
cum nocte sua, ex hora medii diei usque in horam 
medii sequentis. . . . Omnes vero dies cum nocte 
sua dividuntur per 94 horas . . . et haec vocantur 
aequales, quia nulla diversitas est quantitati earum. 
. . . Horae vero temporariae sive inaequales, cum 
quibus fit unaquaeque dies ac nox tam in aestate 
quam in hyeme 12 horarum. Earumque quanti- 
tates fiunt diversae, secundum longitudinem diei 
ac noctis, sivc brevitatem. Cum fuerit dies pro- 
lixior nocte, enint horae ejus prolixiores horis 
noctis. Et similiter, cum fuerit brevior, erunt 
horae ejus breviores. . . . £t nominantur tempora 
boranim diei. [Perspicuum itaque est, eas horas 
did aequales, quarum quidem numenis pro diei 
longitudine vel brevitate major vel minor est; 
tempora ver6 manent aequalia. Horas autem 
temporarias vel inaequales diei, quarum tempora 
sunt inaequalia ; at numenis semper aequalis est] * 

(See Paget Toynbee, Dant^s obligations to 
Al/raganuSf in Romania^ xxiv. 413-32.) 

Alfonso ^]y Alphonso III, King of Aragon, 
1 285-1 291, eldest son of Peter III, whom he 
succeeded in Aragon. D. places him in the 
valley of flowers in Antepurgatory, among the 
princes who neglected to repent, and represents 
him as seated behind his father, referring to 
him, on account of his having died before he 
was thirty, as lo giovinetto^ Purg. vii. 116 
[Antipurgatorlo]. D. implies that he was 
superior to his brothers, James (who succeeded 
him in Aragon as James II), and Frederick 
(who became King of Sicily as Frederick II, 
1 296-1 337) [Pietro^]. A. is perhaps referred 
to as Vonor di Cicilia e cT Aragona^ Purg. iii. 
115 [Aragona : Table i]. 

Alfonso 2], Alphonso X, El Sabio, King of 
Castile and Leon, 1 252-1 284, the most learned 
prince of his age, and compiler of the celebrated 
astronomical tables known as the ' Alphonsine 
Tables ' ; thought by some to be alluded to 
by the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter as quel 
di Spagna^ Par. xix. 125 ; but the reference is 
more probably to his grandson, Fernando IV 
(1295-13 1 2) [Castella: Ferdinando: Table 
iii] ; some suppose also that he is the King 
of Castile commended for his munificence as 
// buon Re di Castella^ Conv. iv. n 126-6. but 
the reference in this case is almost certainly to 
his great-grandfather, Alphonso VIII, King 
of Castile, 11 58-1214 [Alfonso^]. 

Alfonso 3], Alphonso VIII, King of Castile, 
1158-1214 ; most probably the King of Castile 
mentioned, together with the Marquis of Mont- 
ferrat and the Count of Toulouse, on account 



of his liberality, Conv. iv. ii'^o-s^ f^js king, 
whom D. speaks of as * il buon Re di Castella,' 
was one of the great patrons and protectors of 
the troubadours (whence doubtless D.'s refer- 
ence to him), as were Boniface II of Montferrat, 
and Raymond V of Toulouse, with whom he is 
coupled. Bertran de Bom speaks of him in 
one of his poems as ^ il valen rei de Castela 
n'Anfos,* and in the old Provencal life of 
Folquet of Marseilles he is referred to as * lo 
bos reis Anfos de Castela,' a description which 
D. has adopted. Among his prot^g^s were 
Peire Rogier, Guiraut de Bomeil, Folquet of 
Marseilles, and Aimeric de Pegulhan, of whom 
the last three are mentioned by D. in the De 
Vulgari Eloquentia and elsewhere. [Castella : 
Table iii] 

Alfragano. [Alfergano.] 

Algazel, Algazali (Muhammad ibn Mu- 
hammad, Zain Al-Din Abu Hamid, Al'Ghaz' 
2ali)j Moslem theologian, usually described as 
Arabian philosopher, bom 1058, died nil. 
After lecturing on theology at Bagdad, he re- 
tired to Damascus, returning ten years later to 
Bagdad, where he resumed his teaching. He 
spent the close of his life in retirement, absorbed 
in the contemplative life of the Sufis, who had 
been his earliest instructors. He wrote a 
treatise, which is extant, called Destructio 
Philosophorunty against the accepted Aristo- 
telianism of the day, his philosophy being 
characterized by a reversion from the meta- 
physical to the theological state of thought. 
The work called the Tendencies of the Philo- 
sophers^ translated into Latin and published at 
Venice in 1 506 under the title Logica et Philo- 
Sophia Algazelis Arabis, contains neither the 
logic nor the philosophy of Algazali. It is a 
mere abstract of the Peripatetic systems, and 
was made preliminary to the Destructio men- 
tioned above. With Algazali Arabian philo- 
sophy in the East came to an end ; but it 
revived in the West in Mahometan Spain, 
where its most distinguished exponent was 
the great Aristotelian commentator, Avcrroes 
(Encyc, Brit.), 

D. quotes the opinion of Algazali (Logic, et 
Philos, i. 4), which he shared with Plato and 
Avicenna, that substantial generation is effected ' 
by the motive powers of the Heavens, Conv. 
ii. 1431-^ ; the theory, held by him (Logic, et 
Philos, ii. 5) and Avicenna, that souls are 
noble or ignoble of themselves from the begin- 
ning, Conv. iv. 2ii^~i7. (See Mazzucchelli, 
Autori citati net Convito,) 

Ali, Ali ibn Abu Taleb, fourth in order of 
the Csdiphs or successors of Mahomet, bom at 
Mecca circ. 597 ; his father was uncle of the 
prophet, by whom A. himself was adopted and 
educated ; as a youth he was the first to de- 
clare his adhesion to the cause of Mahomet, 



[26] 



Alichino 



Allagherius 



who in return made him his vicegerent, and 
later rewarded him with the hand of his 
daughter Fatima. When Mahomet died (in 
632) without male issue, A. did not press his 
legitimate claims to succeed him, but allowed 
three other companions of the prophet succes- 
sively to become Caliph, viz. Abu-Bekr (63a- 
634), Omar (634*644), and Othman (644-656) ; 
it was not until after the murder of Othman in 
656 that he assumed the caliphate, which he 
held until his assassination at Kufa in 661. The 
question of Ali's right to succeed to the 
caliphate divided the Mahometans into two 
great sects, viz. the Sunnites (represented by 
the modem Turks), who deny his right, and 
the Shiites or Fatimites (represented by the 
Persians), who affirm it, and who venerate A. 
as second only to Mahomet himself. 

D. places AH, together with Mahomet, among 
the Schismatics in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxviii. 32; he is repre- 
sented as ' cloven in the face from the chin to 
the forelock,' while Mahomet is cloven * from 
his chin to his fundament * (vv. 24, 33) [Sois- 
xnatioi]. Benvenuto represents A. as the uncle 
and teacher of the prophet : — 

*■ Aly fuit patnius Macomethi .^ . . habet totam 
faciem per longum divisam, ita quod est panim 
divisus, sed in parte corporis honestiori et princi- 
paliori, quia Macomethum iustnixit et juvit ad 
tantum errorem, licet non tantum deliquerit* 

Alichino, one of the ten demons in Bolgia 5 
of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) deputed by 
Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, Inf. xxi. 118; 
xxii. 112; guei, w. 125,129; compagno, v. 1 37 ; 
faiirOy V, 139; he and his companions are 
placed as guardians of the Barrators, whom 
they rend with their iron prongs whenever the 
latter venture to appear above the surface of 
the boiling pitch in which they are immersed 
[BarattieriJ. Alichino is the victim of a trick 
on the part of Ciampolo, one of the Barrators, 
who eludes him, and in consequence brings 
down upon A. the wrath of Calcabrina, one of 
the other demons, Inf. xxii. 112-35 ; the latter 
flies at A., and the two fall together into the 
pitch, whence they are fished out by four of 
their companions (yu, 137-50) [Caloabrina : 
Ciampolo]. 

Some see in the name Alichino^ which 
Philalethes renders * Biickeschnurbs,* t\i^ HelU" 
fuin (mod. ' Harlequin ') who with his mesnie 
IS so frequently met with in O.F. literature. 

Alighieri], Dante's family name, referred 
to by Cacciaguida, D.'s great-great-grandfather 
(in the Heaven of Mars), as tua cognazione^ 
Par. XV. 92 ; // tuo soprannome^ v. 138. Cac- 
ciaguida, who is said to have belonged to the 
Elisei, one of the ancient families of Florence 
who boasted their descent from the Romans, 
married one of the Aldighieri or Alighieri, 
probably of Ferrara, from whom he says D/s 



surname was derived, * Mia donna venne a me 
di val di Pado, £ quindi il soprannome tuo si 
feo,' Par. xv. 137-8. [Caccias:uida : Dante.] 
There has been much discussion as to the 
correct form of D.*s surname, which, as might 
be expected, is spelt in many various ways in 
MSS. The name itself appears to be of German 
origin. Minich, however, attempts to give it 
a local origin, and derives it from alga^ the 
sea-weed with which all the swampy land in 
the Po valley abounds, referring Cacciaguida's 

* quindi ' \v, 138) not to * mia donna,' but to 

* val di Pado.* The most recent investigations 
tend to show that in the Latin form the name 
was probably originally Alagherii^ and in the 
Italian Alighieri (see M. Scherillo, // cog" 
fwme Alighieri^ in Alcuni cafiitoli della BiO" 
grafia di Dante, Turin, 1896). The name in 
its Latin form (spelt variously by different 
editors) occurs, Epist. ii. ///. ; v. ///. ; vi. //7. : 
vii. ///. ; viii. ///. ; ix. 3 ; x. //'/., 10 ; A. T. §5 
i2, 24*. 

AUghieri, Bello degli. [Bello.] 

Alighiero], the son of Cacciaguida, and 
great-grandfather of Dante, whose father, Ali- 
ghiero II, was the eldest son of Bellincione, 
the eldest son of Alighiero I ; the second son 
of the last was Bello, father of Geri del Bello 
(Inf. xxix. 27) [Table xxii]. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) refers 
to Alighiero as his own son, and D.'s great- 
grandfather, and as being the ancestor from 
whom the poet derived his surname Alighieri, 

* Quel da cui si dice Tua cognazione . . . Mio 
figlio fu, e tuo bisavo fue,' Par. xv. 91-2, 94 
[Alighieri : Dante]. This Alighiero is men- 
tioned, together with his brother Preitenitto, 
in a document dated Dec. 9, 11 89; and is 
proved by another document to have been 
alive on Aug. 14, 1201 ; it is evident that D. 
was ignorant of the exact date of his death, for 
he makes Cacciaguida say (in 1300) that his 
son had been ' a hundred years and more ' 
among the Proud in Circle I of Purgatory 
(Par. XV. 92-3) [Cacoia^^da: SuperbiJ. 

Aliotti], noble Florentine family, said to 
have been a branch of the Visdomini, who, as 
some think, are alluded to by Cacciaguida (in 
the Heaven of Mars) as being patrons of the 
bishopric of Florence, the revenues of which 
they enjoyed during the vacancy of the See, 
Par. xvi. 112-14. Bpnvenuto says : — 

'Ista domus Visdominorum tantae dignitatis 
quasi defecit ; tamen ex ea factae sunt duae aliae 
domus, scilicet illi de la Tosa, et Aliotti/ 

The Aliotti are mentioned by Villani (xii. 23) 
among the noble families who were reduced in 
1343 to the rank of *popolani.' [Tosinghi: 
Visdomini.] 



Allagherius. [Alighieri.] 



[27] 



Allighieri 



Altaforte 



AUighieri. [Alighieri.] 

Almeone, Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus 
the seer and Eriphyle. Amphiaraus, fore- 
seeing that the expedition against Thebes 
would prove fatal to him, concealed himself in 
order to avoid joining it ; but his wife Eriphyle, 
bribed by Polynices with the necklace of 
Harmonia, revealed his hiding-place, so that 
he went, and tnet his death [Armenia]. 
Before he died, however, he enjoined Alcmaeon 
to slay Eriphyle to avenge her betrayal of 
him ; accordingly on his return from Thebes 
Alcmaeon put his mother to death [ Anflarao : 
lESrifile]. The incident of A. slaying EriphylS 
IS represented among the graven pictures on 
the ground in Circle I of Purgatory, where E. 
fi^es as an example of defeated pride, Purg. 
X11.49-51 [Superbi]; A. is mentioned again in 
the same connexion, Par. iv. 103-5, where the 
line *Per non perder pietk si fece spietato' 
{v. 105) is a reminiscence of Ovid : — 

'altasqne parente parentem 
Natas erit facto pioB et acelecatas eodem.* 

(A/(C/am. ix. 407-8.) 

Alpe^y the Alps, Inf. xiv. 30 ; xx. 62 ; Purg. 
xvii. I ; xxxiii. in; Aipi, Canz. xi.6i ; alluded to 
as aipestre rocce^ in connexion with the source 
of the Po, Par. vi. 5 1 [Po] ; the Tyrolese Alps 
are described as fAlpe^ che serra Lamagna 
Sovra Tiralli^ Inf. xx. 62-3 ; the Pennine 
Alps are perhaps referred to, Inf. xx. 65 
[Pennine]. 

Alpe^y the Apennines, Inf. xvi. loi. [Apen- 
nines : Benedetto, San.] 

Alpetragio, Alpetragius or Alpetraiis, an 
Arabian of Morocco, who flourished about the 
middle of Cent. xii. He was celebrated as the 
author of a new physical theory of the celestial 
motions, his idea being that the stars moved 
in spirals, thus representing or rather com- 
bining their proper and diurnal motions. 

Jourdain (Trad, Lot, d'Aristoie, pp. 1 32-3) 
identifies Alpetragius with a certain Nour- 
Eddin Alpetrongi, a Christian of Seville, who 
became a Mahometan, and wrote a treatise on 
the Sphere, based upon the new system intro- 
duced by Azarchel, which was translated in 
1 21 7 at Toledo by Michael Scott, and which 
had an important influence upon the astro- 
nomical studies of Cent. xiii. 

D. quotes A. in support of the theory that 
every effect partakes of the nature of its cause, 
Conv. iii. 2^^. Some modem edd. for Alfe- 
iragio here read Alfarabio^ Alfarabius, but 
there is little doubt that the former is the 
right reading. [AlflEu:«bio.] 

Alpha, first letter of the Greek alphabet, 
Epist. X. 33. [AlfiBu] 

Alphesiboeus, name, borrowed from 
Virgil {Eel, v. 73 ; viii. i), under which D. is 



said to have concealed the identity of a certain 
Maestro Fiducio de' Milotti, a physician of 
Certaldo, who was with him at Ravenna, Ed. 
ii. 7, 15, 44, 4Si49» 76. 

Alpi, the Alps, Canz. xi. 61. [Alpe^.] 

Altaforte, Hautefort, castle in the Limousin 
in the bishopric of P^rigord, some twenty 
miles N.E. of Perigueux (in the modem 
Department of Dordogne) ; it belonged to the 
celebrated troubadour, Bertran de Bom, to 
whom D. refers as colui chegid tenne Altaforte^ 
Inf. xxix. 29 [Bertram dal Bornie]. 

Although his Provencal biographer gives 
Bertran the title of Viscount, and says that he 
was lord of nearly a thousand men (' Bertrans 
de Bom si fo de Lemozi, vescoms d'Autafort, 
que i avia prop de mil omes'), it is evident 
from existing documents that Hautefort was 
neither a viscounty nor the centre of a wealthy 
lordship. It was a first-class fortress, worthy 
of its name, lofty and strong (the chronicler 
Jaufr6 de Vigeois terms it * castmm valde in- 
expugnabile *j, but not otherwise a place of 
importance. 

After the death of the * Young King ' (June 
II, II 83), eldest surviving son of Henry II of 
England, Bertran was besieged in Hautefort 
hy Richard Cceur-de- Lion, and Alphonso II, 
King of Aragon, who appeared with an army 
before its walls on June 29 in that same year. 
After holding out for a week, the fortress fell, 
and was handed over by Richard to Bertran's 
brother Constantine. In the end, however, it 
was restored to Bertran, who held it till his 
death. The story of the taking of Hautefort 
through the treacnery of the King of Aragon, 
and of how the Kmg of England (who is 
erroneously represented as taking part in the 
siege) restored it to Bertran, is told by an 
anonymous troubadour in the razo (argument) 
to one of Bertran*s poems : — 

' Lo reis Enrics d'Engleterra si tenia assis en 
Bertran de Born dedintz Autafort el combatia ab 
SOS edificis, que molt li volia gran mal, quar el 
crczia que tota la guerra quel reis joves, sos filhz, 
li avia faita, qu*en Bertrans lalh agu^s faita far, 
e per so era vengutz denan Autafort per lui de- 
seretar. £1 reis d'Arago venc en Tost del rei 
Enric denan Autafort £ quan Bertrans o saup, 
si fo molt alegres quel reis d'Arago era en Tost, 
per so qu'el era sos amies especials. £1 reis 
d'Arago si mandet sos messatges dintz lo castel, 
qu'en Bertrans li mandte pa e vi e cam ; e el si 
Ten mandet assatz, e per lo messatge per cui el 
mandet los presens el li mandet pregan qu'el 
fez^s si qu'el fez^ mudar los edificis e far traire 
en altra part, quel murs on 11 fcrion era totz rotz. 
£ el, per gran aver del rei Enric, el li dis tot so 
qu'en Bertrans li avia mandat a dire. £1 reis 
Enrics si fetz metre dels edificis plus en aquela 
part on saup quel murs era rotz e fo lo murs adds 
per terra el castels pres. En Bertrans, ab tota 
sa gen, fo mcnatz al pabalho del rei Enric, el reis 



[28] 



Alvemia 



Ambrosius 



lo receup molt mal e silh dis : " Bertrans, Bertrans, 
vos avetz dit que anc la meitatz del vostre sen 
nous ac mestier nul temps, mas sapchatz qu* ara vos 
a el be mestier totz." — " Senher, dis en Bertrans, 
el es be ver qu'eu o dissi e dissi be vertat." £1 
reis dis : ** £u ere be qu*el vos sia ara falhitz.'* 
** Senher, dis en Bcrtrans, be m*es falhitz." — " E 
com?" dis lo reis. ** Senher, dis Bertrans, lo 
jom quel valens joves reis, vostre filhz, mori, eu 
perdi lo sen el saber e la conoissensa." £1 reis, 
quan auzi so qn'en Bertrans li dis en ploran del 
filh, venc li grans dolors al cor de pietat e als 
olhz, si que nos poc tener qu*el no pasmds de 
dolor. E quan el revenc de pasmazo, el crida 
e ditz en ploran : '^ £n Bertrans, en Bertrans, 
vos avetz be dreit e es be razos si vos avetz perdut 
lo sen per mon filh, que el vos volia melhz que 
ad ome del mon ; e eu, per amor de lui, vos quit 
la persona e Taver el vostre castel e vos ren la 
mia amor e la mia gracia e vos don cine centz 
marcs d'argen per los dans que vos avetz re- 
ceubutz." En Bertrans silh cazec als pes, referen 
li gracias e merc^s, el reis ab tota la soa ost s*en 
anet. En Bertrans, quan saup quel reis d*Arago 
li avia faita si laida felonia, fo molt iratz ab lo rei 
n'Anfos.' 

Alvemia^, Auvergne, district in S.-Central 
France, on the borders of the old Languedoc, 
whence the troubadour Peire d'Alvemha took 
his name, V. £. i. lo^^. [Petnis de Alvemia.] 

Alvemia^], La Vemia, mountain (4796 ft) 
in the Casentino £. of Florence, near Bibbiena, 
on the S.W. slope of which St. Francis of 
• Assist founded a monastery (in 1218), the 
remains of which are still to be seen ; it is 
here that St. Francis is said to have received 
the stigmata in 1224 after fasting for forty 
days. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of 
the Sun), in connexion with this incident, refers 
to the mountain, which is situated between 
the sources of the Tiber and the Amo, as // 
crudo sasso, intra Tevere ed Amo, Par. xi. 
106-7. [FranceBoo^.] 

Amalechy Amalek, the Amalekites ; men- 
tioned as typical of the Emperor Henry VI Fs 
opponents in Italy, Epist. vii. 5. [Ag^ag.] 

Amano], Haman, chief minister of Aha- 
suems, from whom he obtained a decree that 
all the Jews in the Persian empire should be 
put to death (Esther iii. 8-15); after the 
failure of this attempt to compass the destruc- 
tion of Ae Jews, H., through the intervention 
of Esther and Mordecai, was hanged on the 
gallows which he had prepared for the latter 
{Esther vii. 7-10). [Assuero : Eater : Mar- 
dooheo.] 

Haman figures among the examples of 
wrath seen by D. in Circle III of Purgatory, 
where he is represented as 'crucified,' with 
Ahasuerus, Esther, and Mordecai grouped 
around him, Purg. xvii. 25-30 [Iraoondi]. 
D.'s use of the term * crocifisso,' as applied to 
Haman, is explained by the Vulgate, where 



the word rendered * gallows ' in A.V. is repre- 
sented by Lat. crux (*jussit excelsam parari 
crucem*). The same term is employed by 
Brunetto Latino : — 

^ Hester fist cnicefier Aman, qui voloit destniire 
le pueple Israel.' (7>w?or, i. 58.) 

Amanti, Spiriti. [Spiriti Axnanti.] 

Amata, wife of Latinus, King of Latium, 
and mother of Lavinia ; she hanged herself 
rather than live to see her daughter married 
to Aeneas [Lavinia]. D. includes her among 
the examples of wrath in Circle III of Purga- 
tory, V\ir%, xvii. 34-9, where in a vision he 
sees Lavinia weeping and reproaching her 
mother with her suicide, calling upon her as 
reginuy ^' 35» and madre^ v. 39 [Iraoondi]. In 
his letter to the Emperor Henry VII, D. com- 
pares the city of Florence to Amata (Epist. 
vii. 7) : — 

^Haec Amata ilia impatiens, quae, repulso 
fatali connubio, quem fata negabant generum sibi 
adscire non timuit, sed in bella furialiter provo- 
cavit, et demum, male ausa luendo, laqueo se 
suspendit.' 

The episode is narrated by Virgil, but D. sup- 
plies the words to which Virgil only alludes : — 

'Acddit haec feasis etiam fortnna Latinis, 
Quae totaxn lacta concoasit fanditus arbem. 
R^na at tectis venientem prospicit hostem, 
Incessi muroa, ignes ad tecta volare, 
Noaaaam aciea contra Ratnlas, nulla agmina Tumi: 
Infellz pugnae jnvenem in certamine credit 
Exstinctam, et, snbito mentem turbata dolore, 
Se caossam damat, crimenqne caputqne maJorum, 
Mttltaque per maestam demens ettata fnrorem, 
Porpareoa moritara niann discindit aniictas, 
Et nodain infomiis leti trabe nectit ab aJta. 
Quam cladem miserae postqoam accepere Latinae, 
Filia prima mana flavos Lavinia crines 
Et roseas laniata genaa, turn cetera circnm 
Turba forit ; resonant late plangoribas aedes.* 

{Aeu. xii. 593-607.) 

Ambrogio, Sant'. [Ambrosiua.] 

Ambrosius, St. Ambrose, celebrated Father 
of the Church, bom 334, died 397. St. A. was 
educated at Rome, studied law, practised as 
a pleader at Milan, and in 369 was appointed 
governor of Luguria and Aemilia (N. Italy). 
In 374 he was nominated Bishop of Milan, 
though not yet baptized. He at first refused 
the dignity, but accepted it under persuasion. 
As Bishop he became the unswerving opponent 
of the Arian heresy [Arrio], whidi had the 
support of Justina, mother of Valentinian II, 
and, for a time, of the young Emperor himself. 
In 390, on account of the ruthless massacre 
at Thessalonica ordered by the Emperor 
Theodosius, St. A refused him entrance into 
the church at Milan for eight months. St. 
Augustine was among those who received 
baptism at his hands [Agoatino'^]. St. A 
was a voluminous writer, but many of his 
works are little more than reproductions of the 
writings of Origen and other Greek Fathers. 
His exegetical works include an exposition of 



[29] 



Ambrosius 



Amiclate 



the Gospel of St. Luke, and commentaries on 
certain of the Psalms. He was also the author 
of many hymns, designed to combat the errors 
of Arianism, some of which have been adopted 
in the liturgies of the Western Church. The 
beginning of one of these, * Te lucis ante,* is 
quoted by D., who represents the spirits in 
the valley of flowers in Antepurgatory as chant- 
ing it, Purg. viii. 13-14. The hymn is as 
follows : — 

'Te lacts ante teimtnain, 
Rerniti Creator, poscimaa, 
Ut tna pro dementia, 
Sis praesul et custodia. 
Procul recedant somnia 
Et noctiam phantasmata : 
Hostemqne nostrum comprime, 
Ne polluantur corpora. 
Praesta, Pater piissime, 
Patrique coropar Unice, 
Cum spiritu Paraclito 
Regnans per omne saeculum.* 

D. reproaches the Italian cardinals with 
their neglect of the works of St. A., and of the 
other Fathers of the Church : * Jacet Gregorius 
tuus in telis aranearum; jacet Ambrosius in 
neglectis clericorum latibulis; jacet Augus- 
tinus; abjectus Dionysius, Damascenus, et 
Beda,' Epist. viii. 7. Some think that St. A. 
is alluded to as one of the four elders ' in 
humble guise ' in the mystic Procession in the 
Terrestrial Paradise (the other three being 
St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and St. Jerome), 
Purg. xxix, 142. The reference, however, is 
more probably to the four writers of the 
canonical Epistles. [Frocessione.] 

Several of the old commentators think St. A. 
is referred to as Quel awocato dei tempi 
Cristianij Par. x. 119. Benvenuto hesitates 
between St. A. and Paulus Orosius, the his- 
torian : — 

'Ad evidentiam istius literae est notandum quod 
litera ista potest verificari tain de Ambrosio quam 
de Orosio. De Ambrosio qnidem quia fuit magnus 
advocatus temponim christianonim, quia tempore 
suo pullulaverunt multi et magni haeretici ; contra 
quos Ambrosius defensavit ecclesiam Dei, immo 
et contra Theodosium imperatorem fuit audacis- 
simus ; et ad ejus praedicationem Augustinus 
conversus fuit ad fidem, qui fuit validissimus mal- 
leus haereticorum. Potest etiam intelligi de 
Paulo Orosio, qui fuit defensor temponim chris- 
tianorum reprobando tempora pagana, sicut evi- 
denter apparet ex ejus opere quod intitulatur 
Ormesta mundi, quern libnim fecit ad petitionem 
beati Augustini, sicut ipse Orosius testatur in 
prohemio dicti libri. . . . £t hie nota quod quamvis 
istud possit intelligi tam de Orosio quam de Am- 
brosio, et licet forte autor intellexerit de Orosio, 
cui fuit satis familiaris, ut perpendi ex multis 
dictis ejus, tamen melius est quod intelligatur de 
Ambrosio, quia licet Orosius fuerit vir valens et 
utilis, non tamen bene cadit in ista corona inter 
tam egregios doctores.' 

In spite of Benvenuto*s arguments, however, 
there can be scarcely a doubt that Orosius is 
intended. [Orosio.] 



Amerigo. [HameriouB.] 

Amfione. [Anflone.] 

Amicitia, De, Cicero's treatise On Friend' 
ship, written in the form of a dialogue, the chief 
speaker being Laelius, to commemorate the 
friendship of the latter with Scipio Africanus 
the younger [Lelio]; quoted as jyAmicisia^ 
Conv. i. I2>®; Deir Amisiti, Conv. ii. 13'®; 
one of the books with which D. consoled him- 
self after the death of Beatrice, Conv. ii. 
I2i7-:i2 . Cicero's opinion, in agreement with 
that of Aristotle, that love is begot by proxi- 
mity and goodness, and increased by advan- 
tage, study, and habit, Conv. i. 12^*""^** : — 

Antic, $ 5: 'Hoc praestat amicitia propinqui- 
tati, quod ex propinquitate benivolentia toll! 
potest, ex amicitia non potest ; sublata enim 
benivolentia, amicitiae nomen tollitur, propinqui- 
tatis manet.' — § 9 : ' confirmatur amor et beneficio 
accepto, et studio perspecto, et consuetudine ad* 
juncta.' 

D. was indebted to the De Amicitia (§ 26) 
for the quotation (from the Eunuchus of 
Terence) which he puts into the mouth of 
Thais (the words attributed to her by D. 
being really those of Gnatho), Inf. xviii. 133-5 
[Taide]. D. probably also got from the same 
work (§ 7) the story of Pylades and Orestes, 
alluded to, Purg. xiii. 32 [Oreste]. 

Amiclzia, D\ [AmIclUa, De.] 

Amiclas, Amyclas, Conv. iv. 13^20. [Ami- 
clate.] 

Amiclate, Amyclas, a poor fisherman who 
' Caesar and his fortune bare at once * in his 
boat from Epirus into Italy. Julius Caesar, 
being anxious to reach Italy, went secretly at 
night to the cottage of A., who, secure in his 
poverty, admitted him, and consented to convey 
him across the Adriatic. 

A. is mentioned, in allusion to this incident, 

by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 

Sun) in connexion with St. Francis, and his 

devotion to poverty. Par. xi. 67-9; Lucan's 

account of the incident quoted in a discussion 

as to the harmfulness of riches, Conv. iv. 
1^1 10-21, 

D. has closely followed Lucan's narrative of 

the episode (Par. xi. 67-9), the last four lines 

of which he translates in the Convivio (iv. 
,3x1^8) :_ 

* Hand proctil inde domas non nllo robore falta, 
Sed sterili janco, cannaque intexta palustri, 
Et latus inversa nudum mnnita phaaclo. 
Haec Caesar bis terqne niann quassantia tectum 
Liroina commovit; molli consnrgit Amyclas 

?iuem dabat alga toro : Quisnam mea naufra£;ua, inquit, 
ecta petit ? aut quem nostrae fortuna co€git 
Auxiliuro sperare casae? Sic fatus ab alto 
Ag[gere jam tepidae sublato fune favillae 
Scmtillam tenuem comrootoa pavit in ignes; 
Secunis belli, praedam ctvilibus armis 
Scit non esse casam. O vitae tuta facultaa 
Pauperis, angustique lares ! O munera nondnm 



[30] 



Amiclate 



Analytica Priora 



Intellecta deftni ! Qnibas hoc cootin^ere templis 

Aut potuit maris, nullo trrpidare turoultu 

Caesarea pulsante manu?* {PAars. v. 515-31.) 

The following account of the incident is 
g^ven by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Essendo rebellati gli romani senatori a Cesare, 
et essendo fuori di Roma costui con grande 
seguito ch'avea, si degli Romani estrinseci come 
d'altri popoli, faceva viva guerra ad essi, et a 
quelle cittadi che a loro ubidiano; e fra Taltre si 
era una terra al principio di Romania, appellata 
Durazo, molto forte e ben murata, e teneasi per 
gli romani sanatori. . . . Cesare con sua gente and6 
ad assedio al detto Durazo ; e vigorosamente facea 
sua guerra. In processo di tempo awenne che 
vittuaglia mancava all' oste di Cesare. Questi per 
le circustanze pigliavano ogni castello e fortezza 
e nibavano e toglievano tutta quella vittuaglia 
ch'egli trovavono; abbreviando, egli disciporono 
e miseno in fuga tutte quelle pertinenze d'intomo, 
salvo che suso la marina era uno nocchiero, vel 
tragittatore, lo quale solamente avea una sua 
barca e un remo, e in terra non avea se non uno 
capannuccioy dov'era un poco di paglia; e quivi 
posava quando dormia, o s' ello era fuori d*opera. 
Avea nome Amiclas, lo quale perch' era cosl 
povero, non temea rubagione, perch^ avea poco, 
vel quasi nulla sustanzia temporale, non temea 
invidia dVsser morto; si che, dove tutta la con- 
trada, vel paese, fugia dall' oste di Cesare, costui, 
per la sua povertade, stava sicuro, e non brigava 
di trovare altra stanzia. ... Or dice che, veggendo 
Cesare pure mancargli vittuaglia, mand6 navilj 
nelle parti d'ltalia, cosl forniti come bisogno era, 
et agli rettori di quegli commise suo affare. Pas- 
sato quello tennine che costoro doveano esser 
venuti colla vittuaglia, e non eran toniati, misesi Ce- 
sare una sera in via disconosciutamente, e nol seppe 
alcuna i>ersona dell' oste. Venne a casa d'Ami- 
date, e tanto venne effettuosamente che diede 
delle mani nell'uscio dello medale, e fecelo tutto 
crollare, e disse : O della casa ! vieni, ch' io voglio 
che tu mi tragietti con tua navicella oltre questo 
braccio di mare. Amiclas, udito la boce di Cesare, 
e sentito lo bussamento di suo ostello, s'awide 
bene che questo era grande fatto ; ma pensossi : 
lo son povero, io non ho nulla, che costui possa 
affrettare di vedere, si che, sia di che condizione 
vuole, o vuol grande o vuol minore, el non mi 
pu6 offendere : io odo lo mare esser turbato, e 
see la etade della luna e gli altri aspetti de' 
pianeti, gli quali hanno a muover lo tempo ad 
esser mal disposto : io non voglio servire a costui. 
Pensato questo, rispuose : Amico mio, io non 
voglio ; lo tempo non & disposto : io non ne voglio 
far nulla. Fatta da costui questa risposta, Cesare 
si maravigli6 molto; ma pensossi di fare per- 
suasioni, acci6 ch' egli lo servisse, e disse : Frate, 
io ti vogUo fare assapere ch' io son Cesare, lo 
quale, come tu puoi avere inteso, io sono temuto ; 
cbd, non solo a una mia parola si moverebbe uno 
uomoy ma la metade di quegli del mondo ; s*egli 
pensassono ch' io lo pensassi, correrebbono a ridu- 
cere in atto mio pensiero. Costui rispuose: 
Questo pu6 esser ch'egli farebbono per paura 
d'esser disfatti di suo dominio et avere ; ma io 
non temo di perdere alcuna cosa, ch' io sono in 
estrema povertade. Rispuose Cesare : Se tu mi 



farai questo servigio, io ti prowedr6 si che tu 
non avrai bisogno d'andare a tale sei*vizio ; e trar- 
rotti di questa povertade. Ad Amiclas piacque 
tale profierta; ma, conoscendo lo tempo male 
adatto a navicare, mal volentieri si mettea in mare, 
e cominci6 a rag^onare a Cesare d'astrologia, 
mostrando la costellazione disposta a producere 
fortuna in mare. Abbreviando, Cesare volea pur 
passare per quelle parti, onde dovea venire la 
vittuaglia; e disse ad Amiclas: Non temere, ch* 
i' ho gli Dii a mia posta : noi non possiamo perire. 
Persuaso Amiclate, misesi in mare.' 

Amidei], noble Florentine family, whose 
murder of Buondelmonte, in revenge for a slight 
to a lady of their house, gave rise to the bloody 
factions of Guelfs and Ghibellines in Florence. 
Villani, who records the incident, speaks of 
them as * onorevoli e nobili cittadini (v. 38) ; 
he says they lived in the Sesto di san Piero 
Scheraggio, and sided with the Ghibellines, 
the Buondelmonti being Guelfs (v. 39). 

Cacciaguida, addressing D. (in the Heaven 
of Mars), refers to them as ' La casa di che 
nacque il vostro fleto' (i.e. the house which 
caused so much lamentation in Florence), and 
says that in his day they and their * consorti ' 
(i. e., according to the old commentators, the 
Uccellini and Gherardini) were held in high 
honour. Par. xvi. 136-9. [Buondelmonte.] 

Amistk, Deir. [AmlclUa, De.] 

Amore, Love, i. e. Cupid, the son of Venus, 
as is testified by Virgil (Aen, i. 664-5) and 
Ovid (Metam. v. 363), Conv. ii. 6^i"-2«. [Cu- 
pido.] 

Amore, RImedIo d\ [Remedia Amoris,] 

Amos, Amoz, father of the prophet Isaiah, 
who is hence spoken of as AmosfiliuSy Epist. 
vii. 2 (ref. to 2 Kings xix). [Isaia.] 

Amphitrite, daughter of Oceanus and wife 
of Neptune, goddess of the sea ; mentioned to 
indicate the sea, Epist. vii. 3 ; the ocean as 
distinct from inland seas, A. T. §1 5*. 

Anacreonte, Anacreon, celebrated Greek 
lyric poet, bom at Teos, an Ionian city in Asia 
Minor; he lived in Athens circ. B. c. 522, and 
died circ. 478 at the age of 85. His poems, 
only a few genuine fragments of which have 
been preserved, are chiefly in celebration of 
love and wine. According to the reading of 
Aldus and others, A. is mentioned as being 
among the ancient poets in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 
106 [Limbo]. The correct reading, however, 
is almost certainly, not Anacreonte^ but Anti^ 
fonte [Antifonte]. 

Anagna. [Alagna.] 

Analytica Priora, the Prior Analytics ^ logi- 
cal treatise of Aristotle ; quoted, as Priora^ in 
illustration of the use of hypothesis in argu- 
ment, A. T. § 19^^ ; the first book, which deals 
with the form of the syllogism, is quoted 



[31] 



Anania 



Anastasio 



(apparently) as De SyllogismOy to show that in 
a syllogism containing four terms the form of 
the syllogism is not kept, ' ut patet ex iis quae 
de Syllogismo simpliciter/ Mon. iii. 7^«-^o. 
Aristotle says {Anal, Priora, i. 25) : * Mani- 
festum est quod omnis demonstratio erit per 
tres terminos et non plures.' Witte thinks the 
reference is rather to the Summulae Logicales 
of Petrus Hispanus. 

Anania^y Ananias, ' the disciple at Damas- 
cus/ who healed St. PauPs blindness by laying 
his hands upon him (Acts ix. 10-18) ; the virtue 
of the glance of Beatrice compared to that of 
the hand of A., Par. xxvi. 12. 

Anania ^J, Ananias, husband of Sapphira ; 
the two are included among the examples of 
lust of wealth proclaimed by the Avaricious in 
Circle V of Purgatory, col marito Safira^ Purg. 
XX. 112. [Avari: Baflra.] 

Anassagora, Anaxagoras, celebrated 
Greek philosopher of the Ionian school ; bom 
at Clazomenae in Ionia, B. C. 500 ; died, at the 
age of 72, at Lampsacus in Mysia, B. a 428. 
While at Athens, where he lived as the friend 
and teacher of Euripides and Pericles, he was 
accused of impiety, and sentenced to pay a 
fine of five talents and to quit the city. He 
taught that a supreme intelligence was the 
cause of all things. 

D., whose knowledge of A. was probably de- 
rived from Cicero (Acad, i. 13 ; ii. 31, 37 ; Tusc, 
i. 43 ; iii. 13 ; v. 39 ; &c.), places him, together 
with Thales (with whom he is coupled by Aris- 
totle in the Ethics, vi. 7), in Limbo among the 
great philosophers of antiquity. Inf. iv. 137 
[Limbo] ; his opinion as to the nature and origin 
of the Milky Way, Conv. ii. 155&-9 [Qalassia]. 

Anastagi, noble Ghibelline family of Ra- 
venna, next in importance to the Polentani 
and Traversari (Purg. xiv. 107), with the latter 
of whom, as well as with the Counts of Bagna- 
cavallo (Purg. xiv. 115), they were in close 
alliance. Guido del Duca (in Circle II of 
Purgatory) mentions them among the ancient 
worthy families of Romagna, and speaks of 
them and of the Traversari as being without 
heirs, and consequently on the eve of extinc- 
tion, Purg. xiv. 107-8. [Traversara, CasGu] 

The Anastagi for a time played an important 
part in the politics of Romagna. In 1249, 
while Alberto Caccianimico of Bologna was 
Podestk of Ravenna, the Anastagi and their 
friends rose upon the Polentani and their Guelf 
adherents and expelled them from the city, 
after deposing the Podest^, who was the 
nominee of the Church. Soon after, however, 
the exiled Guelfs returned to Ravenna, replaced 
the Podestk in his office, and in their turn 
expelled the Ghibellines, who were, moreover, 
threatened with excommunication by the famous 
Cardinal, Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. x. 120), 



unless within a given time they submitted 
themselves to the Church. Eight or nine 
years later the Anastagi made peace with their 
adversaries, and were allowed to return to 
Ravenna, probably through the mediation of 
their allies, the Counts of Bagnacavallo, one of 
whom was at this time (1258) Podestk of 
Ravenna. From about this period the family 
of the Anastagi appears to have fallen rapidly 
into decay, and by the year 1300, the date of 
the Vision, hardly a trace of them remained in 
Ravenna. (See Casini, Dante e la Romapta,) 
According to the Ottimo Comento, both the 
Anastagi and the Traversari were expelled 
from Ravenna by the Guelf Polentani : — 

* Perocchd per loro cortesia i Traversari erano 
molto amati da' gcntili e dal popolo, quelli da 
Polenta, occupatori della repubblica, come sos- 
petti e buoni Ii cacciarono fuori. ... Li Anastagi 
furono antichissimi uomini di Ravenna, ed ebbero 
grandi parentadi con quelli da Polenta; ma, 
perocch^ discordavano in vita ed in costumi, Ii 
Polentesi, come lupi, cacciarono costoro come 
agnelli, dicendo che avevano loro intorbidata 
Tacqua.' 

Benvenuto mentions that one of the gates of 
Ravenna (the present Porta Serrata) was in 
his day named after the Anastagi : — 

' Isti fuenint magni nobiles et potentes, a quibus 
una porta in Ravenna usque hodie denominator 
porta Anastasia. De ista domo fuit nobilis miles 
dominus Guido de Anastasiis, qui mortuus est per 
impatientiam amoris cujusdam honestissimae do- 
minae, quam nunquam potuit flectere ad ejus 
amorem.' 

Benvenuto alludes to the story (adapted by 
Dryden as * Theodore and Honoria ') told by 
Boccaccio, * curiosus inquisitor omnium delec- 
tabilium historiarum,* in the Decamerone (v. 8), 
of how a youth named Nastagio degli Honesti 
fell in love with the daughter of Messer Paolo 
Traversaro, and of how he encountered the 
ghost of Messer Guido degli Anastagi. 

Anastagio. [Anastasio.] 

Anastasio, Pope Anastasius II (496-498), 
placed by D. among the Heretics in Circle VI 
of Hell, where he is enclosed in a tomb bearing 
the inscription, * I hold Pope Anastasius, who 
was drawn from the right way by Photinus,* 
Inf. xi. 8-9 [Eretici]. D. appears to have 
confused Pope Anastasius II with his name- 
sake and contemporary, the Emperor Ana- 
stasius I (491-518), who is said to have be»i 
led by Photinus, a deacon of Thessalonica 
(not to be confounded with the better-known 
Photinus, Bishop of Sirmium, who died in 376, 
and was, like his namesake, condemned as a 
heretic), into the heresy of Acacius, bishop of 
Constantinople (d. 488), who denied the divine 
origin of Christ, holding that he was naturally 
begotten and conceived in the same way as 
the rest of mankind [Fotino]. 



[82] 



Ancella 



Andrea de' Mozzi 



The tradition followed by D. is thus related 
by the Anonimo Fiorentino, whose account is 
taken from the chronicle of Martinus Polonus 
(d. 1278), a history of the Popes and Emperors 
from the beginning of the Christian era down 
to the accession of Nicholas III : — 

' Fu costui papa Anastagio secondo, nato di 
Fortunato cittadino Romano, die sedette nella 
sedia apostolica anni due et mesi undici et di 
ventitr^. Questi constitul che niuno cherico, n6 
per ira n^ per rancore n6 per simile accidente, 
pretermettesse o lasciasse di dire Tufficio suo. 
Scomunic6 Anastagio imperadore ; et per6 che in 
quel tempo molti cherici si levorono.contro a lui, 
per6 ch'egli tenea amicizia et singulare fratel- 
lanza et conversazione con Fortino diacono di 
Tessaglia, che poi fu vescovo . . . et questo For- 
tino fii famigliare et maculato d'uno medesimo 
errore d'eresia con Acazio dannato per la chiesa 
cattoh'ca : et perch^ Anastagio volea ricomunicare 
questo Acazio, avegna iddio ch'egli non potessi, 
fu percosso dal giudicio di Dio ; per6 che, essendo 
raunato il concilio, volendo egli andare a sgravare 
il ventre ne* luoghi segreti, per volere et giu- 
dicio divino, sedendo et sforzandosi, le interiora 
gli uscirono di sotto, et ivi finl miserabilmente sua 
vita.* 

Butler says : — 

* In 48a the Emperor Zeno had put forth his 
HenoHkony designed to calm the dissensions which 
had prevailed ever since the Council of Chalcedon 
in 451. The Roman pontiffs did not approve this, 
and excommunicated the Byzantine patriarchs 
who supported it, including Acacius. In the 
pontificate of Anastasius, his namesake the Em- 
peror was desirous of restoring the name of 
Acacius to the diptych or roll of patriarchs deceased 
in the orthodox faith ; and Photinus, a deacon of 
Thessalonica, was sent to treat with Pope Ana- 
stasius on the subject, and persuaded him to allow 
it. Ultimately the belief grew up that Anastasius 
had been tainted with the Nestorian heresy. 
Gratian (Par. x. 104) seems to have been the 
authority for this misrepresentation/ 

Ancella, handmaiden ; title by which D. 
refers to Aurora, * ancella del Sole,* Par. xxx. 7 
[Aurora]; Iris, 'ancella di Junone,' Par xii. 
12 [Iri] ; the hours, 'ancelle del giomo/ Purg. 
xii. 81 ; xxii. 118. 

Anchise, Anchises, son of Capys and 
Themis, daughter of Ilus ; he was beloved by 
Venus, by whom he became the father of 
Aeneas. On the capture of Troy by the 
Greeks Aeneas carried A. on his shoulders 
from the burning city. A. did not live to reach 
Italy ; he died soon after the arrival of Aeneas 
in Sicily, where he was buried on Mt. Eryx. 
When Aeneas descended to Hades he saw 
the shade of A., which conversed with him 
and foretold the future greatness of Rome. 

Aeneas referred to 2^ figliuol d' Anchise^ Inf. 
i. 74; Purg. xviii. 137; the meeting between 
D. and Cacciaguida in the Heaven of Mars 
compared to that of Aeneas and A. in Hades, 



Par. XV. 25-7 ; the death of A. in Sicily, 
* risola c'el foco, Dove Anchise finl la lunga 
etate,' Par. xix. 131-2 ; the fortitude of Aeneas 
in braving the terrors of Hades in order to 
seek the shade of A., as related by Virgil {Aen. 
vij 236 flf.), Conv. iv. 26^0^^ ; the prophecy of A. 
to Aeneas when they met in Hades {Aen, vi. 
847-53)1 Men. ii. 7«"-". [Bnea.] 

Anchises, the father of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 
7««. [Anohdse.] 

Anco, Ancus Marcius, fourth King of Rome, 
B.C. 640-616; he succeeded Tullus Hostilius, 
and was succeeded by Tarquinius Priscus, 
Conv. iv. 5^0 ; he and the other six Kings of 
Rome are referred to, Par. vi. 41. 

Anconitana, Marca. [Marca Anconi- 
tana.] 

Anconitanei, inhabitants of the March of 
Ancona, V. E. i. io<*6-7 j incolae Anconitanae 
Marchiae, V. E. i. ii^^; Marchianiy V. E. 
i. 1 1^^ ; coupled with the Trevisans as utrius' 
que Marchiae vtriy V. E. i. 19^^ [Maroa 
Anconitana] ; their dialect distinct from those 
of the inhabitants of Calabria and Romagna, 
V. E. i. ioO<5^7 . the ugliest of the Italian 
dialects after that of the Romans, V. E. i. 
1 1 18-20. rejected by D., with those of the 
Romans and Spoletans, as unworthy to be the 
Italian vulgar tongue, V. E. i. ii^o-i; the 
Apulian dialect infected by its barbarisms, and 
by those of the Roman dialect, V.E. i. i2^<*~®; 
their dialect abandoned by their most illus- 
trious poets in favour of the Italian vulgar 
tongue, V. E. i. I9i«-i9. 

Andald, Loderingo degli. [Loderingo.] 

Andrea de' Mozzi], member of the noble 
Florentine family (who were Guelfs and 
Bianchi) of that name, Bishop of Florence, 
1287-1295. After having been chaplain to 
Popes Alexander IV and Gregory IX, Andrea 
accompanied Cardinal Latino into Tuscany (in 
1278) when the latter was sent by Nicholas III 
to mediate between the Guelfs and Ghibellines. 
In 1272 he was a canon of Florence, and in 
1287 he was appointed bishop. During his 
bishopric the Church of Santa Croce and the 
p^eat Hospital of Santa Maria were founded 
m Florence, the latter being endowed (in 1287, 
it is said at Andrea's suggestion) by Folco 
Portinari, the father of Beatrice. In Sept., 
1295, on account of his unseemly living, he 
was (at the request of his brother Tommaso de' 
Mozzi, say Boccaccio and Benvenuto) trans- 
ferred by Boniface VIII to the see of Vicenza, 
where he died a few months later (Feb. 1296). 
His body, in accordance with his own direc- 
tions, was sent back to Florence and buried in 
the church of San Gregorio (which had been 
founded by the Mozzi family), where a monu- 
ment was erected to him with the inscription 



[33] 



Andrea di Ungaria 



Angeli 



* Sepulcrum venerabilis patris domini Andreae 
de Mozzis Dei gratia episcopi Florentini et 
Vicentini.* 

Andrea is referred to by Brunetto Latino as 
Colui , . . cAe dal servo de* servi Fu tras- 
mutato d'Amo in Bacchiglione Ove lascib li 
mal protest nervi (i. e. the one who was trans- 
ferred by the Pope from Florence to Vicenza), 
and included by him amon^ those who are 
with himself in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, 
''where those guilty of unnatural offences are 
punished (his malpractices, according to the 
old commentators, being alluded to in v, 114), 
Inf XV. 1 12-14 [Baoohiglione : Violent!]. 

Philalethes remarks that, considering the 
honourable burial a(^corded to Andrea by his 
family, there is some reason to doubt the story 
told oy the old commentators as to the cause 
of his removal from Florence. Some think his 
translation to Vicenza may have been due to 
the disturbances caused by the proceedings of 
Giano della Bella [QianoJ. 

Benvenuto describes Andrea as a sinipleton 
and buffoon, and gives several instances of his 
ridiculous naivetd in preaching. On one occa- 
sion, he says, he compared the Providence of 
God to a mouse sitting on a beam ; on another 
he illustrated the immensity of the divine 
power by contrasting the insignificance of a 
grain of turnip-seed with the magnificence of 
the full-grown turnip, of which he produced a 
large specimen from beneath his cloak : — 

'Volote scire cum non modico risu, quod iste 
spiritus fuit civis florentinus, natus de lyiodiis, 
episcopus Florentiae, qui vocatus est Andreas. 
Iste quidem vir simplex et fatuus, saepe publice 
praedicabat populo dicens multa ridiculosa ; inter 
alia dicebat, quod providentia Dei erat similis 
muri, qui stans super trabe videt quaecumque 
geruntur sub se in domo, et nemo videt eum. 
Dicebat etiam, quod gratia Dei erat sicut stercus 
caprarum. quod cadens ab alto tuit in diversas 
partes dispersum. Similiter dicebat, quod potentia 
divina erat immensa; quod volens demonstrare 
exempio manifesto, tenebat granum rapae in manu 
et dicebat : bene videtis, quam parvulum sit istud 
granulum et minutum ; deinde extrahebat de sub 
cappa maximam rapam, dicens : ecce quam mira- 
bilis potentia Dei, qui ex tantillo semine facit 
tantum fructum.' 

Andrea di Ungaria], Andrew III, King 
of Hungary, 1 290-1 301, the last of the line of 
St. Stephen ; he was succeeded by Wenceslas 
of Bohemia (i 301 -1305) and Otho of Bavaria 
(1305-1308); on the death of the latter the 
crown passed to the House of Anjou in the 
person of Charles Robert (1308- 1342), eldest 
son of Charles M artel, who had been titular 
king. [Carlo Martello : Table zii.] 

Andrew is referred to by the Eagle in the 
Heaven of Jupiter, who expresses the hope 
(perhaps ironically) that Hungary may no more 
be ill-treated at the hands of her kmgs, Par. 
xix. 142-3 [Ungaria]. 



Andrea, Jacomo da sant'. [ Jacomo^.] 

Andromache, daughter of Eetion, King of 
Thebes in Cilicia, and wife of Hector, by whom 
she had a son Scamandrius or Astyanax. On 
the capture of Troy her son was killed, and she 
herself was taken prisoner by Neoptolemus, 
son of Achilles, who carried her to Epirus ; 
she subsequently married Hector's brother, 
Helenus, King of Chaonia. 

D. mentions A. in connexion with Virgil's 
account of her meeting with Aeneas at Buthro- 
tum in Epirus, and her enquiry (Aen, iii. 339- 
40) after Ascanius, Mon. ii. 397-101 [ABcanioj. 

Anfiarao, Amphiaraus, son of Oicles and 
Hypermnestra, great prophet and hero of 
Argos. By his wife Eriphyle, sister of Adrastus, 
he was the father of Alcmaeon. He was one 
of the seven kings who joined in the expedition 
against Thebes (Inf. xiv. 68) [Tebe] ; fore- 
seeing that the issue would be fatal to himself, 
he concealed himself to avoid going to the war, 
but his hiding-place was revealed by his wife 
Eriphyle, who had been bribed by Polynices 
with the tiecklace of Harmonia (Purg. xii. 50-1) 
[Armoni^]. A., as had been foreseen, met 
his death at Thebes, being swallowed up by 
the earth, but before he died he enjoined his 
son Alcmaeon to put Eriphyle to death on his 
return from Thebes, in punishment of her be- 
trayal of him (Purg. xii. 50-1 ; Par. iv. 103-5). 
[Almeone: Erifile.] 

D. places A. among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 
4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), and 
alludes to the tnanner of his death. Inf. xx. 31-9 
[Indovini]. The incident is related by Statius 
( Theb, vii. 789-823 ; viii. i ff.), whence D. 
borrowed it, w, 33-4 being a reminiscence of 
Pluto's words to Amphiaraus : — 



* At tibi quos, inquit. Manes, qui Hinite praeceps 
Non licito per inane ruis?' 



limite praeceps 

Anfione, Amphion, son of Zeus and Antiope ; 
by the help of the Muses he built the walls of 
Thebes, the stones coming down from Mt. 
Cithaeron and placing themselves of their own 
accord, charmed by the magic skill with which 
he played on the lyre. D. mentions A. in 
connexion with the Muses and the assistance 
they gave him at Thebes, Inf. xxxii. lo-ii 
[Muse]. Horace refers to the story in the 
Ars Poet tea : — 

*Dtctas et Amphion, Thebanae conditor arcia, 
Saxa movere sono testudinis et prece blanda 
Ducere quo vcUet.' (vt/. 394-6.) 

Angeli, Angels, the lowest Order in the 
Celestial Hierarchies, ranking last in the third 
Hierarchy, Con v. ii. 6*^ ; they preside over the 
Heaven of the Moon, Conv. ii. 6^^^"'^ [Para- 
diso] ; they are referred to by Beatrice (in the 
Crystalline Heaven) in her exposition of the 
Angelic Orders as angelici ludi^ Par. xxviii. 126. 
[Gkerarohia.] 



[34] 



AngelOy Ca43tello sant' 



Animalibus, De 



AngelOy Castello sant'. [Castello sant' 
Angelo.] 

AngiolellOy Angiolello da Carignano, noble- 
man of Fano, who together with Guido del 
Cassero was invited by Malatestino, lord of 
Rimini, to a conference at La Cattolica on the 
Adriatic coast ; as they were on their way to 
the rendezvous they were surprised in their 
boat, and thrown overboard and drowned off 
the promontory of Focara, by Malatestino's 
orders. The event took place soon after 131 2, 
the year in which Malatestino succeeded his 
father as lord of Rimini. 

This crime is foretold to D. by Pier da 
Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VI II of Hell), 
who bids him warn Angiolello and Guido, 'i 
due miglior di Fano/ of the fate which is in 
store for them, Inf. xxviii. 76-90. [Cattolioa, 
Lok : Fooara : Malatestino : Pier da Medi- 
oina.] According to the Anonimo Fiorentino 
the object of this crime (*enorme facinus,* 
Benvenuto calls it) on the part of Malatestino 
was to prepare the way for his seizure of the 
lordship of Fano : — 

'Messer Guido da Fano et Agnolello erano i 
maggiori uomini di Fano, onde messer Malatestino 
de' Malatesti, era signoredi Rimino,vennegIi inpen- 
siero d*essere signore di Fano : mostrandosi amico 
di questi messer Guido et Agnolello pens6, avendo 
tentato piii volte : s' io uccido costoro, che sono 
i maggiori, io ne sar6 poi signore ; et cosl gli 
awenne. Scrisse loro ch' egli volea loro parlare, 
et ch' egliono venissono alia Cattolica, et egli 
sarebbe ivi, ch' ^ uno luogo in quel mezzo tra 
Rimino et Fana Questi due, fidandosi, si mis- 
sono in una barchetta per mare per venire alia 
Cattolica : messer Malatestino fece' i suoi stare in 
quello mezzo con una altra barchetta ; et come 
messer Malatestino avea loro comandato, presono 
messer Guido et Agnolo et gettorongli in mare; 
onde segul che la parte che aveano in Fano, per- 
dendo i loro capi, furono cacciati di Fano : onde 
ultimamente segui che messer Malatesta ne fu 
signore.' 

Anglia, England, V. E. i. 827. [inghUterra.] 
AngUci, the English, V. E, i. 83i. [Inglesi.] 

Anglicus, English ; Anglicum mare, the 
English Channel, one of the limits of the 
langue /foil, V. E. i. 8«i. [Lingua OiL] 

AMdtaa, De, Aristotle's treatise (in three 
books) On Sou/, quoted as DelP Anima, Conv. 

it. Q»*, IO«8, 14241 ; iii. 283, 126, (,\\\^ 96* . iv. 

7111, 139, 13S8, 15II6, 20^9; De Anima, Mon. 
L 3''*; iii. 16^'' ; the comment of Averroes on, 
Conv. iv. 13*^8. Mon. i. 3^^""®; Aristotle's 
opinion that the soul is immortal, Conv. ii. 
9«3-4 (An, ii. 2) ; that the influence of the 
agent affects the passive nature disposed to 
receive it, Conv. ii. io<^®"3 (An, ii. 2) ; that 
science is of high nobility because of the noble- 
ness of its subject and its certainty, Conv. ii. 
142*0-3 (An, i. i) ; that the principal faculties 



of the soul are three in number, viz. vegetative, 
sensitive, and intellectual, and that it is further 
endued with scientific, deliberative, inventive, 
and judicatory faculties, Conv. iii. 2 ^®» 122-^31 
(An, ii. 2 ; iii. 9) ; that the soul is the active 
principle of the body and hence its cause, 
Conv. iii.6^i<^^3 (j^fg^ i\^ jj. that, strictly speak- 
ing, light and colour alone are visible, Conv. iii. 
^51-4 {An, ii. 7) ; that life is the existence of 
the living, and that the several faculties of the 
soul stand one above the other, just as do the 
pentagon, quadrangle, and triangle, Conv. iv. 
7I10-12, 139-^5 (An. ii. 2 ; ii. 3) ; that the mind 
is healthy when it knows things as they are, 
Conv. iv. I ciii-itt (An, iii. 3} ; that things 
should be adapted to the powers acting upon 
them, in order to receive their influence, Conv. 
iv. 2o*«-«i (An. ii. 2) ; that the soul, being 
eternal, is alone incorruptible, Mon. iii. i625"« 
(An, ii. 2). [Aristotile.] 

Anitnae, De Quantitate, St. Augustine's 
treatise On the Capacity of the Soul ; cited in 
support of the contention that memory is power- 
less to retain the most exalted impressions of 
the human intellect, Epist. x. 28. [Agostino ^.] 
Witte quotes the following passage : — 

* Jam vero in ipsa visione veritatiSf quae Septi- 
mus atque ultimus animae gradus est, neque jam 
gradus, sed quaedam mansio, quo illis gradibus 
pervenitur, quae sint gaudia, quae perfruitio summi 
et veri boni, cujus serenitatis atque aeternitatis 
afflatus, quid ego dicam?' (Cap. 76.) 

Anitnaiibus, De, Aristotle's books On 
Animals, quoted as Degli Animali, Conv. ii, 
3^*> 979. Under this title D. apparently quotes 
two different works of Aristotle, viz. the De 
Historia Animalium (in ten books) and the 
De Partibus Animalium (in four books), since 
of the two passages referred to by him one 
comes from the former work and one from the 
latter ; further, he speaks (Codur. ii. 9'^) of the 
twelfth book On Animals, trom which it is 
evident that two or more of Aristotle's works 
on this subject were regarded in his time as 
forming one collection. Jourdain states (Trad. 
Lat, d' Arts tote, p. 172) that in the Arabic 
versions, upon which the Latin translation of 
Michael Scott was based, the ten books of the 
De Historia Animalium, the four of the De 
Partibus Animalium, and the fi\ei of the De 
Generatione Animalium, were grouped to- 
gether in a single collection of nineteen books. 
Since D. quotes the last of these works sepa- 
rately (A. T. § 13*^), and the passage he refers 
to as occurring in the twelfth book On Animals 
comes from the eighth book of the De Historia 
Animalium, it is probable, as Mazzucchelli 
suggests, that the De Animalibus, as known 
to him, consisted of the four books De Partibus 
Animalium and the ten De Historia Anima- 
lium, in that order; this would satisfactorily 
account for his speaking of the eighth book of 
the latter as ' il duodecimo degli Animali.' 



135] 



D 2 



Animalium, De Oen. 



Antandro 



D. quotes Aristotle's opinion that the plea- 
sures of the intellect transcend those of the 
senses, Conv. ii. 3I0-15 [Part, Anim, i. 5) ; that 
man is the most perfect of all animals, Conv. 
ii. 978-80 (Hist. Anim, viii. i). [Aristotile.] 

Animalium^ De Qenentione, Aristotle*s 
treatise (in five books) On the Generation of 
Animals \ his saying that God and Nature 
always work for the best, A. T. § i3a»-*^ (Gen, 
Anim, ii. 6). [Aristotile.] 

Anna^y St. Anne, mother of the Virgin 
Mary; placed in the Celestial Rose, where 
St. Bernard points out to D. her seat on the 
right hand of John the Baptist, opposite to 
St. Peter, St. Lucy being on the left hand of 
the Baptist, opposite to Adam, Par.xxxii. 133-7 
[Rosa] ; mentioned as the mother of the Virgin 
and wife of Joachim, Conv. ii. 6^^""^* [Qioao- 
ohino ^ : Maria Salome]. Brunetto Latino 
says of her : — 

' Anne ot .iii. maris, Joachim, Cleophas, et Sa- 
lomd, et de chascun ot une Marie. £t ainsi 
furent .iii. Manes, dont la premiere fu mere Jhesu 
Crist; la seconde fu mere Jaque et Joseph; la 
tierce fu mere de Tautre JaqOe el de Jehan Tevan- 
geliste.* ( Tresor, i. 64.) 

Anna '^], Annas, father-in-law of Caiaphas 
the high-priest ; he is referred to (by Catalano) 
as Ml suocero' of Caiaphas (in allusion to 
John xviii. 13: * they led him away to Annas 
first; for he was father-in-law to Caiaphas, 
which was high priest that same year '), and 
represented as being crucified on the ground, 
together with the latter and the Pharisees who 
condemned Christ, among the Hypocrites in 
Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of HeU (Malebolge), 
Inf. xxiii. 115-23. [IpocritL] 

Annibale, Hannibal, the great Carthaginian 
general, son of Hamilcar Barca, bom B.C 247, 
died circ. B.C. 1^3. After overrunning Spain, 
H. carried the war against the Romans into 
Italy, and in the course of the second Punic 
war defeated them at the Lacus Trasimenus 
B.C. 217, and at Cannae in the next year. The 
defeat and death of his brother Hasdrubal at 
the Metaurus (B.c 207) compelled H. to assume 
the defensive, and after four years* fighting he 
crossed over to Africa, where he was completely 
defeated by Publius Scipio Africanus at Zama, 
B.C. 202 [Scipione^]. Some years later he 
poisoned himself in order to avoid falling into 
the hands of the Romans. 

D. mentions Hannibal in connexion with his 
defeat at Zama, Inf. xxxi. 117 [Zama]; his 
passage of the Alps and the victories of the 
Roman Eagle, Par. vi. 50 [Aquila ^ : Arabi : 
Po] ; his victory over the Romans at Cannae, 
Inf. xxviii. 11; Conv. iv. ^^^^ [Canne] ; his 
threatened assault on Rome, Mon. ii. /\^-^ ; 
his final overthrow by Scipio, Mon. ii. ii^s-^i ; 
the condition of Rome in D.*s day such as to 
merit even the pity of Hannibal, Epist. viii. 10. 



Ansalone. [Absalone.] 

Anselmo, Anselm, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 1 093-1 109; he was bom at Aosta in 
Piedmont in 1033, and in 1060, at the age of 
27, became a monk in the abbey of Bee in 
Normandy, whither he had been attracted by 
the fame of Lanfranc, at that time prior; in 
1063, on the promotion of Lanfranc to the 
abbacy of Caen, he succeeded him as prior ; 
15 years later, in 1078, on the death of 
Herluin, the founder of the monastery, he was 
made abbot, which office he held till 1093 ; in 
that year he was appointed Archbishop of 
Canterbury by William Rufus, in succession to 
Lanfranc, after the see had been vacant for 
four years ; in 1097, in consequence of disputes 
with William oh matters of ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction, he left England for Rome to con- 
sult the Pope, and remained on the Continent 
until William's death in iioo, when he was 
recalled by Henry I ; he died at Canterbury, 
April 21, 1 109. A. was the author of several 
theological works, the most important of which 
are the Monologion (an attempt to prove in- 
ductively the existence of God by pure reason 
without the aid of Scripture or authority), the 
Proslogion (an attempt to prove the same by 
the deductive method), and the CurDeus Homo 
(a treatise on the Atonement intended to prove 
the necessity of the Incarnation). 

A. is placed among the doctors of the Church 
(Spiriti Sapienti) in the Heaven of the Sun, 
where he is named to D. by St. Bonaventura, 
Par. xii. 137. [Sole, Cielo del.] 

Anselmuccio, one of the grandsons of 
Count Ugolino della Gherardesca of Pisa, 
whose imprisonment and death he* shared in 
1288 in the Tower of Famine at Pisa, Inf. 
xxxiii. 50; he and his uncle Uguccione, and 
his elder brother Nino, are referred to by 
Ugolino (in Antenora) as // tre^ ^. 71 ; and he 
and his uncle Gaddo as gli altri due^ v, 90 
[Ugolino, Conte]. A. was the younger brother 
of Nino il Brigata (v, 89), they being the sons 
of Guelfo, eldest spn of Ugolino, and Elena, 
daughter of Enzio, King of Sardinia, natural 
son of Frederick II. [Table xxx.] A. ap- 
pears to have been born subsequently to 1272 
(his name being omitted from a document of 
that date in which the other sons of Guelfo are 
mentioned as having claims in Sardinia in their 
mother's right), and consequently must have 
been about fifteen at the time of his death. 
[Brigata, n.] 

Antaeus, the Giant, Mon. ii. 8=^^ io8\ 
[Anteo.] 

Antandro, Antandros, city of Great Mysia, 
on the Adramyttian Gulf, at the foot of Mt. Ida, 
whence Aeneas sailed for Italy after the fall of 
Troy (Aen. iii. 1-1 1). The Emperor Justinian 
(in the Heaven of Mercury) mentions it, to- 



[36] 



Antenora 



Antenora 



gcthcr with the Simois (A^n, v. 634) and the 
tomb of Hector {A en. v. 371), to indicate the 
Troad, which he says was revisited by the 
Roman Eagle after the battle of Pharsalia, Par. 
vi. 67 [Aqiiila^J. The reference is probably to 
the visit of Julius Caesar to Troy while in pursuit 
of Pompey, which is recorded by Lucan : — 

*Sii^easqae petit famae mirator arenas, 
Et Simoentis aqaaa, et Graio nobile bnsto 
Rhaetion, et multura debentes vatibas umbras. 
Circait exnstae nomen memorabile Trojae . . . 

. . . secnrns in alto 
Gramine ponebat gressus, Phryx incola xnanes 
Hrctorcos calcare vetat . . . 
Hectoreas, monstrator ait, non respicis aras?* 

{Phars, ix. 961 ff.) 

Antenora^ name, given by D. to the second 
of the four divisions of Circle IX of Hell (used 
elsewhere as a name for Hell generally, Canz. 
xviii. 28), where Traitors are punished, Inf. 
xxxii. 88 [Inferno] ; here are placed those who 
have been traitors to their country, their city, 
or their party, Inf. xxxii. 7o~xxxiii. 90 fTradl- 
tori]. Examples : Bocca degli Abati [Bocoa] ; 
Buoso da Duera [Buoso 3] ; Tesauro de' Bec- 
cheria [Becoheria] ; Gianni de' Soldanieri 
[Gianni 1]; Tebaldello de' Zambrasi [Tebal- 
dello] ; Ganalon [Qanellone] ; Ugolino della 
Gherardesca [Ugolino, Conte] ; Archbishop 
Rug^eri degli Ubaldini [Rugg^ieri, Arci- 
▼esoovo]. 

The name of this division is derived from 
the Trojan Antenor, who was universally, in 
the Middle Ages, held to have betrayed Troy 
to the Greeks— thus in Benott de Sainte- 
Maure's Roman de Troie (written circ. 1160) 
he is spoken of as * Anthenorz li cuverz Judas,* 
Mi vielz Judas,' &c. The Homeric account, 
that he tried to save his country by advising 
the surrender of Helen, was apparently lost 
sight of at that time. There is no hint of 
Antenor's treachery in Virgil. Servius (Cent, v) 
makes mention of it in his note on Aen, i. 246, 
and refers for confirmation to Livy : — 

' Jam primum omnium satis constat Troja capta 
in ceteros saevitum esse Trojanos ; duobus, Aeneae 
Antenorique, et vetusti jure hospitii et quia pacis 
reddendaeque Helenae semper auctores fuerant, 
omne jus belli Achivos abstinuisse.' (i. i.) 

The mediaeval belief was no doubt derived 
from the histories of the so-called Dictys 
Cretensis and Dares Phrygius, which, through 
the medium of Latin translations, were widely 
read in the Middle Ages. Thus ViUani, in his 
account of the founding of Padua, says : — 

*Antinoro fu uno de' maggiori signori di Troia, 
e fu fratello di Priamo, e figliuolo del re Laome- 
donte, il quale fu incolpato molto del tradimento 
di Troia, e £nea il senti, secondo che scrive 
Dario; ma Virgilio al tutto di ci6 lo scolpa.' (i. 17.) 

Dictys in his account describes how the 
Trojans, finding themselves hard-pressed, 
mutiny against Priam, and determine to give 



up Helen and her belongings to the Greeks. 
Antenor is sent with proposals of peace, and 
he takes the opportunity to arrange with the 
Greek chiefs for the betrayal of the city, his 
reward being half Priam's possessions and the 
appointment of one of his sons as king ; — 

'Trojani, ubi hostis muris infestus, magis ma- 
gisque saevit, neque jam resistendi moenibus spes 
ulterius est, aut vires valent, cuncti proceres sedi- 
tionem adversus Priamum extollunt, atque ejus 
regulos : denique accito Aenea* filiisque Ante- 
noris, decernunt inter se, uti Helena cum his 
quae ablata erant, ad Menelaum duceretur . . . 
Cetenim ingressus consiliun^ Priamus, ubi multa 
ab Aenea contumeliosa ingesta sunt, ad pos- 
tremum consilii sententia jubet ad Graecos cum 
mandatis belli deponendi ire Antenorem . . . 
[After making a long speech to the Greeks 
Antenor asks them to appoint representatives 
with whom he may treat.] . . . Postquam finem 
loquendi fecit, postulat uti quoniam a senibus 
legatus pacis missus est, darent ex suo numero 
cum queis super tali ne^otio disceptaret ; electique 
Agamemnon, Idomeneus, Ulysses atque Diomedes, 
qui secreto ab aliis proditionem componunt. Prae- 
terea placet, uti Aeneae, si permanere in fide 
vellet, pars praedae et domus universa ejus in- 
columis maneret. Ipsi autem Antenori dimidium 
bonorum Priami, regnumque uni filiorum ejus 
quem elegisset, concederetur. Ubi satis tractatum 
visum est, Antenor ad civitatem dimittitur, re- 
ferens ad suos coniposita inter se longe alia.' 
{De Bello Trojano^ iv. 22.) [In the sequel the 
wooden horse is introduced into Troy, and the 
city is captured and handed over to Aeneas and 
Antenor. Finally Antenor expels Aeneas and 
remains in sole possession of the kingdom.] 

Dares Phrygius gives a more circumstantial 
account : — 

* Conveniunt clam Antenor, Polydamas, Uca- 
legon . . . dicunt se mirari pertinaciam regis [sc. 
Priami] qui clausus cum patria et comitibus perire 
mallet, quam pacem facere. Antenor ait se in- 
venisse quid faciendum sit, quod sibi et illis in 
commune proficiat, dum sibi et illis foret fides. 
Omnes se in fide adstringunt. Antenor ut vidit se 
obstrictum, mittit ad Aeneam, dicens, prodendam 
esse patriam, et sibi suisque cavendum esse : ad 
Agamemnonem de his aliquem mittendum esse . . . 
[A messenger is sent to Agamemnon and it is 
arranged that Antenor and Aeneas should open 
one of the gates of the city at night and admit 
the Greek army, on the understanding that their 
own lives and property and those of their wives 
and relatives should be respected.] . . . Antenor 
et Aeneas noctu ad portam praesto fucrunt, Neo- 
ptolemum susceperunt, exercitui portam resera- 
venint, lumen ostenderunt, fugae praesidium sibi 
et suis omnibus ut essct postulaverunt Neopto- 
lemus irruptionem facit, Trojanos caedit, perse- 
quitur Priamum, quem ante Aram Jovis obtruncat 
. . . Tota die et nocte Argivi non cessant vastare, 
praedam asportare. Postquam dies illuxit, Aga^ 
memnon . . . exercitum consulit, an placeat 
Antenori et Aeneae, cum his qui una patriam 



Prom this account it is evident that Aeneas was no less guilty than Antenor— a fact which D. of course had to ij^ore. 

[37] 



Antenori 



Anteo 



prodiderant, servan^quam illis clam confirmaverant. 
Exercitus lotus conclamat, placere sibi . . . f During 
the sack of the city Polyxena, daughter of Priam 
and Hecuba, had been confided by the latter to 
Aeneas, who concealed her. Neoptolemus de- 
mands that she shall be delivered up, and slays 
her at the tomb of his father, Achilles, of whose 
death she had been the cause (Achille). Aga- 
memnon, angry with Aeneas for concealing 
Polyxena, bids him depart from Troy, and hands 
the kingdom over to Antenor.] {^De Excidio Trojat 
Hisiotia, §§ xxxix-xliii.) 

Among his other acts of treachery Antenor 
discovered to the Greeks the secret of the 
Palladium, which he delivered over to them 
(Inf. xxvi. 63) [Diomede : Palladio]. 

Antenoriy descendants of the Trojan 
Antenor, who is said to have betrayed Troy 
to the Greeks ; name applied by Jacopo del 
Cassero (in Anlepurgatory) to the Inhabir 
tants of Padua (perhaps in allusion to their 
treacherous understandmg with Azzo of Este), 
which is supposed to have been founded by 
Antenor, Purg. v. 75. [Antenora: Axbo.] 

The migration of Antenor to the Adriatic 
after the fall of Troy, and his founding of 
Padua, are recorded by Livy (i. i) and Virgil 
(Aen. i. 242 ff.) : — 

'Antenor potnit, mediis elapsns Achivis, 
Illyricos penetrare sinus, atque intima tntns 
Rqjrna Libarnorura, et fontem saperare Timayi . . . 
Hie tamen ille nrbero Patavi srdesqoe locavit 
Teucrorani.' 

Brunetto Latino says : — 

'Quant la cit6 de Troie fu destruite et que li 
un s'enfolrent 9k et li autre la, selonc ce que for- 
tune les conduisoit, il avint que Prians li juenes, 
qui fu filz de la seror au roi Prian de Troie, entre 
lui et Antenor s'en alerent par mcr o tout .xiiii"*. 
homes k armes tant que il arriverent la ou est pre 
la citd de Venise, que il commencerent premiere- 
ment et fonderent dedanz la mer, porce que il ne 
voleient habiter en terre qui fust k seignor. Puis 
s'en parti Antenor et Prians, a g^ant compaignie 
de gent, et s'en alerent en la marche de Trevise, 
non mie loing de Venise, et \k firent une autre 
cite qui est apelde Padoe, ou gist li cors Antenor, 
et encore i est sa sepolture.' (Ti^sor, i. 39.) 

Villani : — 

'II detto Antinoro . . . venne ad abitare in terra 
ferma ov*^ oggi Padova la grande citt^ ed egli 
ne fu il primo abitatore e edificatore . . . |1 
detto Antinoro morl e rimasc in Padova, e infino 
al presente nostro tempo si ritrovb il corpo e la 
sepoltura sua con lettere intagliate, che faceai)o 
testimonianza com* era il corpo d*Antinoro, e da' 
Padovani fii rinnovata sua sepoltura, e ancora 
oggi si vede in Padova.* (i. 17.) 

Anteo^ Antaeus, son of Neptune and Earth, 
mighty giant and wrestler of Libya, whose 
strength was invincible so long as he remained 
in contact with his mother earth. Hercules 
discovered the source of his strength, lifted 
him from the ground, and crushed him in 
the air. 



D. places A., along with Nimrod, Ephialtes, 
and Briareus, to keep ward at the mouth of 
Circle IX of Hell, Inf. xxxi. 100, 113, 139; 
guegii, V, 130 ; il gigante, xxxii. 17 [Briareo : 
Fialte: Nembrotto : Qiganti]. D. having 
expressed a desire to see Briareus, Virgil tells 
him that B. is a long way off, but that close by 
he shall see Antaeus, who (unlike Nimrod) can 
talk intelligibly, and (unlike the other giants) 
is unbound, and will put them down into the 
next Circle (Inf. xxxi. 97-105) ; presently they 
come to A., who projects five ells, not counting 
his head, out of the pit in which he is standing 
(t/v. 112-114); D. addresses him, and after 
alluding to his slaying lions for prey in the 
neighbourhood of Zama {vv, 11 5-1 18), and to 
his having refrained from helping the other 
giants in their attack upon Olympus {w. 119- 
121), begs him to put them down pn to the ice 
of Cocytus (ttv, 122-123), hinting that it is 
worth his while, as D. is alive and can render 
him famous in the world above {w» 124-129) ; 
A. in response bends down and takes hold of 
V. (who tells D. to take hold of himself), and 
deposits tj)e two in Caina (w, 130-143) ; he 
then raises )iimself erect again, leaving D. and 
V. at some distance below his feet (%ri;. 144-145, 
xxxii. 16-18), In thus helping them on their 
way A. plays the same part among the Giants 
as Chiron had done among the Centaurs 
[Chirone]. 

D. represents A. as being unbound ('di- 
sciolto,* V. 1 01), since, unlike the other giants, 
who are in chains (vv, 87, 88, 104), he did not 
join in the war agaipst the gods (w. I19-121). 
The fight between Hercules and A. (v, 132) is 
described by Lucan (PAars. iv. 593-660), from 
whom D. got the details (v7', 1 15-117) as to 
the locality of the event (viz. in the valley of 
the Bagrada in the neighbourhood of Carthage, 
not far distant from the scene of Scipio's defeat 
of Hannibal at the battle of Zama) : — 

* Inter semiru^an ma^ae Carthaginis arces . . . 

. . . qua se 
Bagrada lentaa agit siccae snlcator arenae . . . 

. . . exesas undiqne nipes, 
Antaei quae regna vocat non vana vetnstas.* 

(w. 585 ff.) 

Also the account of the lions slaip for prey 
by A. (v, 118) :— 

*Haec illi spelanca domna, lataisse rab alta 
Rape femnt, epalas raptos habuissc leones.* 

{tfv. 601-a.) 

And the opinion that if A. had helped the 
other giants in the war against Olympus the 
gods would have been worsted : — 

*Nec tam josta fait terrarara gloria Typhon, 
Aut Titvos Briareaaqae ferox, caelqque pepercit (sc 
Tellus) n t-i- 

Qaod non Phl^raeis Antaeana sostalit anris.* 

{w. S9S-7) 

D. describes the contest between Hercules 
and Antaeus, referring to Ovid (Metam, ix. 
183-4) and Lucan as his authorities, Con v. iii. 
2^0-66 . and refers to it as an instance of 



[38] 



Antepraedicamenta 



Antipurgatorio 



a single combat, Mon. ii. 878-83^ lo^?-©. [Ata- 
lanta.] 

Antepraedicamenta, name by which D. 
quotes the first part of the Praedicamenta or 
Ceite^ories of Aristotle, which forms an intro- 
duction to the rest of the work, as is explained 
in the conmient of Averroes : — 

'Primus tractatus se habet veluti praefatio ad 
ea quae vult A. tractare in hoc libro ; nam in eo 
contincntur ea quae sunt veluti praenotiones, et 
definitiones ad ea quae vult tractare in hoc libro.' 

D. says: 'diversitas rationis cum identitate 
nominis equivocationem facit, ut patet per 
Philosophum in AntepraedicamentiSy A.T. 
§ I2*« ; the passage referred to is ll^e opening 
sentence of the Praedicamenta : — 

'Aequivoca dicuntur, quorum nomen solum 
commune est, secundum nomen vero substantiae 
ratio diversa.* 

The Categories are twice elsewhere quoted 
under the title of Praedicamenta^ Mon. iii. 1 5*8 ; 
A.T. § 28. \Praedlcamenta.\ 

Anthaeus. [Antaeus.] 

Antictonay Antichthon (Gk. avrixQidv), i. e. 
* counter-Earth,* name given by Pythagoras 
(according to Aristotle, De Caelo^ ii. 13) to 
a supposed sphere, opposite to, and corre- 
sponding with, the Earth, Con v. iii. 529-32. 
[Antipodi.] 

Antifonte, Antiphon, Greek tragic poet, 
mentioned by Aristotle {Rhet, ii. 2, 6, 23), and 
by Plutarch, who includes him among the 
greatest of the tragic authors \ he appears to 
have written three tragedies (viz. Meleager^ 
Andromache^ 2Ji^ Jason) which have not been 
preserved. 

Virgil names him, together with Simonides 
and Agathon (both of whom are also several 
times mentioned by Aristotle in the Rhetoric)^ 
among the poets of antiquity who are with 
Homer and himself in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 106 
[Ijimbo]. 

For Antifonte many edd. read Anacreonte 
(which is an old variant, occurring in the 
Ottimo Comento), but the MS. authority is 
almost entirely in favour of the former. . 

Antigone, daughter of Oedipus, King of 
Thebes, by his mother Jocasta, and sister' 
of Ismene, Eteocles, and Poly n ices ; when 
Oedipus had put out his eyes, and was com- 
pelled to leave Thebes, she accompanied him 
and remained with him until he died at 
Colonus; she then returned to Thebes, and, 
after her two brothers had killed each other, 
in defiance of Creon, King of Thebes, she 
buried the body of Polynices ; Creon there- 
upon had he^ shut up in a cave, where she put 
an end to her life. [£dii>o : Eteocle.] 

Virgil, addressing Statins (in Purgatory), 
mentions A., together with Deiphyle, Argia, 



Ismen^, Hypsipyle, Manto, and Thetis, and 
Deidamia and her sisters, as being ' deile 
genti tue* (i.e. mentioned in the Thebaid or 
Achilleid), among the gfreat women of antiquity 
in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 109-14. [Limbo.] 

Antinfemo], Ante-hell, a division of Hell, 
outside the river of Acheron, where are the 
souls of those who did neither good nor evil, 
and were not qualified to enter Hell itself; 
these are naked and are tormented by gadflies 
and wasps, so that their faces stream with 
blood, Inf. iii. 1-69 [Inferno] ; among them 
D. sees the shade of Pope Celestine V, w, 58- 
60 [Celestlno]. 

Antioco], Antiochus Epiphanes, King of 
Syria (d. B.a 164), youngest son of Antiochus 
the Great. Togetner with the high-priest 
jason he endeavoured to root out the Jewish 
religion and to introduce Greek customs and 
the worship of Greek divinities (2 MaccabAw, 13- 
16). This attempt le^ to a rising of the Jewish 
people under Mattathi^ and his sons the 
Maccabees, which resulted in the preservation 
of the name and faith of Israel. In B.C. 164 
A. attempted to plunder a temple in Elymais, 
bqt was repulsed, s^nd died soon after (i Maccab. 
vi. I -1 6). 

Pope Nicholas III (in Bolgia 3 of Circle 
VIII of Hell), speaking of Jason, alludes to A. 
as *suo re,* and, referring to the Book of 
Maccabees, draw^ a parallel between their 
machinations and those of Clement V and 
Philip the Fair of France, Inf. xix, 82-7 [Cle- 
mente^: Filippo^: Jasone''^]. 

Antipodi], Antipodes ; of the inhabited 
)yorld and the Mt. of Pulsatory, Inf. xxxiv. 
113; Par. i. 43; more precisely, of Jerusalem 
and the Mt. of Purp^atory, Purg. ii. 1-6 ; iv. 66- 
87 ; the Pythagorean Antichthon or Counter- 
Earth, Conv. iii. s^^^-a? [Antictona]. 

Antipurgatorio], Ante-purgatory, region 
outside the actual gate of Purgatory, answer- 
ing somewhat to thp Limbo of Hell ; referred 
tp by Forese Dohati (in Circle VI of Purga- 
tory) as la costa ove s^aspetta^ Purg. xxiii. 89 
[Purgatorio]. Here are located the spirits of 
those who died without having availed them- 
selves of the means of penitence offered by the 
Church. They are divided into four classes : — 
I. Those who died in contumacy of the Church, 
and only repented at the last moment ; these 
have to remain in Ante-purgatory for a period 
thirty-fold that during which they had been 
contumacious, unless the period is shortened 
by the prayers of others on their behalf (Purg. 
iii. 136-41). Examples: Casella the musician 
[Casellaj; King Manfred [Manfred!]. — 2. 
Those who in indolence and mdifference put 
off their repentance until just before their 
death; these are detained outside Purgatory 
for a period equal to that of their lives upon 



[39] 



Antistes 



Apocalypsis 



earth, unless it be shortened by prayers on 
their behalf (Purg. iv. 130-5). £xa/»p/e: 
Belacc^ua of Florence [Belacqua].— 3. Those 
who died a violent death, without absolution, 
but repented at the last moment ; these are 
detained under the same conditions as the 
last class; during their detention they move 
round and round, chanting the Miserere (Purg. 
V. 22-4, 52-7). Examples : Jacopo del Cassero 
[Cassero, Jacopo del] ; Buonconte da Monte- 
feltro [Buonoonte] ; La Pia of Siena [Pia, 
lia] ; Benincasa of Arezzo [Beninoasa] ; Cione 
de* Tarlati [Cione] ; Federico Novello of Batti- 
foUe [Federico Novello] ; Farinata degli 
Scomigiani [Farinata-] ; Count Orso [Orao, 
Conte] ; Pierre de la Brosse [Breccia, Pier 
dalla] ; and Sordello, who is stationed apart 
(Purg. vi. 58) [Sordello]. — 4. Kings and princes 
who deferred their repentance owing to the 
pressure of temporal interests ; these are de- 
tained for the same period as the last two 
classes ; they are placed in a valley full of 
flowers, and are guarded at night by two 
angels against the attacks of a serpent (Purg. 
vii. 64-84 ; viii. 22-39). Examples : Emperor 
Rudolf [Ridolfo] ; Ottocar of Bohemia [Otta- 
ohero] ; Philip III of France [PilipiK)!] ; 
Henry I of Navarre [Arrigo^]; Peter 111 of 
Aragon [Pietro**] ; Charles I of Naples 
[Carlo!]; Alphonso III of Aragon [Alfonso^]; 
Henry III of England [Arrigo^j ; William of 
Montferrat [Qugliebno^] ; Nino Visconli of 
Pisa [19'ino^] ; and Conrad Malaspina the 
younger [Malaspina, Currado'^]. 

Antistes, Bishop ; title applied by D. to the 
Pope, Mon. iii. 6^*, I2«; Epist viii 10. [Papa.] 

Antonio, Sant', St. Anthony the Egyptian 
hermit (not to be confounded with his name- 
sake of Padua), bom at Coma in Upper Egypt 
in 251, died at the age of 105 in 356. He is 
regarded as the founder of monastic institu- 
tions, his disciples who followed him in his 
retirement to the desert having formed, as it 
were, the first community of monks. His 
symbol is a hog (perhaps as a type of the 
temptations of the devil, or possibly as a token 
of the power ascribed to him of warding off 
disease from cattle), which is generally repre- 
sented lying at his feet. His remains were 
miraculously discovered long after his death, 
and transported to Constantinople, whence in 
Cent, xi a portion of them was transferred to 
Vienne in Provence. The monks of the order 
of St. Anthony are said to have kept herds of 
swine, which they fattened with the proceeds 
of their alms, and which were regarded by the 
common folk with superstitious reverence, a 
fact which the monks turned to account when 
collecting alms. A story of the evil fate which 
befell a Florentine who tried to kill one of 
these hogs of St. Anthony forms the subject 
of one of Sacchetti's novels {.Nov, ex). 



Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) men- 
tions St. A. and his hog in the course of her 
denunciation of the Preaching Friars, who 
practised upon the credulity of the common 
people, Par. xxix. 124-6. 

Anubis, Egyptian divinity, worshipped in 
the shape of a human being with a dog's head 
(Matrator Anubis,* Aen, viii. 698), which was 
identified by the Romans with Mercury ; ac- 
cording to the reading of some edd., D. at- 
tributes to Anubis the words {Aen, iv. 272-6) 
of Mercury to Aeneas, Epist. vii. 4 ; other edd. 
read not Anubis but a nubibus, 

AoniuSy Boeotian (from the Aones, an 
ancient race of Boeotia) ; monies Aonii, the 
range of Mt. Helicon in Boeotia, Eel. i. 28 
[Elicona}. 

Apennino^, the Apennine range, which 
forms the backbone of Italy, branching o'T 
from the Alps at the head of the Gulf of Genoa ; 
mentioned in connexion with the source of the 
Acquaqueta, Inf. xvi. 96 [Acquaqueta], and 
of the Archiano, Purg. v. 96 [Archiano] ; one 
of the S. limits of the langue ^oil, V. E. i. 
g62-3 J taken by D. as the dividing line (from 
N. to S.) of Italy in his examination of the 
various local dialects, V. E. i. io*^~^, I4i~*' ; 
crossed by the Roman Eagle in company with 
the Emperor Henry VI I, Epist. vii. i ; alluded 
to as aipe^ Inf xvi. loi [Benedetto, San] ; // 
giogo di che il Tever si disserra. Inf. xxvii. 30 
[Tevere] ; il gran giogo^ Purg. v. 116 [Casen- 
tino] ; Vaipestro monle, Purg. xiv. 32 [Peloro] ; 
// monte, Purg. xiv. 92 [Romagna] ; lo dosso 
d^Ilalia, Purg. xxx. 86 ; sassi^ the peaks of the 
Apennines being described as rismg between 
the shores of the Adriatic and the Mediter- 
ranean, Par. xxi. 106 [Catria]. 

Some think the Apennines are the moun- 
tains referred to as Apennino (var. Pennine)^ 
Inf. XX. 65 ; the reference is more probably to 
the Pennine Alps [Apennino-^: Penninoj. 

Apennino ^, a spur of the Rhaetian Alps, 
situated above Gargnano, N.W. of the Ls^o 
di Garda ; thought by Wittc to be the Apennino 
(v?^.Pennino) mentioned Inf. xx. 65 [Pennine: 
Yal Camonica]. 

Apenninus. [Appenninus.] 

Apocalypsis], the Apocalypse or Revelation 
of SLjohn\ quoted 2& Johannis VisiOy Epist. 
^- 33 (^^^' i« 8) ; referred to. Inf. xix. 106-10 
(ret. to Rev, xvii. 1-3) ; Purg. xxix. 105 (ref. to 
ReiK iv. 8) ; Par. xxv. 94-6 (ref to Rev, vii. 9) ; 
Par. xxvi. 1 7 (ref to Rev, i. 8). The Apocalypse 
is supposed to be symbolized by the solitary 
elder, who walks sleeping with undimmed coun- 
tenance behind all the rest, in the mystical Pro- 
cession in the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 
I43~4* [Giovanni^: Processione.] 



[40] 



Apollo 



Aquila 



Apollo, son of Jupiter and Latona, who 
gave birth to him and his twin-sister Diana on 
the island of Delos [Dele : Diana : Ijatona]. 
A. was god of the Sun, Diana of the Moon, 
hence D. speaks of them together as // due 
occhi del cielo, Purg. xx. 132 ; and of the Sun 
and Moon as ambedue i figli di Latona^ Par. 
xxix. I ; similarly he speaks of the Sun as 
Pkoebae frateTy Mon. i. ii^^; Phoebus^ Mon. 
ii. 9''* ; Deiius, Epist. vi. 2 [Sole]. 

D. invokes A. as god of music and song, 
Par. i. 13 [Calliope: Famaso]; Par. ii. 8; 
Epist. X. 18, 31 ; calls him Timbreo (from 
Thymbra, where he had a celebrated temple), 
Purg. xii. 31 [Timbreo] ; divina vtrti^y Par. i. 
22 ; la Delfica deitd (from his famous oracle 
at Delphi), Par. i. 32 ; refers to his worship, 
Par. xiii. 25 [Peana] ; the prophecy of his 
orade that the two daughters of Adrastus 
would marry a lion and a wild-boar, Conv. iv. 
258^ [Adrasto]. 

Apostoli, the twelve Apostles ; only three 
of them (St Peter, St. James, and St. John) 
present at the Transfiguration, Conv. ii. i*«-8 ; 
Par. XXV. 33 ; the saying of Christ to Peter 
(AlalL xvi. 19; John xx, 23) addressed equally 
to the rest of the Apostles, Mon. iii. 8^"'' ; all 
present with Christ at the Last Supper, Mon. 
lii. 933-4. tjje Pope not entitled to receive 
temporal goods, save for the purpose of dis- 
pensing them to the poor, as did the Apostles, 
Mon. iii. 10^28-32 j |Jje Acts 0/ the Apostles^ 
Mon. ii. 8^0 ; iii. 13^ [Actus Apostoiorum]. 

ApOStolO^ St. Paul, Conv. ii. 6^ ; iv. 2i5«, 
22^, 241754. Apostolus, Mon. ii. 11***, 13"^'^^; 
iii. lo^O; Epist. x. 27 ; A. T. § 22^5. [Paolo.] 

ApostoloV St. James, Conv. iv. 20^^. 
[Jacopo.] 

Aposiolorum, Actus, [Actus Apostoio- 
rum.] 

Apostolus. [ApoBtolo^.] 

Appenninus, the Apennine range, V. E. i. 
8*^S 10*2, i4-«; Epist. vii. i. [Apennino^] 

Apuli, the Apulians; their dialect differs 

from those of the Romans and Sicilians, V. E. 

i. io*i"3j condemned as harsh, V. E. i. I2^<^; 

rejected by some of their poets in favour of 

the 'curial' language, V. E. i. I2^^~^; their 

best writers, like those of Sicily, Tuscany, 

Romagna, Lombardy, and the two Marches, 

wrote in the Italian vulgar tongue, V. E. i. 
1915-19. 

Apulia, province of S. Italy, which formed 
part of the old Kingdom of Naples ; divided 
in two by the Apennines, V. E. i. 10*^^^. 
[Puglia.] 

ApuIuSy Apulian; Apulum Vulgare, the 
Apulian dialect, neither that nor the Sicilian 



the most beautiful in Italy, V. E. i. I2^i~3, 
[Pugliese.] 

Aqua et Terra, Quaestio die. [QuaesUo 
de Aqua et Terra.] 

Aquario, Aquarius (*the Water-bearer*), 
constellation and eleventh sign of the Zodiac, 
which the Sun enters about Jan. 20 (equivalent 
to Jan. 10 in D.*s day) ; so called from the 
rains which prevail at that season in Italy and 
the East. D. speaks of the time of the young 
year * when the Sun is tempering (i. e. warm- 
ing) his rays beneath Aquarius,' the period 
indicated being the latter half of January or 
the beginning of February, Inf. xxiv. 1-2. 
[Zodiaoo.] 

Aquila^, the Imperial Eagle, the Roman 
standard, Purg. x. 80 ; Par. vi. i ; /' uccel di 
Giove, Purg. xxxii. 112; r uccel di Dio, Par. 
vi. 4 ; il sacrosanto segno. Par. vi. 32 ; il jmb^ 
blico segno. Par. vi. 100 ; // segno Che f^ i 
Romani al mondo riverendi. Par. xix. loi ; // 
segno del mondo. Par. xx. 8 ; lo benedetto segno. 
Par. XX. 86 ; hence, as symbol of the Roman 
Emperors, Purg. xxxii. 125; xxxiii. 38 ; Mon. 
ii. 1 1^^ 13^5 . Epist. V. 4 ; vi. 3 ; signa Tarpeia, 
Epist. vii. I. 

In the Heaven of Mercury the Emperor 
Justinian traces the course of the Imperial 
Eagle from the time when it was carried west- 
ward from Troy by Aeneas (the founder of the 
Roman Empire), down to the time when the 
Guelfs opposed it, and the Ghibellines made 
a party ensign of it. Par. vi. i-iii ; after 
referring to the transference of the seat of 
Empire eastward to Byzantium (a. d. 324) by 
Constantine, two hundred years and more 
before he himself became Emperor (a. d. 527) 
{w, i-io) [Costantino: Giuatiniano], J. re- 
lates to D. how Aeneas planted the Eagle in 
Italy, and Pallas died to make way lor it 
(ifv, 35-6) [Fallante] ; how it flourished at 
Alba for three hundred years and more, and 
how the Horatii fought for it {w. 37-9) [Alba : 
Orazii] ; he then refers to the period of the 
seven Kings at Rome, from the rape of the 
Sabine women to that of Lucretia, and the ex- 

f pulsion of the Tarquins from Rome {yv, 40-2) 
Sabine : Ijuorezia : Tarquinii] ; and recalls 
the wars of Rome against Brennus and the 
Gauls, and against Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, 
and others {w. 43-5) [Brenno : Pirro-^] ; the 
noble deeds of Manlius Torquatus, Quintius 
Cincinnatus, the Decii, and the Fabii {yv, 46-8) 
[Torquato : Cinoinnato : Deoi : Fabi] ; the 
war against the Carthaginians under Hannibal, 
and the victories of Scipio Africanus Major 
and of Pompey {yv, 49-53 ) [Annibale : Arabi : 
Scipione^ : Pompeo] ; the destruction of Fie- 
sole by the Romans after the defeat of Catiline 
(w, 53-4) [Fiesole] ; he then recounts the 
exploits of Julius Caesar, viz. his victorious 
campaigns in Gaul (z/z/. 55-60) [Cesare^ : Era] ; 



[41] 



Aquila 



Aquila 



his crossing of the Rubicon {w, 61-3) [Rubi- 
oone] ; his wars in Spain and Epirus against 
Pompey, his victory at Pharsalia, his pursuit 
of Pompey into Egypt and defeat of Ptolemy 
{7n/. 64-6) [Spagna : Durazao : Farsaglia : 
Nilo: Tolomineo^] ; his visit to the Troad, 
and his defeat of Juba, King of Numidia, and 
of the sons of Pompey at Munda (w, 67-72) 
f Antandro : Giuba : Miinda] ; J. next relates 
the victories of Augustus over Brutus and 
Cassius at Philippi, over Mark Antony at 
Mutina, and over Lucius and Fulvia at Perusia 
(z/z/. 73-5) [Filippi^ : Modena : Perugia] ; 
the death of Cleopatra, and the long peace 
under Augustus (w. 76-81) [Augusto'^ : Cleo- 
patra : Jano] ; the crucifixion of Christ under 
Tiberius, and the siege of Jerusalem by Titus 
(TTi/, 82-93) [Tiberio: Tito]; then, passing 
over seven centuries, he comes dowi^ to Charle- 
magne and the destruction of the Lombard 
kingdom {tw, 94-6) [Carlo Magno : De- 
siderio] ; and finally, passing over another 
five centuries, concludes with the mention of 
the wars of the Gueifs and Ghibellines in D.*s 
own day (tn/, 97-1 11) [Q-uelfl: Ghibellini]. 

D. gives similar summaries of periods of 
Roman history in the Convivio (iv. 5^8-176) 
and De Monarchia (ii. 427-70^ ii^-es). 

Aquila 2y the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter; 
the spirits of the Just (Sfiiriti Giudicanti)^ 
having formed successively the letters of thg 






a 

Figures illastratin? the successive changes of the 
shape assamed by the Spirits of the Just, from &| 
to the Florentine lily and Imperial Eagle. 

(From the design of the Duke of Sermoneta.) 

sentence * Diligite justitiam qui judicatis ter- 
ram' (Par. xviii. 70-93), remain for a time in 
the shape of M, the final letter (fig. a) (vv, 94-^) ; 
then gradually other spirits join them, and the 
M is by degrees metamorphosed, first into the 
lily of Florence or fleur-de-lys (fig. b)^ and then 
into the Imperial Eagle (fig. c) {vv, 97-114) ; 
aquilay Par. xviii. 107 ; innprentay v, 1 14 ; bella 
image^ Par. xix. 2, 21 ; quel segno^ v, 37 ; bene- 
detta imagine, v. 95 ; i I segno Che fe' i Romani 
al tnondo river endi^ w, 101-2; il segno del 
mondoy Par. xx. 8 ; aquila^ 7/. 26 ; Vimage della 
imprenta DeWetemo piacere, vv, 76-7 ; bene- 
detto segno y v, 86; imagine divina^ v, 139. 
[Aquila 1 : Giove, Cielo di] 

After an apostrophe from D. on Papal avarice 
(Par. xviii. 1 1 5-136), the Eagle begins to speak, 
using the first person as representing the spirits 
of which it is composed (Par. xix. 10-13) ; having 



stated that it owes its place in Heaven to the 
righteousness of the spirits while on earth 
{w, 13-18), in response to *a doubt of old 
standing' (viz. that, since faith in Christ and 
baptism are essential to salvation, millions 
who have never heard of Christ must neces- 
sarily, through no fault of their own, be eternally 
damned,— a result which it is hard to reconcile 
with the idea of divine justice) expressed by D. 
(w. 22-32), it proceeds t.o show that God*s 
justice is not as man's justice (w, 40-99) ; 
then, after insisting that faith without works 
is of no avail (vv, 103-14), it goes on to 
reprehend the evil deeds of certain princes, 
referring in .particular to the invasion of 
Bohemia by Albert of Austria (w, 11 5-1 7) 
[Alberto 2: BuemmeJ; the debasement of 
his coinage by Philip IV of France, and his 
coming death {w, 118-20) [Filippo*-*] ; the 
wars between England and Scotland (z/z/. 12 1-3) 
[Inghilese] ; the luxury and effeminacy of 
Ferdinand IV of Castile and of Wenceslas IV 
of Bohemia (vv, 124-6) [Spagna : Buemme] ; 
the depravity of Charles II of Naples (w, 127- 
9) [Carlo 2]'; the avarice and baseness of 
Frederick II of Sicily (vv, 130-5) [Federioo^] ; 
the * filthy >yorks* of Don Jaime of Majorca 
and of James II of Aragon (w, 136-8) [Ja- 
como^ : Jacomo^] ; the misdoings of Dionysius 
of Portugal and Hakon Longshanks of Nor- 
way, and the false coining of Stephen Ouros of 
Rascia (w, 139^41) [Dionisio^: Acone^: 
Basoia] ; the misfortunes of Hungary, and 
the union of Navarre with France {vv, 142-4) 
[Ungaria : 13'avarra] ; and finally the miseries 
of Cyprus under Henry II of Lusignan (w. 145- 
8) [Arrigo*: Oiprl]. Af^er a pause, during 
which the voices of the spidts are heard 
chanting (Par. xx. 1-15), the Eagle resumes, 
explaining to D. that the spirits which form its 
eye and eyebrow (the head being in profile, 
only one eye is visible— see engraving below) 
are the most exalted (vv. 31-6) ; it then pro- 
ceeds to name these, pointing out that the 
pupil of the eye is formed by David (w, 37- 
42), whil^ the eyebrqw, beginning from the 




^e and eye-brow of the Eagle formed by — i. David ; 
a. Trajan ; ^. Hezekiah ; 4. Constantine ; 5. William of 
Sicily; 6. Rhipeos. 

side nearest the beak, is formed by five others, 
viz. Trajan (ttv, 43-8), Hezekiah (vv, 49-54), 
Constantine (vv. 56-60) ; William the Good of 
Sicily (w, 61-6), and Rhipeus (w, 67-72) 
[David : Eaeohia : Costantino : Gugli- 



[42] 



Aquilegienses 



Aragones 



elmo^] ; after another pause, in response to 
certain inward questionings of D. as to the 

?resence of the pagans Trajan and Rhipeus in 
leaven (w. 73-83), the Eagle concludes with 
the explanation that they were saved by faith, 
Rhipeus in Christ to come, Trajan in Christ 
already come {w. 88-138) [Hifeo : Traiano]. 

Aqtiilegienses. [Aquileienses.] 

Aquileiense^y inhabitants of Aquileia, 
ancient city in the Venetian territory, at the 
head of the Adriatic ; their dialect distinct 
from those of the Trevisans, Venetians, and 
Istrians, V. E. i. io99-7o . condemned, with th^t 
of the Istrians, as harsh and unpleasant, V. £. 
L 1 1 3*^*. For Aguileienses Rajna restores the 
MS. reading Aquilegienses, 

Aquilone, Aquilo, the N. wind, Purg. xxx;i. 
99 [Austro] ; hence the North, Purg. iv. 60 ; 
Conv. iv. 2o*« [Borea]. 

AquinOy Rinaldo d\ [Benaldus de 
Aquino.] 

Aquino, Tommaso d'. [Tommaso ^.J 

Arabiy Arabs; term applied by an ana- 
chronism to the Carthaginians (whose territory 
in D.'s day was occupied by the Arabs), the 
reference being to their passage of the Alps 



Arabum . . . initium capit ab occasu Solis, . . . 
finem ver6 ab ejusdem occasu . . • Auspicantur 
enim Arabes diem quemque cum sua nocte . . . 
ab eo momento, quo Sol occidit.* (Cap. i.) (See 
Romania^ xxiv. 418-20.) [Alfergano : Tisrin.] 

Aragne, Arachne (i.e. 'spider'), Lydian 
maiden, daughter of Idmon of Colophon, a 
famous dyer in purple. A. excelled in the art 
of weaving, and, proud of her skill, ventured to 
challenge Minerva to compete with her. A. 
produced a piece of cloth in which the amours 
of the gods were woven ; and Minerva, unable 
to find fault with it, tore it in pieces. In despair 
A. hanged herself, but the goddess loosened 
the rope and saved her life, the rope being 
changed into a cobweb, and A. herself into 
a spider. D. mei^tions her on account of her 
skill in weaving. Inf. xvii. 18; and includes 
her amongst the examples of defeated pride 
in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. xii. 43-45 
[Superbi]. Her story is told by Ovid (Metam, 
vi. I-I4S). 

Aragona, Aragon, one of the old kingdoms 
of Spain, of which (with Catalonia) it forms 
the N.E. corner ; Manfred (in Antepurgatory) 
mentiqns it in connexion with his daughter 
Constance, the wife of Peter III of Aragon, 




speaks of Virgil 
parents as Lombardi^ In£ i. 68; and of the 
Gauls as Franceschiy Conv. iv. 5^^^ 

Arabia, Arabia; alluded to (according to 
some, others thinking that Egypt is intended) 
as cid che di sopra il mar rosso ie^ i. e. the 
<x>untry above the Red Sea, Inf. xxiv. 90; 
mentioned (according to the better reading, 
for which many edd. substitute the *facilipr 
lectio ' ItcUia) in connexion with the Arabian 
usage of reckoning the commencement of the 
day from sunset, instead of from sunrise, V.N. 
§302. D. here, in speaking of the death of 
Beatrice, says 'secondo I'usanza d' Arabia, 
Fanima sua nobilissima si parti nella prima 
ora del nono giomo del mese,' i. e. B. died not 
on June 9, as has been usually supposed, but 
on the evening of June 8, which according to 
the Arabian usage would be the beginning of 
June 9. D.'s object in introducing the Arabian 
usage is plain. He wishes to bring in the 
nnmber nine in connexion with the day, montl), 
and year of B.'s death. The year, he says, 
was that in which the number ten had beei^ 
nine times completed in Cent, xiii, i.e. 1290; 
the month, June, the sbcth according to our 
usage, but the ninth according to the Syrian 
usage ; and the day, the eighth according to 
our usage, but the ninth according to the 
Arabian usage. The information as to the 
Arabian reckoning D. got from the Eleinenta 
Astronomica of Alfraganus, who says : * Dies 



Alphpnso III, eldest son of Constance and 
Peter, is meant, he having succeeded his father 
in Aragon (1285), and having been entitled 
alsQ, in right of his mother, in virtue of which 
Peter had assumed it, to the crown of Sicily, 
though he abandoned liis rights to his brother 
James ; the allusion is more probably to the 
second and third soi^s of Constance and Peter, 
viz. Tames, King of Aragon (i 291-1327), and 
Frederick, King of Sicily (i 296-1337). [Al- 
foni^o^: Federloo^ : Jaoomo^: Table i.] 
The objection that D. elsewhere (Purg. vii. 
119-20) speaks severely of these two princes, 
especially of Frederick (Par. xix. 130; xx. 63 ; 
Conv. iv. 61^2 . V. E. i. 12*^7), is not a valid one, 
as the praise of them in the present passage 
is put mto the mouth of their grandfather, 
Manfred, whq would naturally be inclined to 
judge them favourably, especially in view of 
the fact that, by holding the island of Sicily, 
they had to a certain extent avenged the 
wrongs inflicted on the house of Swabia by 
that of Anjou. 

D. mentions the mountains of Aragon, i.e. 
the Pyrenees, as the S. limit of the langue 
d'oW, V. E. i. 802. [Lingua (7/7.] 

Aragones, inhabitants of Aragon, which is 
bounded on the E. by Catalonia, on the S. and 
W. by Castile, and on the N.W. by Navarre ; 
their king an instance of a prince whose juris- 
diction is limited by the confines of the neigh- 



[43] 



Aragonia 



Archemoro 



bouring kingdoms, while that of the Emperor 
is bounded by the ocean alone, Mon. i. ii®^~^. 

Aragonia, Aragon ; monies A ragon 'Vi^, i. e. 
the Pyrenees, V.E.i.8«-. [Aragona: Pireneo.] 

Arbia, small stream of Tuscany, which rises 
a few miles S. of Siena and runs into the 
Ombrone at Buonconvento ; on its left bank 
is the hill of Montaperti, where was fought 
(Sept. 4, 1260) the great battle between the 
Ghibellines and Guelfs of Florence, referred to 
by.D. as Lo strazio e il grande scempio Che 
fece r Arbia colorata in rosso, Inf. x. 85-6. 
[Montaperti.] 

The Guelfs, who since the beginning of 
Cent, xiii had been predominant in Florence, 
were expelled in 1248 by the Ghibellines with 
the assistance of the Emperor Frederick II. 
After the death of the latter (1250) they were 
recalled, and the Ghibelline leaders in their 
turn were driven into exile, to be followed in 
125^ by the rest of their party [Quelfo]. The 
Ghibellines, however, soon found a powerful 
ally in Manfred, natural son of the Emperor 
Frederick, and in 1260, with his help and that 
of the Sienese, they inflicted a crushing defeat 
on the Florentine Guelfs at Montaperti, which 
left them masters of Tuscany [Manfredi]. 
The Sienese aAd exiled Ghibellines had spared 
no effort to ensure their victory. In the previous 
year they had sent envoys, among whom was 
Farinata degli Uberti, to Manfred asking for 
assistance against Florence and its allies. 
Manfred declared himself willing to spare 
them a hundred of his German cavalry. This 
meagre offer the envoys in disgust determined 
to decline, but they were overruled by Farinata, 
and the deputation returned to Siena under 
the escort of the German horsemen. Shortly 
after, however, the latter were cut to pieces in 
a skirmish with the Florentines, who captured 
Manfred's banner, and dragged it in the dirt 
through the streets of Florence. Enraged at 
this insult, Manfred at once despatched to 
Siena eight hundred more of his German 
cavalry, under the command of Conte Giordano. 
Farinata now, with the connivance of the 
Sienese, entered into secret negotiations with 
the Florentines, pretending that the exiled 
Ghibellines were weary of the Sienese and 
were anxious for peace ; he therefore proposed 
that the Florentines, under pretext of relieving 
Montalcino, which was being besieged by the 
Sienese, should despatch a force to the Arbia, 
in readiness for an attack on Siena, one of the 
gates of which he promised to open to them. 
Completely deceived, the Florentines, in spite 
of the remonstrances of their leaders, closed 
with the offer [AldobrandiJ. On Tuesday, 
Sept. 4, 1260, supported by allies from all parts 
of Tuscany, as well as from Genoa, Bologna, 
Perugia, and Orvieto, in all over 30,000 strong, 
they marched out with the Carroccio and the 



big bell Martinella, and encamp)ed in the valley 
of the Arbia. In reliance on the false informa- 
tion that one of the gates of Siena would be 
opened to them, they were awaiting certain 
intelligence of the fact, when to their surprise 
they saw the Ghibelline army advancing to 
the attack. Though numerically weaker, the 
Sienese were skilfully ordered and well com- 
manded by Provenzano Salvani, Farinata, and 
others, and they were besides supported by 
Manfred's eight hundred German horsemen 
under Conte Giordano. Taken by surprise the 
Guelfs were thrown into disorder, which in 
a short time became a panic, when, at the 
moment of the charge of the German cavalry, 
Bocca degli Abati, a traitor in their own ranks, 
struck off the hand of Jacopo de* Pazzi, who 
was carrying the standard of the Florentines 
[Boooa]. Seeing the standard down, the Guelfs 
gave up all for lost, and the Sienese, falling 
upon them before they could recover from 
their confusion, routed them completely with 
terrible slaughter. The Carroccio and Marti- 
nella were taken (the two flagstaffs of the 
former are still to be seen in the Cathedral of 
Siena), and some 3,000 dead of the Florentines 
alone are said to have been left upon the field. 
On receipt of the fatal news the Guelfs fled 
from Florence, and the (Ghibellines were with 
difficulty dissuaded by Farinata from razing 
the city to the ground [Farinata^]. 

The Guelf Villani concludes his account of 
the disaster with the exclamation : — 

* £ cost s*adon6 la rabbia dell' ingrato e superbo 
popolo di Firenze . . . e allora fu rotto e annul- 
lato il popolo vecchio di Fircn?e, ch' era durato 
in tante vittorie e grande signori^ e state per 
died anni ! ' (vi. 79.) 

Area, Dell', ancient noble family of Flor- 
ence, extinct in D.'s day; mentioned by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars) as having 
been of importance in his lifetime, Par. xvi. 92. 
Villani says : — 

* Nel quartiere della porta di san Brancazio . . . 
molti antichi furono quelli dell' Area, e oggi son 
spenti/ (iv. la.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

* Questi furono nobili e arroganti, e feccro di 
famose opere ; de* quali h oggi piccola fama : sono 
pochi in persone, e pochi in avere.* 

Arcangeli, Archangels, the lowest Order 
but one in the Celestial Hierarchies, ranking 
next above the Angels, Conv. ii. 6*^^; they 
preside over the Heaven of Mercury, Conv. 
li. 6^'^* [Gterarchia : Faradiso] ; Beatrice (in 
the Crystalline Heaven) mentions them as 
forming, together with Principalities and 
Angels, the third Celestial Hierarchy, Par. 
xxviii. 124-6 [Gabbriello: Miohele : Baf- 
faelle.] 

Archemoro, Archemorus or Opheltes, son 
of Lycurgus, King of Nemea ; while under the 



[44] 



Archiano 



Argentic Filippo 



charge of the captive Hypsipyle he was killed 
by the bite of a serpent, whereupon Lycurgus 
would have put H. to death had she not been 
rescued by her two sons. D. quotes from Statius 
{Theb, V. 609-10) the apostrophe of Hypsipylg 
to A., Conv. iii. 11I66-9; the death of A. is 
referred to as la tristizia di LicurgOy Purg. 
xxvi. 94. [Isifile : Iiiourgo^.] 

ArchianOy now Archiana, torrent in Tus- 
cany, which rises in the Apennines above 
Camaldoli and falls into the Amo just above 
Bibbiena in the Casentino, Purg. v. 95, 125. 
Buonconte da Montefeltro, who fought on the 
side of Arezzo and the Ghil}ellines at the battle 
of Campaldino and was slain, relates to D. (in 
Antepurgatory), in reply to the inquiry of the 
latter as to what became of his body, how it 
was washed bv the floods into the Archiano, 
and carried down by that stream into the 
Amo, Purg. v. 94-129. [Buonoonte: Camp- 
aldino.] 

Archimandrita, Archimandrite, title given 
in the Greek Church to an abbot in charge 
of several convents; applied by D. to St 
Francis, Par. xi. 99 [Francesco^ J ; St Peter, 
Mon. iii. 9^'^^ [Pietro^] ; the Pope, Epist. viii. 
6 [Papa]. 

Arcippe], daughter of Minyas of Boeotia ; 
referred to, with her sisters Alcithoe and 
Leucippe, Epist. iv. 4. [Aloithoe.] 

Arcivescovo Ruggieri. [Buggieri, 
AroiveBoovo.] 

Ardinghiy ancient noble family of Florence, 
in low estate in .D.'s day ; mentioned by 
Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) among 
the great families existing in his time. Par. xvi. 
93. Villani says of them : — 

* Nel quartiere di porta san Piero erano . . . 
gli Ardinghi che abitavano in orto san Michele, 
erano molto antichL' (iv. 11.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

'Questi sono al presente in bassissimo stato, 
e pochi.* 

Aretlni, Aretines, inhabitants of Arezzo ; 
mentioned, as some think, with a special allu- 
sion to the battle of Campaldino, at which D. 
himself is supposed to have been present, 
inf. xxii. 5 [Dante : CampaldinoJ ; such inci- 
dents, however, as D. describes in the text 
must have been common enough during the 
hostilities between Florence and Arezzo after 
the expulsion of the Guelfs from the latter city 
in June 1287. In describing the course of the 
Amo, Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purga- 
tory) refers to the Aretines, who were in a 
state of almost constant feud with Florence, 
as Botoli . . . Ringhiosi piii che non chiede lor 
ficssaj * curs who snarl more than their power 
demands,' Purg. xiv. 46-7 [Arno], Their dia- 
lect distinct from that of the Sienese, V. E. i. 



io"5-6 J condemned with the rest of the Tuscan 
dialects, a specimen of it being given, V. E. i. 
1327-8. [Arezao.] 

AretinOy inhabitant of Arezzo ; of Griffolino 
the alchemist, Inf;xxx. ^i [Griffolino] ; Benin- 
casa da Laterina, Purg. vi. 13 iJSeninoasa] ; 
Cione de' Tarlati, Purg. vi. 15 [Clone] ;* Guit- 
tone the poet, V. E. i. 13?; ii. 6^^ [Quit- 
tone]. 

Aretinus. [Aretino.] 

Aretinus, Guido. [Gulttone.] 

Aretinus, Gtiitto. [Guittone.] 

Aretusa, Arethusa, one of the Nereids, 
nymph of the fountain of Arethusa in the island 
of Ortygia near Syracuse ; while bathing she 
was perceived by the river-god Alpheus, who 
pursued her ; on appealing to Artemis she was 
changed into the fountain of the same name, 
but Alpheus continued to pursue her under the 
sea, and attempted to mingle his stream with 
the waters of the fountain. D. alludes to Ovid's 
account (Me/am. v. 587 ff.) of the metamor- 
phosis, Inf. XXV. 97-8. 

Arezzo, city in S.E. of Tuscany, about 
midway between Florence and Perugia ; it 
was a staunch adherent of the Ghibelline cause, 
and was in consequence in a state of almost 
constant feud with the Florentines, whose 
repeated attempts to get possession of it were 
successfully resisted by the Aretines, until at 
last in 1336 the city and neighbouring territory 
fell into their hands (Vill. xi. 60) ; it is men- 
tioned as his native place by the alchemist 
Griffolino (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VI fl of 
Hellj, Inf. xxix. 109 [Griffolino] ; and alluded 
to by Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purga- 
tory) in his description of the course of the 
Amo, which flows S.E. through the Casentino 
to within four or five miles of the city, and 
then makes a great bend and flows N.W. 
towards Florence, Purg. xiv. 46-8. [Aretini : 
Amo.] 

Argenti, Filippo, one of the Cavicciuli 
branch of the Adimari family of Florence, 
placed by D. among the Wrathful in Circle V 
of Hell, Inf. viii. 61; un pien di fango^ v. 32 ; 
persona orgogliosa^ v. 46 ; il fiorent.no spirito 
bizarro, v, 62. [Iracondi.] As D. and Virgil 
are being ferried across the marsh of Styx, 
a form covered with mud rises up in front of 
them and asks D. who he is that comes alive 
into Hell, Inf. viii. 31-3 ; D. replies that he has 
not come to remain, and inquires in turn who 
the other is (w, 34-5) ; the figure gives an 
evasive reply, whereupon D., recognizing that 
it is Filippo Argenti, curses him {w, 36-9) ; 
F. A. then makes as though to seize the boat, but 
is thrust oflf by V. (vv. 40-2), who commends 
D. and describes the overbearing character of 



[45] 



Argi 



Argo 



F. A. {yv, 43-8) ; D. expresses a desire to see 
the latter smothered in the marsh (w, 52-4) ; 
V. approves his wish, which is shortly after 
gratified, F. A. being attacked by his com- 
panions, who call out his name (z/z/. 55-61); 
m fury he rends himself with his teeth, and 
beyond a shriek of pain D. hears no more of 
him {w, 62-5). 

The old commentators say that Filippo got 
his name Argenti from the fact that on one 
occasion he had his horse shod with silver. 
They all agree in saying that he had a very 
savage temper. Boccaccio says : — 

' Fu questo Filippo Argenti . . . de' Cavicciuli, 
cavaliere ricchissimo, tanto che esso alcuna volta 
face il cavallo, il quale usava di cavalcare, ferrare 
d'ariento, e da questo trasse il soprannome. Fu 
uomo di persona grande, bruno e nerboruto e di 
maravigliosa forza, e piii che alcuno altro ira- 
cundo, eziandio per qualunque menoma cagione.* 

In the Decamerone (ix. 8) is a characteristic 
story of how Filippo fell foul of a certain Bion- 
dello, who at the instigation of Ciacco had 
ventured to trifle with him : — 

Messer Philippo Argenti huom grande et nei^ 
bonito, et forte, sdegnoso, iracundo, et bizarro 
piu che altro . . . presold per gli capelli, et strac- 
ciatagli la cuffia in capo, et gittato il cappuccio 
per terra, et dandogli tuttavia forte, diceva: 
Traditore . . . paioti io fanciullo da dovere essere 
uccellato 7 £t cosi dicendo, con le pugna, lequali 
haveva che parevan di ferro,tutto il viso gli nippe, 
ne gli lasci6 in capo capello, che ben gli volesse, 
et convoltolo per lo fango tutti i panni in dosso 
gli stracci6 . . . Alia fine havendol Messer Philippo 
ben battuto, et essendogli molti dintorno, alia 
mag^or fatica del mondo gliele trasser di mano 
cosi rabbufiato, et mal concio, come era.' 

Benvenuto, who copies the above story with- 
out acknowledgement, tells another of how 
Filippo had a horse, which he called 'the 
Florentine people's horse,* because he placed 
it at the disposal of the first comer who should 
ask for it ; and of how he used to amuse himself 
by jeering at the disappointment of those who 
came when the horse had already been requisi- 
tioned. According to Benvenuto this was 
the horse which was oH occasion shod with 
silver. 

D.'s special bitterness against Filippo 
(* Bontk non h che sua memoria fregi,' v, 47) 
ma^ be partially explained by the fact that the 
Adimari, and especially the Cavicciuli branch 
to which F. belonged, were notoriously hostile 
to himself. [Adimari] 

Argi, Argos ; the hospitality of the Argives 
abused by the Trojans (allusion to the rape of 
Helen from Sparta by Paris), Epist. v. 8. 

Argia, daughter of Adrastus, King of Argos, 
sister of Deiphylg, and wife of Polynices of 
Thebes, from whom at her marriage she re- 
ceived the fatal necklace of Harmonia, with 



which Eriphyle was bribed to betray the hiding- 
place of Amphiaraus fAnflarao]. Virgil, 
addressing Statius (in Purgatory), mentions 
her as being ' delle genti tue * (i. e. mentioned 
in the Thebaid or Achilleid) among the great 
women of antiquity in Limbo, Purg. xxii. 110 
[Antigone: Ijimbo]; she and DeiphyUS are 
mentioned as examples of modesty, Conv. iv. 
2578-88, [Adrasto.) 

Argivi, the Argives; Adrastus, King of, 
Conv. iv. 25^^. [Adrasto.] 

Argo 1, the ship Argo, built by Argus, son 
of Phrixus, in which the Argonauts sailed to 
Colchis in search of the golden fleece. Par. 
xxxiii. 96. [Argonauti: Ja8one^] 

Argo^, Argus, son of Arestor, sumamed 
Panoptes (* all-seeing') because he had a hun- 
dred eyes. Juno, jealous of Jupiter's love for 
Io, set A. to watch over her after she had been 
metamorphosed into a cow ; but Jupiter com- 
manded Mercury to slay him. Mercury there- 
fore descended to earth in the guise of a 
shepherd, and, having beg^uiled A. to sleep with 
the story of the metamorphosis of Syrinx, cut 
ofl'his head. Juno thereupon transplanted his 
eyes into the tail of her favourite bird, the 
peacock. 

A. is mentioned in connexion with his eyes, 
which are compared to those on the wings of 
the four beasts in the mystical Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 95-6 
[FrooesBione] ; his being set to sleep by the 
story of Syrinx and his death are referred to, 
Purg. xxxii. 64-6 [Siringa]. D. got the story 
from Ovid : — 

[Jupiter having transformed Io into a cow, 
Juno asks for her as a gift, and then places her 
under the guardianship of Argus.] 

* Fell ice donata, non prottnos exait omnem 
Diva metum ; timaitque Jovem, et fait anxia farti ; 
Donee Arestoridae servandam tradidit Argo. 
Centum luminibas cinctom caput Arg^na habcbat: 
Inde suis victbas capiebant bina quietem. 
Cetera tervabant, atque in statione manebant. 
Constiterit qaocomqae modo^ spectabat ad lo^ 
Ante oculos Io, quamvis aversus, habebat.* 

[Mercury, despatched by Jupiter, seats himself 
by the side of Argus and begins to tell him the 
story of Syrinx.] 

*Sedit Atlantiades, et enntem malta loqaendo 
Detinuit sermone diem ; jonttisque cancndo 
Vincere arandinibus servantia lumina tentat. 
Ille tamen pugnat molles evincere lomnos; 
Et quamvis sopor est ocoloram parte receptii% 
Farte tamen vigilat : quaerit quoque, namqae reperta 
Fistula nuper erat, qua sit ratione reperta. 
Turn deus: Arcadiae gelidis sub montibus, inquit, 
Liter Hamadryadaa celeberrima Nonacrinas 
Nalas una fuit ; Nymphae Syringa vocabant 
Non setnel et Satyros eluserat ina sequentes, 
Et quoscumque deos umbrosaque silva, fSenaque 
Rtts babet . . . 

. . . redeuntem coUe Lycaeo 
Pan videt banc, pinuque caput praecinctus acuta 
Talia verba refert — * 

[Argus falls asleep ; the sequel of the story of 
Syrinx which Mercury was about to tell.] 



[46] 



Argolico 



Ari^te 



*Restabat verba referre; 
Et prectbos spretit fugiase per avia Nympham, 
Donee arenosi placidom Ladonis ad aronem 
Veoerit; hie tlli cursum iinpedientibas undis, 
Ut ae niatarent, liquidas orasse sorores; 
Panaque, qaum prensam sibt jam S}rnDg^ tmtaret, 
Corpore pro Nymphae calamoa tenaisse palostres. 
Dam^ae ibi suspirat, motos in arundine ventos 
Effeasse sonam tenaem, simtlem^ae querent! : 
Arte nova, vocisqae deom dalcedme captam, 
Hoc mihi concilittm teconi, dixisse, manebit — 
Atque ita disparibas calamis compazine cerae 
Inter se janctis noroen tenuisse paellae. 
Talta dictanis vidit Cyllenias omnea 
Saccabttisse ocoloa, auopertaque lumina somno.* 

[Seeing that Argus has fallen asleep, Mercury 
stops the narrative and cuts off his head.] 

*Sapprimit extemplo vocem; firxnatque soporem, 
Languida permulcens medicata lamina virga. 
Nee mora: falcato natantem vulnerat enae. 
Qua collo con6ne caput; aaxoque cruentum 
Dejicit^ et maculat praemptam aanj^uine caatem. 
Arjj^e, jacea ; qaodque in tot lamina lamen habebaa, 
Exatinctum eat : centumqae ocaloa nox occopat Una. 
Excipit hos, volttcriaque auae Satarnia pennis 
Collocat et gemmia cabdam atellantibUa implet.* 

{.Metam. i. 6aa-K>, 68a ff.) 

Axgolico, belonging to Argolis or Argos; 

fente Argolua^ i. e. the Greeks, mentioned by 
*ier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII 
of Hell), perhaps with an aJlusion to the Argno- 
nautSy Int. xxviii. 84. [Argonauti : Greoi^ 

Axgonauti], Argonauts, 'sailors of the 
Argo ' who sailed to Colchis ih search of the 
golden fleece. Jason, who commanded the 
expedition, was accompanied by fifty heroes, 
including Hercules, Castor and Pollux, The- 
seus, and all the famous men of £he age. 
D. speaks of them as Quei gloriosi che passaro 
a CoicOf Par. ii. 16 ; and ahudes to them (per- 
haps) as gente Argolica^ Inf. kxviii. 84 ; and to 
their expedition, Inf. xviii. 86-7. [Argo ^ : 
Jaaone^] 

Arianna]/ Ariadne, daughter of Minos and 
Pasipha^, and sister of the Minotaur [Minos : 
Pasife: Minotauro]. She fell in love with 
Theseus when he came to Crete to bring the 
tribute of the Athenians to the Minotaur, and 
gave him the sword with which he slew the 
monster, and the clue of thread by means of 
which he found his way out of the Labyrinth 
[Dedalo]. Theseus in return promised to 
marry her, and took her away with him from 
Crete, but deserted her in Naxos; here she 
was found by Bacchus, who made her his wife 
and at her death placed among the stars, as the 
constellation of the Crown, the garland she 
had worn at her marriage (Par. xiii. 13-14) 
[Bacool. 

Virgil (in Round i of Circle VII of HeU) 
refers to A. as the sister of the Minotaur, with 
an allusion to her love for Theseus, Inf. xii. 
19-20 [TMeo] ; she is referred to, in connexion 
with tne constellation of the Crown, as la 
/igliuola di Minoiy Par. xiii. 14 [Corona]. 
Her story is told by Ovid: the Minotaur, 
having been enclosed by Minos in the Laby- 
rinth of Daedalus, is slain by Theseus with 



the aid of Ariadne ; the latter, abandoned by 
Theseus, is rescued by Bacchus, who weds her 
and places her crown in the sky : — 

'Creverat opprobrium generis; foedaroque patebat 
Matris adulteriara, monstri novitate biformia. 
Destinat banc Minoa thalamia removere pudorem, 
Maltipliciqae dorao, caeciaqae includere tectia. 
Daedalua, ingenio fabrae celeberrimua artia, 
Ponit opua; tarbatque notaa, et lamina flexom 
Dacit in errorem variaram ambage viarum . . . 

. . . implet 
Innameraa errore viaa; vixqae ipae reverti 
Ad limen potoit : tanta eat fallacia tecti I 
Qao poatqaam taari geminam javeniaqae figaram 
Claosit, et Actaeo bia pastam aangaine monatrum 
Tertia aora annia domait repetita noventa; 
Utqae ope vtrginea, nullia iterata priorum, 
Janoa difficilia 6I0 eat inventa relecto; 
Protinaa Aegidea, rapta Minolde, Dian 
Vela dedit; coroiteroque auam crudelia in illo 
Litore deaeiuit: deaertae, et malta qaerenti, 
Amplexoa et opekn Liber talit: otqae perenni 
Sidere clara foret, aamptam de fronte coronam 
Iknhiisit caelo: tenaea volat ilia per aaraa^ 
Duro(]ae volat, gemmae aabitoa vertuntar m ignea; 
ConsistantqUe loco, apecie remanente Coronae, 
Qui knediaa nixique genu eat, angaemqae tenentia.* 

{Metam. viii. 156-61, 166 ff.) 

Ari^te, Aries (' the Ram'), constellation and 
the first of the twelve signs of the Zodiac, 
which the Sun enters at the vernal equinox 
(about March 21), Par. xxviii. 117; Conv. iii. 
(ji34> 143 J Canz. XV. 41 ; // Monioney Purg. viii. 
134 ; Par. xxix. 2 ; alluded to as quella luce Che 
raggia dietro alia celeste Lasca, *the light 
which beams behind the heavenly Carp ' (since 
Aries comes next to Pisces in the zodiacal 
circle), Purg. xxxii. 53-4 [Fesoi] ; migliore 
Stella (since, according to the old belief, the 
Sun was in Aries at the time of the Creation 
and of the Incarnation), Par. i. 40 ; hence, 
quelle stelle. Inf. i. 38, where D. indicates the 
time of the Creation> are also those of Aries 
(Benvenuto says : * dicunt enim astrologi et 
theologi quod Oeus ab initio saeculi posuit 
solem in ariete, in quo signo facit nobis ver'). 

The vernal equinox is described, Purg. viii. 
133-5 [Montone^]; Canz. xv. 41 ; the rising 
of the Sun at the vernal equinox, Par. i. 37-41 
(Butler comments: 'the equator, the ecliptic, 
and the equinoctial colure, or great circle 
through the equinoxes and the pole of the 
equator, intersect on the first point of Aries ; 
at sunrise about the spring equinox this point 
is therefore on the horizon, which makes the 
fourth circle : the three crosses being made by 
the others with it') ; nottumo Ariete^ *the Ram 
seen by night * (i. e. when the Sun is in Libra, 
after the autumnal equinox), Par. xxviii. 117 ; 
ambedue lifigli di Latona Coperti del Montone 
e delta Libra^ *both the children of Latona 
brooded over by the Ram and the Scales' 
(i. e. the Sun and Moon opposite to each other 
at the equinox, the one being in Aries, the 
other in Libra), Par. xxix. 1-2 [Ijibra] ; Aries 
and Libra opposite signs at opposite points of 
the zodiacal circle, being entered by the Sun 



at the vernal and autumnal equinoxes respec- 
tively, Conv. iii. 5130-42 [Zodlaoo]. 



[47J 



Aristotele 



Aristotile 



Aristotele, Aristotle, Purg. iii.43. [ArlBto- 
tUe.] 

Aristoteles, Aristotle, V. E. ii. 6^3 ; Mon. 
i. i^^ ii7i . A. T. § 1237. [Arifltotile.] 

Aristotile, Aristotle, the Greek philosopher, 
bom at Stagfra (whence he is sometimes called 
* the Stagirite '), a town in Chalcidice in Mace- 
donia, B.C. 384. In 367 he went to Athens to 
pursue his studies, and he there became the 
pupil of Plato, who called him ' the intellect of 
his school.* After the death of Plato he 
quitted Athens and returned to Macedonia, 
where at the request of Philip of Macedon he 
became the instructor of his son Alexander 
(afterwards Alexander the Great). A. re- 
mained in Macedonia seven years, and then 
went back to Athens, where he founded the 
Peripatetic school of philosophy. He presided 
over his school for thirteen years (335-323), 
during which period he composed the greater 
part of his works. After the death of Alexander 
(323) he was looked upon with suspicion in 
Athens as a friend of Macedonia, and he had 
to leave that city to avoid being tried on a 
charge of impiety. He retired to Chalcis in 
Euboea, where he died in 322 at the age of 
sixty-three. His numerous works, which treated 
of almost all the subjects of human knowledge 
cultivated in his time, have always exercised 
a powerful influence upon learning, especially 
in the Middle Ages. 

D. places A. in Limbo together with Plato, 
Socrates, and other great philosophers of 
antiquity, Inf. iv. 131 [Limbo . 

In the D,C. he is mentioned by name once, 
Aristotele^ Purg. iii. 43 ; referred to as // 
maestro di color che sannoy Inf. iv. 131 ; (by 
Charles Martel addressing D.), // maestro 
vostro. Par. viii. 120 (ref. to PoL ii. 2). He is 
probably also alluded to as piti savio di te, 
Purg. XXV. 63, where Statius tells D. that a 
wiser than he went astray with regard to the 
nature of the soul, by teaching that the active 
intellect (' intellectus agens *) was separate 
from the soul, a doctrine inconsistent with 
personal immortality. Butler points out that 
the reference appears to be to De Anima^ iii. 
4, 5 ; but many think that the allusion is to 
Averroes. It is probably to A. too that D. 
alludes as Colui, che mi dimostra il primo 
amofe, Par. xxvi. 38 ; some, however, take the 
allusion to be to Plato, or to Dionysius the 
Areopagite. 

In the Vita Nuova A. is referred to twice 
by the title of // Filosofo, the Philosopher (as 
he was commonly called par excellence in the 
Middle Ages), V. N. §§ 251^, 423«. 

In the Convivio he Fs mentioned by name 
upwards of fifty times, Aristotile ^ Con v. i. 9 ; 
ii. 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 14, 15 ; iii. 2, 5, 7, 9, 11, 14, 15; 
iv. 2, 6, 7, 8, II, 13, 15, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 
27, 28 ; referred to as il Filosofo upwards of 



forty times, Conv. i. i, 12; ii. I, 3, 5, 10, 14, 
15, 16; iii. I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, II, 14, 15 ; 
iv. 3» 4» 8, 10, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 27. 
D. also speaks of him as // mio mxustro^ Conv. 
i. 9*1 ; quello glorioso filosofo al quale la 
natura piii aperse Ii suoi segreti^ Conv. iii. 
^54r-« . maestro delta umana ragione, Conv. iv. 
2i3« ; maestro e duca delta genie umana, , . , il 
maestro e Vartefice che ne dimostra ilfine delta 
umana vita, Conv. iv. 6*^®"^=*; mcustro d^ 
filosofi, Conv. iv. %^^ ; maestro delta nostra 
vita^ Conv. iv. 23®^ ; he alludes to A.*s surname 
*the Stagirite,' mentions him as the founder of 
the Peripatetic School, and describes his genius 
as 'c^uasi divino,' his opinion as 'somma e 
altissima autoritade,' and himself as ' degnis- 
simo di fede e d'obbedienza,' Conv. iv. d^^^^'^. 

Ip D.'s Latin works A. is mentioned by 
name four times, Aristoteles, V. E. ii. 6^3 . 
Mon. i. I^^ ii7» ; A. T. § 1237 ; referred to by 
the title of Philosophus forty times, Mon. i. 3, 
J, 10, II, 12, 13, 14, 15 ; ii. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 12 ; 
iii. I, 4, 10, 16 ; Epist. viii. 5 ; x. 5, 16, 18, 27 ; 
A. T. §§ 2, 6, 12, 13, 21, 23 ; he is also referred 
to as M agist er^ Mon. iii. ^^^\ magister sapi- 
entum^ V. E. ii. 10® ; praeceptor morum^ Mon. 
iii. i^'^ ; praeceptor, Epist. viii. 5. 

With the exception of the Bible, Aristotle's 
works are quoted by D. more frequently than 
those of any other author, the direct quotations 
or references to them numbering about 150. 
The following are quoted by name : — 

Prior Analytics, quoted as Priora, A. T. 
% 19^^; and (perhaps) as De Syllogismo, Mon. 
iii. 7^^ [Analytica Priora], 

On Sophistical Refutations, quoted as De 
Sophisticis Elenchis, Mon. iii. 4-*^ [SopbisUcH 
Eiencbis, De], 

Categories, quoted as Praedicamenta, Mon. 
iii. 15^; A. T. ^ 2^; the first book, being 
introductory, is quoted as Antepraedicamenta^ 
A. T. § 1 2^* [Praedicamenta]. 

Art of Rhetoric, quoted as Rettorica, Conv. 
iii. 885 ; Rhetorica, Epist. x. 18 \Riketorica^\ 

Nicomachean Ethics, quoted as Etica, Inf. 
xi. 80 ; Conv. i. 9«=^, lo^i, M^^ '^ ; ii. 501, 14*3, 

1^126, 128 . iii. i57, 390^ 454^ 789^ gl69^ nffi, 92, 144^ 

i5»30; iv. 8*' 1*^ 121^7^ i37o» '\ 15147^ i6«\ 

179, n, 18, 75, 94^ 1^83^ 2037, ^\^'i-'l, 22^*, 25% 

2747, 110 ; canz. viii. 85 ; Ethica, A. T. §§ i8««, 
20^8 ; Ad Nicoinachum, Mon. i. 3*, il"^, 1328, 

1437, 1572. ii. 263, 306, 817, 1240; iii. loJoi^ 

1267; A. T. § \\^^ \Bthica]. 

Politics, quoted as Politica, Conv. iv. 4*6; 
Mon. i. 3»i, 5»% 1268 . ii. 317, 766, Z\^\PoiiUca\ 

Physics or Physical Discourse, quoted as 
Fisica, Inf. xi. 101; Conv. ii. i^^j*; iii. uiO; 
iv. 2« 9^6^ io9i, 15162^ j678 . Physica, V. E. ii. 
io»; Epist. X. 25; A. T. §§ 11", 20^3; De 
NaturcUi Auditu, Mon. i. 97 ; ii. 7*1 ; iii. 15^* 
[Piiysica]. 

On the Heavens, quoted as Di Cielo e 
Mondo, Conv. ii. -^^^ «l, 4^, 5^^ ; "i. 5^, 9"^ ; 



[48] 



Aristotile 



ArU 



iv. 92«; De Caelo et Mundo, A. T. §§ 12**, 
13*1; De Caelo, Epist. x. 27 ; A. T. § 21^ 
[Caelo, De]. 

On Generation and Corruption^ quoted as 
Di Generazione, Con v. iii. ioi«; iv. lo^i 
[Oeaentione et Conupttone, De\ 

Meteorologies, quoted as Meteora, A. T. 
§§ 61^ 23*7 iMeteora i]. 

History of Animals (more correctly Re- 
searches about Animals), and On Parts of 
Anima/Sfboth quoted 2iS Degli Animali \ the 
former, Conv. ii. 979 ; the latter, Conv. ii. 3I* 
[Anlmalibus, De], 

On Soul, quoted as DeWAnima, Conv. ii. 
9«*, ioO«, 14241; ill. 283> 126, 61", 9^; iv. 
7I11, 139, 1368, 15II6, 2o59. DeAnima, Mon. i. 
37« ; iii. 1627 [Attitna, De]. 

On Sense and Sensible Things, ouoted as 
Di Senso e Sensato, Conv. iii. 9^, lOo [Sensu 
et SenslbiU, De]. 

On Youth and Old Age, quoted as Di Gio- 
ventute e Senettute, Conv. iv. 28^2 [Juveatute 
et Seaeciute, De]. 

On Generation of Animals, quoted as De 
Generatione Animalium, A. T. $ 13*2 [Qene- 
rmtione Animalium, De]. 

First Philosophy or Metaphysics, quoted as 
Prima FiiosoJUz, Conv. i. i2; Prima Philo- 
Sophia, Mon. iii. 12^ ; Metafisica,V.J:^, § 42^*^ ; 
Conv. ii. 382, 512, 118, 14146, 1690 ; iij. , ii2, ,^9*; 

iv. 10*3 ; Meiaphysica, Epist. x. 5, 16, 20; Z?^ 
Simpliciter Ente, Mon. i. 12", 13I*, I5i2» i»; 
liL 14!^ [Mieiaphysica]. 

On Causes, pseudo- Aristotelian work, quoted 
as Di Cagioni, Conv. iii. 22^ ; Delle Cagioni, 
Conv. iii. 6*i> i^*, 71^; iv. 2188; De Causis, 
Mon. i. 11^32. Epist. x. 20, 21 [Causis, De]. 

(On D.'s obligations to Aristotle see Moore, 
Studies in Dante, i. 92-1 56, whence the refer- 
ences to Book and Chapter of the various 
Aristotelian treatises quoted by D. are for the 
most part taken.) 

D. mentions two Latin translations of Aris- 
totle, which he says differed materially in 
places, and which he calls respectively the 
* New ' and the * Old,' Conv. ii. 1 5«^8. The 
earliest Latin translations of Aristotle were 
made, not from the original Greek, but from 
Arabic versions. Subsequently St. Thomas 
Aquinas made or caused to be made a new 
translation, direct from the Greek, of several 
of the Aristotelian treatises. This Greek- Latin 
version probably answers to D.'s * New* trans- 
lation, the 'Old' being the representative of 
the earlier Arabic-Latin version. (See Moore, 
cp. cit. i. 305-18.) At a later date the Latin 
version of the Ethics was translated into 
Italian ; but it was an untrustworthy rendering, 
and is spoken of by D. with contempt, Conv. 
L io"^^i. This Italian version referred to by 
D. is generally supposed to be that made by 
the Florentine physician Taddeo di Alderotto 
[Alderotto: BUdca]. 



Axil, Aries, town in Provence, in the modem 
department of Bouches-du-Rh6ne, close to 
where the Rhone forms its delta before enter- 
ing the Mediterranean [Rodaao]. D. mentions 
Aries, Arli, ove Rodano siagna, in connexion 
with the famous cemetery Aliscamps (i.e. 
Elysios Campos) and its great sarcophagus 
tombs, Inf jx. 112, 115. This cemetery was 
originally a Roman burying-ground, and was 
consecrated, according to the legend, by St. 
Trophimus as a resting-place for the bodies of 
the faithful. At the moment of consecration 
Christ is said to have appeared to the Saint, 
and to have promised that the souls of those 
who were buried there should be exempt from 
the torments of the demons of the sepulchres. 

Caput regni Burgundionum, quod Arelatense 
dicitur, civitas est Arelas, antiquissimis dotata 
privilegiis. Hanc, ordinatus ab apostolis Pctro et 
Paulo, Trophimus, Jesu Christi discipulus . . . 
ad fidem Christi convertit, ct post pauca . . . dcli- 
beravit coemeterium solenne ad meridianam urbis 
partem constituere, in quo omnium orthodoxonim 
corpora sepulturae traderentur . . . Illi Christus, 
pridem in carne familiariter agnitus, apparuit, 
opus ejus sua benedictione perfundens, dato coe- 
meterio ac illis sepeliendis munere, ut quicunque 
inibi sepelirentur nullas in cadaveribus suis 
paterentur diabolicas illusiones, secundum quod 
in evangelio legitur, quosdam daemones habitare 
in sepulchris.* (Gerv. Tilb.) 

The cemetery at Aries, consequently, became 
the favourite burying-place for those who died 
in arms against the infidel. There was a 
tradition that the greater part of those who 
were slain with the twelve peers of Charlemagne 
at the Molorous rout' of Roncesvalles were 
buried there [Bonoisvalle]. 

' Erant tunc temporis bina cimiteria praecipua 
sacrosancta, alterum apud Arelatem in Aylis 
campis, alterum apud Burdegalam ... in quibua 
maxima pars illonim (sc. apud Runcievallem inter- 
fectorum) sepelitur . . . Postea ego et Karolus . . . 
a Blavio discedentes per Gasconiam et Tolosam 
tendentes Arelatem perreximus, ibi vero inve- 
nimus Burgundionum exercitus qui a nobis in 
Hosta valle discesserant, et per Morlanum et 
Tolosam venerant cum mortuis suis et vulneratis, 
quos lectulis et bigis secum illuc adduxerant ad 
sepeliendum eos in cimeterio in Ailis campis.' 
{Turpini HUtoria Karoli Magni et Rotholandi, 
§§ xxviii, xxix.) 

Another tradition assigned the cemetery at 
Aries as the burying-place of the Christians 
slain in the great battle at Aries, where William 
of Orange was defeated by the Saracens, as is 
narrated in the O. F. chanson de geste Ales- 
chans [GugUelmo di Oringa]. In Cent xiii. 
one of the tombs was specially identified as 
the sepulchre of William's nephew Vivien, who 
had been slain in the battle and buried there 
by William : — 



[49] 



Armonia 



Amaldo Daniello 



*Ea Alrachant GaiUaames Tenfoi; 
EDocore i gist il ores." 

{Aynuri eU Narhontu^ 4543-4-) 

Boccaccio mentions the above tradition as 
being current in his day, but adds that he does 
not believe it : — 

* Ad Arli, alquanto fuori della cittii, sono molte 
arche di pietra, fatte ab antico per sepolture . . . 
Di queste dicono i paesani una loro favola, afier- 
mando in quel luogo essere gi^ stata una gran 
battaglia tra Guglielmo d'Oringa e sua gente 
d'una parte, o vero d'altro principe cristiano, e 
barbari infedeli venuti d'Affrica, ed essere stati 
uccisi molti cristiani in essa, e che poi la notte 
seguente, per divino miracolo, essere state quivi 
quelle arche recate per sepoltura de' cristiani, 
e cosl la mattina veg^ente tutti i cristiani morti 
essere stati seppelliti in esse.' 

Benvenuto and Buti, who give a similar 
account, state that not only were the tombs 
miraculously provided for the slaughtered 
Christians, but that also as a mark of divine 
favour the bodies of the faithful were miracu- 
lously distinguished from those of the infidels 
by a writing placed on the forehead of each, 
indicating who he was ; thus, naively adds 
Benvenuto, enabling them to be buried in 
large or small tombs according to their 
rank. 

Armonia], Harmonia, daughter of Mars 
and Venus, wife of Cadmus, founder of Thebes. 
On his wedding-day Cadmus received a present 
of a necklace, which he gave to H., and which 
afterwards became fatal to whoever possessed 
it. D. refers to this necklace, the storv of 
which is told by Statins (Theb, ii. 265 ff.), as 
lo sventurato adomamsntOj Purg. xii. 51 

tAlmeone : Anflarao : Brifile]. By Cadmus 
I. became the mother of Autonoe, Ino, Semele, 
Agave, and Polydorus, and when C. was trans- 
formed into a serpent she shared his fate, an 
incident to which D. alludes, Inf. xxv. 97. 
[Cadmo: Ino: Semele.] 

Amaldo Daniello], Amaut Daniel,famous 
Proven9al poet, placed by D. among the 
Lustful in Circle VII of Purgatory: Arnautj 
Purg. xxvi. 143 ; quest iy v. 115; spirto^ v. 116; 
il mosiraio, v. 136 ; eiy v. 139 [XjUBsuriosi] ; 
he is pointed out to D. by Guido Guinicelli, 
who describes him as the best of all con- 
temporary writers, whether in the langue d^oc 
or the langue //'oil, and ridicules the notion 
that he is inferior to Giraut de Bomeil, as some 
thought {w. 115-20) ; presently D. approaches 
Amaut and begs to know his name (w. 136-8) ; 
A. in response addresses D. in Provencal, and 
names himself, explaining that he is here ex- 
piating his past folly {w. 139-47) ; he then 
disappears into the flames, and D. sees him no 
more {v, 148) [Gerardus de Bonieil : Gtiido 
auiniceUi]. 

Amaut Daniel, who flourished as a poet 
between 1180 and 1200, belonged to a noble 

[50] 



family of Ribeyrac in Pdrigord (in the modem 
department of Dordogne). Little is known of 
his life. He appears to have been a personal 
friend of the famous Bertran de Bom. He 
spent much of his time at the court of Richard 
Coeur-de-Lion (the king of Dover, *lo reis dc 
Dobra,' as he calls him) ; he visited Paris, 
where he attended the coronation of Philip 
Augustus (*al coronar fui del bon rei d*Es- 
tampa ')j as well as Spain, and perhaps Italy. 
His works, such as they have been preserved, 
consist of eighteen lyrical poems, one satirical, 
the rest amatory. The tenor of one of these, 
which forms part of a poetical controversy with 
two other troubadours concerning the conduct 
of a certain lady, sufficiently accounts for the 
place in Purgatory assigned to him by D. (Sec 
CanellOy Vita ed Opere di Amaldo Dani- 
ello^ 

Arnaut is said to have been the originator 
of the sestina^ a form of composition which D. 
imitated from him, as he himself tells us in 
the De Vulgari Eloquentia (ii. lo^*"'^) : — 

' Hujusmodi stantiae usus est fere in omnibus 
cantionibus suis Arnaldus Danielis; et nos eum 
secuti sumus cum diximus : Al poco giorno^ ed al 
gran cerchio d'ombra.* (Sest i.) 

D. regarded him pre-eminently as the poet 
of love : — 

'Haec tria, salus videlicet, Venus, virtus, ap- 
parent esse ilia magnalia quae sint maxime per- 
tractanda, hoc est ea quae maxima sunt ad ista, 
ut armorum probitas, amoris accensio, et directio 
voluntatis. Circa quae sola, si bene recolimus, 
illustres viros invenimus vulgariter poetasse ; sci- 
licet Bertramum de Bomio, arma ; Amaidum 
Danielem, amorem ; Gerardum de Bomello, recti- 
tudinem; Cinum Pistoriensem, amorem; amicum 
ejus, rectitudinem.' (V. E. ii. 2^''— •*.) 

He is mentioned as having employed a 
stanza without refrain and without rime, wherein 
D. copied him, V. E. ii. io2*-8, 138-1* ; the 
first lines of three of his poems are quoted, 
V. E. ii. 287 (No. ix in Canello) ; V. E. ii. 6^1 
(No. XV in Canello) ; and V. E. ii. 13^2 (No. 
xvii in Canello). 

D.'s high opinion of Amaut's verse is difficult 
to understand ; modem critics are by no means 
inclined to agree with his estimate. Even in 
D.*s own time the poems were regarded as 
difficult and obscure, as appears from the old 
Proven9al biography : — 

'Amautz Daniels si fo d'aquella encontrada 
don fo Arnautz de Maroill de I'evescat de Peire- 
gore, d'un chastel que a nom Ribairac. E fo 
gentils hom, et am|>aret ben letras ; e deleitet se 
en trobar et en caras rimas, per que las soas 
chanssons non son leus ad entendre, ni ad 
aprendre.* 

Petrarca, however, shared D.'s opinion, for 
he gives Amaut the first place among love- 
poets who were not natives of Italy : — 



Amaldo Daniello 



Amo 



* B poi v*era an drappello 
Di portamenti, e di volgari strani. 
Pnt tutti U prtmo Arnaldo Daniello, 
Gran maestro d^amor, ch*alla sua terra 
Ancor (a onor col sao dir novo e bello/ 

(Trioufo d'Amore^ iv. 38-42.) 

Gaston Paris gives the following description 
of the characteristics of Amaut's poetry : — 

* Amaut Daniel est un troubadour de la fin du 
zii* si^cle, dont il nous est rest^ dix-sept chansons, 
d'un style tr^s travailM, tr^s particulier et tr^ 
obscur; il est par excellence le maltre du trobar 
clusj de cet art singulier oil on estimait en seconde 
ligne la difficult^ de composition pour le poite, 
et en premiere la difficult^ de comprehension pour 
I'auditeur. Ce genre, qui nous paralt rebutant et 
pu^ril, avait certains mantes dont le plus grand 
^tait, en donnant h. chaque mot une importance 
ezag6r6e, de preparer la creation du style ex- 
pressif, concis, propre et personnel, qui devait 
se produire avec un incomparable ^clat dans la 
DhiM€ Comedie. Dante admirait profond^ment 
Amaut Daniel, qu'il avait certainement ^tudi^ k 
fond. Dans un passage calibre du Purgatoirt il 
le declare bien sup^rieur a Guiraut de Borneil, 
que lui pref<&re la vaine opinion du vulgaire. Nous 
sommes aujourd'hui de I'avis du vulgaire, et le 
jugement de Dante a surpris tous les critiques 
modemes.' {^Romania, x. 484 ff.) 

The expression used by D. of Amaut, * Versi 
d'amore e prose di romanzi Soverchi6 tutti ' 
(Purg. xxvi. 1 18-19), has been misunderstood 
by some of the conmientators as meaning that 
A. surpassed every one both in ' versi d'amore' 
and in ' prose di romanzi,' that is to say that 
he was pre-eminent as a writer both of love- 
verse and prose-romances, an interpretation 
which appeairs to have been due to some extent 
to an error of Tasso and Pulci, who attribute 
to A. the authorship of a Lancilotto and a 
Rinaldo, There is no evidence, however, that 
he wrote any romances, in prose or verse, 
and there is little doubt that the real meaning 
of D.'s phrase is that suggested by the com- 
ment of Buti, viz. that A. surpassed all writers 
of love-verse and prose-romance, that is to 
say — having regard to D.'s statement in the 
De Vulgari Eloquentia (i. lo^^-iej that every- 
thing in vernacular prose, whether translated 
or original, was in French — that A. was superior 
to all who wrote either in Provencal or in 
French. (See Academy^ April 13, 1889.) 

D. puts into the mouth of Amaut eight lines 
of Provencal {w, 140-7)— in order, says Ben- 
venuto, to show that he had some knowledge 
of everything — with which, as was to be ex- 
p^ed, the copyists have played havoc. A 
critical text of these lines has recently been 
published by Renier (Giomale Storico della 
LettertUura Italiana^ xxv. 316) as follows : — 

*Bi coniind6 Itberamente a dire: 
Tan m^abcUia vostre cortea deman 
Qa'ien no me poeac ni*m voill a voa cobrire. 
lea wok Amant, qae plor e van cantan: 
Comirot vel la pawada folor, 
B rei jaaaen lo jom, qn'etper, denaa. 



Ara at prec per aqaella valor 

gue voa guida al som d'esta escalina, 
3venha vos a temps de ma dolor.* 

[' So pleases me your courteous demand, that 
I nor can nor will hide myself from you. I am 
Amaut, who weep and go singing : with sorrow 
I look upon my past folly, and with rejoicing I 
contemplate the day I hope for hereafter. Now 
I pray you, by that virtue which is guiding you 
to the summit of this ascent, bethink yourself in 
due lime of my woe.'] 

Several stories are told of Amaut : the old 
Provencal biographer gives an account of a 
trick he played upon another troubadour while 
at the court of Richard Coeur-de-Lion ; and 
Benvenuto relates how he supported himself 
in his old age, and how he ended his days as 
a monk : — 

* Iste magnus inventor fuit quidam provincialis 
tempore Raymundi Berengerii boni comitis pro- 
vinciae, nomine Arnaldus, cognomine vero Daniel, 
vir quidem curialis, prudens et sagax, qui invenit 
multa et pulcra dicta vulgaria ; a quo Petrarcha 
fatebatur sponte sc accepisse modum et stilum 
cantilenae de quatuor rh3rthmis, et non a Dante. 
Hie, dum senuisset in paupertate, fecit cantilenam 
pulcerrimam, quam misit per nuntium suum ad 
regem Franciae, Angliae, et ad alios principes 
occidentis, rogans, ut quemadmodum ipse cum 
persona juverat eos delectatione, ita ipsi cum 
fortuna sua juvarent eum utilitate. Cum autem 
nuntius post hoc reportasset multam pecuniam, 
dixit Arnaldus : Nunc video, quod Deus non vult 
me derelinquere. £t continuo sumpto habitu 
monastico parcissimae vitae semper fuit' 

Amo, the principal river of Tuscany, which, 
rising, like the Tiber, among the spurs of 
Falterona in the Apennines, flows S.E. through 
the Casentino, past Poppi, Bibbiena, Rassina, 
and Subbiano, to within four or five miles of 
Arezzo, where it makes a sudden sweep away 
to the N.W. ; then with a more rapid descent 
it flows past Laterina, Montevarchi, Figline, 
and Pontassieve, receiving on its way the 
waters from Pratomagno on the right, and 
from the Chianti hills on the left; here it is 
joined by the Sieve, and tuming W. flows 
through Florence; then, descending more 
gently, it winds between Montelupo and Ca- 

?raia, and passing through the deep gorge of 
ietra Goltolina enters the plain of Empoli, 
whence it flows through Pisa into the Mediter- 
ranean, after a course of some 150 miles, its 
mouth being about five miles below the city 
of Pisa. 

The Amo is mentioned, in connexion with 
the ancient statue of Mars on the Ponte Vec- 
chio, Inf. xiii. 146 [Marte^: Ponte Veoohio]; 
the transference of Andrea de' Mozzi from Amo 
(i. c. Florence) to Bacchiglione (i. e. Vicenza), 
Inf. XV. 113 [Andrea de' Mosai: Baodhi- 
gUone] ; D. bom and brought up at Florence 
on the Amo, Inf. xxiii. 95 ; Purg. xiv. 24 ; V. £• 
i. 618-19 ; Epist. iii. 2 ; Ed. i. 44 [Firenie] j 



[51] 



£2 



Amo 



Arpie 



the streamlets by which it is fed from the 
hills in the Casentino, Inf. xxx. 65 [Casen- 
tino] ; the islands of Caprara and Gorgona 
called upon by D. to choke its mouth and so 
drown Pisa, Inf. xxxiii. 82-4 [Caprara : Gor- 
gona : Pisa] ; its confluence with the Archiano, 
Purg. V. 125 [Arohiano]; D.'s description of 
the river recognized by Guido del Duca, Purj^. 
xiv. 24 (see below) ; the situation of Alvemia 
between the Amo and the Tiber, Par, xi. 106 
[Alvemia''^]; the source of the Amo, Purg. 
xiv. 17, 31; Epist. vi. 6; vii. 8; its course 
more than a hundred miles, Purg. xiv. 18; its 
mouth. Inf. xxxiii. 83 ; Pui^. xiv. 34-5 ; alluded 
to, as // bel fiume^ Inf. xxiii. 95 ; to fiume real 
(so called as flowing direct into the sea), Purg. 
V. 122 ; un fiumicel che nasce in Falterona E 
cento miglia di corso nol sazia, Purg. xiv. 17- 
18; qtulla riviera, v, 26; valle^ v, 30; la 
maladetta e sventurata fossa, 2/. 51 ; il fiero 
fiume, 7/. 60 ; in the Latin works called Samus, 
V. E. i. 6^9; Eel. i. 44; Epist iii. 2; vi. 6; 
vii. 8 [Samus]. 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
traces the course of the Amo, Purg. xiv. 29- 
54 ; D. having first described it as a stream, 
which rises in Falterona, and flows through 
Tuscany with a course of more than a hundred 
miles, and on the banks of which he was bom 
(tn/. 16-21), Guido perceives that he is speak- 
ing of the Arno (2/2/. 22-4); his companion 
(Rinieri da Calboli) asks in wonder why D. 
concealed the name of the river, as though it 
were something horrible (w. 25-7) ; Guido 
replies that he does not know, but that it is 
fitting the name of such a stream should 
perish, for from its source to its mouth its 
valley is inhabited by men more worthy to be 
called bmte beasts than human beings (z/z/. 
28-42) ; first, he says, it flows among foul 
hogs, * brutti porci,' i. e. the men of Casentino 
(with especial reference to the Conti Guidi, 
lords of Romena and Porciano, and with a 
play on the latter name) (w. 43-5) [Guidi, 
Conti] ; then it comes among * curs which 
snarl more than their power demands,' i.e. 
the Aretines, from whom * in disdain it tums 
its muzzle away ' (in allusion to the sharp bend 
of the river away from Arezzo to the N.W.) 
(zn/. 46-8) [Aretini]; then, as it descends 
and grows larger, it finds wolves, i. e. the Flo- 
rentines (w, 49-51) [Fiorentini] ; and next, 
passing through deep gorges (between M on te- 
mpo and Empoli), it comes among foxes, 
i.e. the Pisans (tti/, 52-4) [PisaniJ; after 
which it reaches the place * ove si rende per 
ristoro Di quel che il ciel della marina asciuga,' 
i. e. the sea (tti/. 34-5). 

Villani also traces the course of the Amo ; 
in his account of Tuscany he says : — 

' Questa provincia di Toscana ha piii fiumi : 
intra gli altri reale e roaggiore si h il nostro fiume 
d*Arao, il quale nasce di quella medesima mon- 



tagna di Falterona che nasce il fiume del Tevere, 
che va a Roma; e questo fiume d*Arno conre 
quasi per lo mezzo di Toscana, scendendo per le 
montagne della Vernia, ove il beato santo Fran- 
cesco fece sua penitenzia e romitaggio, e poi passa 
per la contrada di Casentino presso a Bibbiena 
e a pii di Poppi, e poi si rivolge verso levante, 
vegnendo presso alia citta d'Arezzo a tre miglia, 
•e poi corre per lo nostro Valdamo di sopra, scen- 
dendo per lo nostro piano, e quasi passa per lo 
mezzo della nostra citta di Firenze. £ poi uscito 
per corso del nostro piano, passa tra Montelupo e 
Capraia presso a Empoli per la contrada di Greti 
e di Valdamo di sotto a pi^ di Fucecchio, e poi 
per lo contado di Lucca e di Pisa, raccogliendo in 
s^ molti fiumi, passando poi quasi per mezzo la 
■cittii di Pisa ove assai h grosso, sicchi porta galee 
e gi-ossi legni ; e presso di Pisa a cinque miglia 
mette in mare, e '1 suo corso ^ di spazio di miglia 
cento ventL* (i. 43.) 

Aronta, Amns, Etmscan soothsayer, who, 
according to Lucan, foretold the civil war, 
which was to end in the death of Pompey and 
the triumph of Caesar (Phars, i. 584-638). 
D. places A. among the Soothsayers in Bolgia 
4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xx. 
46 [Indovlni] ; and describes him as having 
dwelt in a cave ' nei monti di Luni,' i. e. in the 
Carrara hills {v, 47) [Ijiini] ; in which he 
follows Lucan : 

* Haec propter placnit Tascos de more vetasto 
Acciri vatea, qaomin qui maximus aevo 
Amns incolait desertae moenia Lanae, 
Falminis edoctns motus, venasque calentes 
Fibrarum, et motus errantis in acre pennae.* 

{w. 584-8.) 

Some edd. of Lucan for Lunae read Lucae^ 
i. e. Lucca. 

Arpie, Harpies, foul monsters in the shape 
of birds, with long claws, with the heads of 
maidens, and faces pale with hunger. D. 

g laces them as tormentors of the Suicides in 
lound 2 of Circle VII of Hell (where they 
are probably meant to be symbolical of re- 
morse), Inf. xiii. 10, 1 01 [Violent!]. D/s 
account of the Harpies, and of how they drove 
the Trojans from the Strophadcs, * with sad 
presage of woe to come' {yv, 10-15), >s taken 
from Virgil. Aeneas and his companions 
land in the Strophades, the abode of the 
Harpies : — 

'Servatam ex undis Strophadam me litore primnm 
Accipiant; Strophades Graio stant nomine dictae, 
Insulae lonio in ma^o, quas dira Cclaeno 
Harpyiaeque colant aliae . . . 
Tristius hand illis monstrum, nee saevior alia 
Pestis et ira deam Stvg^is sese extuHt undts. 
Virsrinei volucrum voltus, foedissima ventris 
Prolavies, uncaeqae manos, et pallida semper 
Ora fame. 

[The Harpies, having swooped down on the 
food of the Trojans, and having been attacked by 
them, Celaeno foretells that before they reach 
Italy they will be reduced by hunger to devour 
their tables. The Trojans flee.] 

*Tara litore carvo 
Ezstrmmnsqae toros dapiboaque epolamor opimis. 



[52] 



Arrigo 



Arrigo 



At mbitae borrifico la pan de montibas adaant 
Harpyiae et maj^is qaatiant dangoriboi alas, 
Diripmntqoe dapes contactuqae omnia foedant 
Immundo . . . Sociis tanc, anna capeasant, 

Edico, et dira bellam cum g^rnte (rerendam . . . 
Una in praecelsa consedit rape Ceiaeno, 
Infelix vates, rumpitque banc pectore vocem: . . . 
Italian) cursa petitis, ventisque vocatis 
Ibitis Italiani, portusqae intrare licebit; 
Sed non ante datara cin^tis moenibas arbem« 
Qnam vos dira fames nostraeqae injuria caedis 
Ambesas sabigat malis abstunere mensas . . . 

. . . Pogimna spamantibus nndis, 
Qua corsom ventoaqae gubematoraue vocabat.* 

(Aen. iii. 209 ff.) 

Arrigo i, Florentine of whom nothing cer- 
tain is known ; hi^ is mentioned together with 
Farinata degli Uberti, Tegghiaio Aldobrandi, 
Jacopo Rusticucci, and Mosca de* Lamberti, 
Inf. vL 80. He is one of those cA* a ben far 
poser gV ingegni {v. 81), of whom D. asks 
Ciacco for news, the reply being et son tra le 
ofdme piii nere {v- 85) [Ciacco]. All the 
others are referred to again subsequently, but 
we hear no more of A. The commentators 
differ as to his surname. Benvenuto says : — 

'istum nunquam nominabit amplius; debet tacite 
poni cum Musca quia £uit secum in eadem culpa ; 
futt enim nobilis de Sifantibus.* 

Boccaccio calls him Arrigo Giandpnati and 
says merely : — 

* furono questi cinque onorevoli e famosi cavalieri 
e cittadini di Firenze.* 

Some identify him with Oderigo de' Fifanti, 
who was implicated in the murder of Buondel- 
monte [Mosca : Buondelmonte]. 

Arrigo 2, Henxy VII of Luxemburg, Em- 
peror 1308-1313; I'alto A,y Par. xvii. 82; 
xxx. 137; Henricus, Epist. v. 2-; vi. 6 Jin.; 
vii. tit, ^ fin, ; the successor of Albert I, Purg. 
vi. 102 [Alberto Tedesoo] ; the other, altri^ 
who was to heal the wounds of Italy neglected 
by Rudolf, Purg. vii. 96 [Bldolfo] ; Titan 
faaficusy *the Sun of peac^*; alius MoyseSy 
Epist V. I ; Sponsus Itaiiae, mundi solatium^ 
gloria piebis suae, clementissimus Henricusj 
Divus et Augustus et Cqesar^ Epist v. 2; 
novus agricola Romanorum ; Hectoreus pastor ^ 
Epist. V. 5 ; Rex Jtaliae, Epist. v. 6 ; Romanus 
princepsy mundi rex^ et t)ei minister^ Epist. 
vi. 2 ; delirantis Hesperiae domitor, Epist. vi. 
3 ; Romanae rei bajulus^ divus et trtumphator 
HenricuSy Epist. vi. 6 ; sanctissimus trium^ 
phator et dominus singularisy Epist. vii. ///. ; 
Sol nosteTy Epist. vii. 2 ; praeses unicus mundiy 
Epist. vii. 6; excellentissimus principumy 
Epist vii. 7; proles alta (var. altera) Isai, 
Epist vii. 8. 

D. refers to the secret opposition encoun- 
tered by Henry VII from the Gascon Pope, 
Clement V, who was ostensibly his supporter, 
Par. xvii. 82 ; xxx. 142-4 [Quasco] ; Beatrice 
points out to D. the throne prepared for Henry 
in the Celestial Rose, and refers to him as the 
coming regenerator of Italy, Par. xxx. 137-9 
[Bosaj. 



D. wrote three Letters with especial refer- 
ence to the Emperor Henry VII — one ad- 
dressed to the Princes and Peoples of Italy, 
exhorting them to receive him, Epist. v ; the 
second to the rebellious Florentines who op- 
posed his coming, Epist. vi ; the third 
addressed to the Emperor himself, beseeching 
him to come into Tuscany and chastise Flo- 
rence without delay, Epist. vii. 

Henry, Count of Luxemburg, was at the 
instance of Clement V unanimously elected 
Emperor (at the age of forty), Nov. 1308, in 
opposition to Charles of Valois, the candidate 
of the French king, Philip the Fair, * on ac- 
count of his renowned valour, say the old 
Books, and also, add the shrewder of them, 
because his brother, archbishop of Trier, was 
one of the Electors, and the Pope did not like 
either the Austrian or the French candidate 
then in the field* (Carlyle). Henry, who had 
been recommended to Clement by the Car- 
dinal da Prato as Ml migliore uomo della 
Magna, e il piu leale e il piii franco e piu 
cattolico' (Villani, viii. loi), was crowned at 
Aix, Jan. 6, i3of. In the following June he 
sent ambassadors to Florence to announce that 
he was coming into Italy to receive the Im- 
perial crown, a ceremony which had been 
neglected by his predecessors for the last sixty 
years. To this advent of Henry D. looked 
anxiously for a settlement of the affairs of 
Italy (*a drizzare Tltalia verrk,' Par. xxx. 137), 
and for a means to secure hi$ own return to 
Florence. But his. hopes were doomed to 
bitter disappointment. The Emperor crossed 
the Alps in the summer of 13 10, and at first 
was well received. * The cities of Lombardy 
opened theii: gates ; Milan (where he assumed 
the iron crown, Jan. 6, 13}?, D. being pre- 
sent) decreed a vast subsidy ; Guelf and Ghi- 
belline exiles alike were restored, and Im- 
perial vicars appointed everywhere : supported 
Dy the Avignonese pontiff, who dreaded the 
restless ambition of his French neighbour. 
King Philip IV, Henry had the interdict of 
the Church as well as the ban of the Empire 
at his. command* (Bryce). But this success 
di4 not last long. Tumults and revolts broke 
out in Lombardy; and at Rome, whither he 
went to be crowned, Henry found St Peter's 
in the hands of King Robert of Naples, so that 
the coronation had to take place, shorn of its 
c^renipny, in St. John Lateran, on the southern 
bank of the Tiber (June 29, 131 2). The hos- 
tility of the Guelfic league,, headed by the 
Florentines, with King Robert as their acknow- 
ledged leader, compelled the Emperor to 
hasten back to Tuscany, for the purpose of 
laying siege to Florence, which had per- 
sistently defied him. To counterbalance the 
opposition of the Guelfs, he was obliged to 
abandon his policy of impartiality, and to 
identify himself with the Ghibellines, whose 



[53] 



Arrigo 



Arrigo 



aid he secured by granting to their chiefs the 
government of cities. Meanwhile Clement V, 
yielding to the menaces of the French king, 
had secretly withdrawn his support from the 
Emperor (Par. xvii. 82 ; xxx. 142-4). Henry 
arrived before Florence in September (1312) ; 
but in October he was obliged to raise the 
siege and retire to Pisa, whence in the summer 
of the next year he set out with the intention 
of reducing Naples. On his way south he 
was seized with illness, and on August 24, 
I3I3> he expired at Buonconvento near Siena. 
His somewhat sudden death, which was pro- 
bably due to a malarious fever contracted at 
Rome, was currently ascribed to poison ad- 
ministered by a Dominican monk m the con- 
secrated wafer. The Emperor's body was 
taken to Pisa and interred in the Cathedral, 
where a monument (removed in 1830 to the 
Campo Santo), ascribed to Giovanni Pisano, 
was erected to him. 

The intelligence of Henry's death, which 
was a crushing blow for D. and the Ghi- 
bellines, was received with unbounded joy by 
their opponents, as is testified by the following 
letter addressed by the Signoria of Florence to 
their allies a few days after the event : — 

* To you our faithful brethren, with the greatest 
rejoicing in the world we announce by these 
presents the blessed news, which our Lord Jesus 
Christ, looking down from on high as well to the 
necessities of ourselves, and other true and faithful 
Christians, the devoted servants of Holy Mother 
Church, as to those of His own Cause, has vouch- 
safed to us. To wit, that the most savage tyrant, 
Henry, late Count of Luxemburg, whom the 
rebellious persecutors from old time of said Mother 
Church, namely the Ghibellines, the treacherous 
foes of you and of ourselves, called King of the 
Romans, and Emperor of Germany, and who 
under cover of the Empire had already consumed 
and laid waste no small part of the Provinces of 
Lombardy and Tuscany, ended his life on Friday 
last, the twenty-fourth day of this month [of 
August], in the territory of Buonconvento. Know 
further that the Aretines and the Ghibelline Conti 
Guidi have retired themselves towards Arezzo, 
and the Pisans and Germans towards Pisa taking 
his body, and all the Ghibellines who were with 
him have taken refuge in the strongholds of their 
allies in the neighbourhood. . . . We beseech you, 
therefore, dear brethren, to rejoice with ourselves 
over so great and fortunate accidents.* 

(See Del Lungo : Dino Compagniy i. 607-38.) 
Of Henry VII, the ideal sovereign of D.'s 
De Monarchiay the Guelf Villani says : — 

'Arrigo conte di Luzimborgo fu savio e giusto 
c grazioso, prode e sicuro in arme, onesto c 
cattolico ; e di piccolo stato che fosse per suo 
lignaggio, fu di magnanimo cuore, temuto e ridot- 
tato ; e se fosse vivuto piii lungamente avrebbe 
iatte grandissime cose. Questi fii eletto a im- 
peradore . . . e incontanente ch'ebbs la confer- 
mazione dal papa, si fece coronare in Alamagna 
a re; e poi tutte le discordie de* baroni della 



Magna pacific6, con soUecito intendimento di 
venire a Roma per la corona imperiale, e per 
pacificare Italia delle diverse discordie e guerre 
che v'erano, e poi di seguire il passaggio oltre- 
mare in racquistare la terra santa, se Dio gliel* 
avesse conceduto.' (ix. i.) . . . 'Questa somma 
virtude ebbe in s^ che mai per awersitk quasi non 
si turb6, n^ per prosperity ch' avesse non si vana- 
glori6.' (ix. 49.) 

After giving a detailed account (ix. 1-52) of 
the Emperor's doings in Italy, Villani excuses 
himself for having devoted so much space to 
them on the twofold ground of the universal 
interest they excited and of the great future 
that seemed in store for Henry himself : — 

' Non si maravigli chi legge, perchi per noi h 
continuata la sua storia sanza raccontare altre cose 
e avvenimenti d' Italia e d altre provinde e ream! ; 
per due cose. Tuna, perch^ tutti i cristiani, ed 
eziandio i Greci e' Saraceni, guardavano al suo 
andamento e fortuna, e per cagione di ci6 poche no- 
vita notabili erano in nulla parte altrove ; Taltra, 
per le diverse e varie grandi fortune che gFin- 
corsono in si piccolo tempo ch' egli visse, che 
di certo si credea per gli savi, che se la sua 
morte non fosse stata si prossimana, al signore di 
tanto valore e di si grandi imprese com' era egli, 
avrebbe vinto il Regno e toltolo al re Ruberto, 
che piccolo apparecchiamento avea al riparo suo 
. . . e appresso s* avesse vinto il Regno come s'av- 
visava, assai gli era leggiere di vincere tutta Italia, 
e deir altre provincie assai.' (ix. 53.) 

Dino Compagni speaks of him in similar 
terms of praise : — 

'Non avendo la Chiesa braccio n^ difenditore, 
pensorono il papa e i suoi cardinali fare uno im- 
peradore, uomo che fusse giusto, savio e potente, 
figliuolo di santa Chiesa, amatore della fede. E 
andavano cercando chi di tanto on ore fusse degno : 
e trovorono uno che in Corte era assai dimorato, 
uomo savio, di nobile sangue, giusto e famoso, di 
gran lealtli, pro' d'arme e di nobile schiatta, uomo 
di grande ingegno e di grande temperanza ; ci6 h 
Arrigo conte di Luzinborgo di Val di Reno della 
Magna, d*etli d*anni xl, mezzano di persona, bel 
parlatore, e ben fazionato, uno poco guerdo.' 
(ui. 33.) 

Arrigo 3], the Emperor Henry II, looa- 
1024; referred to as 10 Imperadore^ how he 
was answered from the Psalms by a priest at 
whom he had scoffed on account of his ugli- 
ness, Conv. iii. 47*-8t). Scolari gives the 
anecdote here alluded to by D. from the 
Historia Varia of Lodovico Domenichi : — 

'The Emperor Henry, whose reign began in 
I003, hearing mass one day said by a very de- 
formed priest, was lost in wonder at the sight of 
a man so ugly and so different from other men. 
But the priest being truly a man of God, the 
Emperor's thought was revealed to him, and he 
said to him : '* Know that the Lord God made us 
and not we ourselves '* {Psalm c. 3).' 

Arrigo ^]y Prince Henry of England, second 
son (William, the first-bom, having died in 



[54] 



Arrigo 



Arrigo 



childhood) of Henry II, born 1 155, died 11 83. 
Owing to the fact that he was twice crowned 
during his father's lifetime (at Westminster in 
1170, and at Winchester in 1172) he was com- 
monly known at home and abroad as the 
Young King. Shortly after his second corona- 
tion he went over with his brothers Geoffrey 
and Richard to the French court, and from 
there, backed by his mother Queen Eleanor, 
smd by Louis VII (whose daughter Margaret 
he had married in 11 70), he demanded from 
Henry II that either England or Normandy 
should be handed over to him. The refusal 
of this demand was made the occasion of open 
hostilities, which were carried on at intervals 
for nearly ten years, and were finally ter- 
minated by the death of Prince Henry of fever 
at Martel in Pdrigord (on the N. boundary of 
the modem department of Lot), June 11, 11 83. 

D. mentions Henry by his title of the Young 
King in connexion witn the troubadoiu: Ber- 
tran de Bom, who describes himself (in Bolgia 
9 of Circle VIII of Hell) as * quelli Che diedi 
al re giovane i mai conforti/ Inf. xxviii. 134-5 
[Bertram, dal Bomio]. 

Little or nothing is known historically of the 
put played by Bertran in abetting the Young 
ICing in his rebellion against his father; nor 
do Bertran's own poems throw much light 
upon the subject. D.*s authority for the state- 
ment which he puts into the mouth of Bertran 
{* lo fed il padre e il figlio in s^ ribelli,' Inf. 
xxviii. 136) was the old Proven9al biography 
of the troubadour, in which it is explicitly 
mentioned that B. set father and son at 
variance, until the strife was ended by the 
death of the latter : — 

* En Bertrans de Bom fetz mesclar lo paire el 
lilh d'Englaterra tan entrol joves reis fo mortz d*un 
(aurel en un chastel d'en Bertran . . . Totz temps 
volia qu*ilh aguessen guerra ensems, lo paire el 
filhs elh fraire, Tus ab I'autre.' 

After the death of the Young King, Bertran 
wrote a celebrated planh or lament upon him, 
banning : — 

*Si tnit li dol elh plor elh iiuirrtinen 
£ las dolors elh dan. elh chaitivier 
Que om anc aiuis en est sej^le doleri 
Fosaen enaenp, sembleran tot leagier 
Contra la mort del jove rei Engles.* 

[* If all the pief and bitterness and woe, 
And all the pain and hart and suffering, 
That in this world of misery men know, 
Were massed in one, 'twoald seem but a light thing 
Beside the dea^i of the Young English King/J 

A vivid picture of the life of the Young 
King, who was universally beloved for his 
gradousness and generosity, is given in the 
O. F. poem, (written circ 1225) on William 
the Marshall (regent of England during the 
first three years ojf Henry Ill's reign}, in 
which he is represented as constantly engaged 
in tournaments and in dispensing largesse. It 
is remarkable that in this poem Bertran de 
^oniy whose friendship with the prince is such 



a marked feature in the old Provencal bio- 
graphy, is not so much as mentioned. 

Walter Map, who was personally acquainted 
with him, gives the following description of 
Prince Henry's person and diaracter in the 
De Nugis Curialiunty comparing him to Absa- 
lom, just as D. compares Bertran to Ahith- 
ophel : — 

'Decessit Henricus rex junior, nostri filius 
Henrici regis, cui nemo hodie par est . . . anno 
suae nativitatis .xxviio., vir novae adinventionis in 
armis, qui militiam fere sopitam excitavit, et ad 
summum usque perduxit. Ejus possumus virtutes 
qui eum vidimus, ipsius amici et familiares, et 
gratias describere. Speciosus erat prae caeteris 
statura et facie, beatissimus eloquentia et afiabili- 
tate, hominum amore, gratia, et favore felicissimus, 
persuasione in tantum efficax ut fere omnes patris 
sui fideles in ipsum insurgere fefellerit. Absalon 
eum si non major hie vero fuit, comparare possis ; 
ille unum habuit Architophel, hie multos. . . . Qui 
quod dives, quod generosus, quod amabilis, quod 
&cundus, quod pulcher, quod strenuus, quod omni- 
modis generosus, quod paulo minor angelis, totum 
convertit in sinistram, et perversa felicitate fortis- 
simus tam infrunito factus est animo parricida, ut 
in summis desideriis mortem ejus posuerit. . . . 
Nihil impenetratum liquit, omnem lapillum movit, 
totum foedavit proditionibus orbem, prodigalis 
proditor ipse prodigusque roalorum, fons scelerum 
serenissimus, appetibilis nequitiae fomes, pulcher- 
rima peccati regia, cujus erat regnum amoenis- 
simum. Ut sciatis quomodo creator fuerit haereseos 
proditorum : pater suus totum sibi sedaverat ad 
pacem mundum, tam ex alienis quam ex suis ; hie 
autem rumpi foedera fefellit, et in regem pacificum 
contra juramenta juratorum anna co€git, perjunis 
ipse patri, me vidente, multociens, frequens ei 
poneb^at scandalum, victusque redibat eo semper 
ad delicta proclivior quo securius advertebat sibi 
veniam non posse negari. Nullas unquam meruit 
iras quas non posset primis placare lachrymis.* 
(Distinc. iv. i.) 

For re giovane (Inf. xxviii. I35).the majority 
of MSS. and early edd. read re Giovanni^ 
which is almost certainly the result of a 
copyist's error. Even if D. was ignorant of 
Prince Heur/s name he was familiar with his 
title of the Young King from the poems of Ber- 
tran de Bom, in which the prince is continually 
referred to as * lo reys joves ' ; and he was 
well known in Italy by this title, as is evident 
from the references to him as * il re giovane ' 
in the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. xxiii, xxiv, 
xxxiv, cxlviii, ed. Biagi), and in Villani, who 
says : — 

*Dopo Stefano regn6 (in Inghilterra) un altro 
Arrigo, il quale ebbe due figliuoli, il re Giovane e 
lo re Ricciardo. Questo re Giovane fu il piii cortesc 
signpre del mondo, e ebbe guerra col padre per 
indotta d'alcuno suo barone, ma poco vivette, e di 
lui non rima^. reda : dopo il re Giovane regn6 il re 
Ricciardo/ {y, 4.) 

(See Academy y April 21, 1888 ; and Moore, 
Textual Criticism^ pp. 344-51 •) 



[55] 



Arrigo 



Arrigo 



Arrigo «], the Emperor Henry VI (1190- 
1197), son of Frederick Barbarossa, referred 
to by Piccarda Donati (in the Heaven of the 
Moon) as // secondo vento di Soave (i. e. the 
second Emperor of the Swabian or Hohen- 
staufen line), Par. iii. 119. Henry VI was 
actually the third Emperor of his line, but his 
great-uncle Conrad III (1138-1152) was never 
crowned at Rome, and never assumed the 
title of Emperor [Hohenstaufen : Table 
vii]. Henry is here mentioned in connexion 
with his wife Constance, the daughter of 
Roger of Sicily, in whose right their son 
Frederick, afterwards Emperor as Frederick 
II, became King of Sicily [Cioilia : Pe- 
derioo^]. Henry married Constance in 1185, 
when he was 22 and she 32 ; but it was not 
until nine years later that Frederick was bom 
(Dec. 1 1 94). This circumstance gave rise to 
suspicions among the Sicilians, which were 
only allayed by the exposure of Constance to 
the inspection of any female who chose to 
visit her. Villani says : — 

'Troviamo quando la 'mperadrice Costanza era 
grossa di Federigo, s'avea sospetto in Cicilia e 
per tutto il reame di Puglia, che . . . potesse esser 
grossa ; per la qual cosa quando venne a partorire 
fece tendere uno padiglione in su la piazza di 
Palermo, e mand6 bando, che qual donna volesse 
V* andasse a vederla, e molte ve n' gndarono e 
vidono, e per6 cess6 il sospetto.' (v. 16.) 

D. accepts the current tradition that Con- 
stance, before her marriage with Henry VI, 
had been a nun, and that she was against her 
will, when she was over fifty, takpn from the 
convent by the Archbishop of Palermo, and 
married to the Emperor in order to exclude 
Tancred from the succession. [Costanza ^] 

Arrigo 6], Prince Henry * of Almain,' son 
of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, King of the 
Romans, nephew of Henry III of England. 
He was stabbed in 1271 by his cousin Guy de 
Montfort (son of Simon de Montfort and 
Eleanor, sister of Henry III) in the church of 
San Silvestro at Viterbo, according to the 
popular belief, at the moment of the elevation 
of the Host. His body was brought to Eng- 
land and interred in the Cistercian Abbey at 
Hayles in Gloucestershire, which had been 
built by his father. The heart was enclosed 
in a gold casket and placed, according to 
Villani, on a pillar on London Bridge : — 

' In una coppa d'oro . . . in su una colonna in 



sword, I give to my cousin (Edward, as an 
appeal for vengeance). 

D. alludes to the crime in connexion with 
the murderer. Inf. xii. 119-20. It was prob- 
ably a misunderstanding of his expression, Lo 
cor che in sul Tamigi ancor si cola (v. 120), 
* the heart which is yet honoured on the 
Thames,' i. e. in London, that gave rise to the 
supposition that the heart was placed on a 
bridge over the river. (Giiido di Monforte : 
Table z.] 

Arrigo ■'l, Enrique I (Henry), sumamed the 
Fat, King of Navarre, 1270-1274 ; he was the 
son of Thibaut I, and younger brother of 
Thibaut 1 1, whom he succeeded ; his daughter 
Juana or Joan married Philip the Fair, son of 
Philip III of France, and their son, Louis X, 
was the first sovereign of the united kingdoms 
of France and Navarre. [Navarra : Table 
vlU : Table xiii.] 

D. places Henry in the valley of flowers in 
Antepurgatory, where he is represented as 
seated close to Philip III of France, with his 
face resting on his hand ; Sordello points him 
out as co/ui che ha si benigno aspeito, and refers 
to Philip and him as ficSre e suocero del mat 
di Franciay i.e. father and father-in-law of 
Philip the Fair, whose evil doings they are 
bewailing, Henry by sighing, Philip by beat- 
ing his breast, Purg. vii. 103-11. [Antipur- 
gatorio : Filippo ^ : Pilippo '^.J 

Henry died, smothered in his own fat, at 
Pampelona in 1274. According to an autho- 
rity quoted by Philalethes he was * benigno ' 
in outward appearance only : — 

' II fut surnomm^ le g^os a cause^ qu*il ^tait 
excessivement gros et gras. £t combien que la 
commune opinion soit, que les hommes gras sent 
volontiers de douce et benigne nature, si est ce 
que celui fut fort aspre.* 

Arrigo 8], Henry II of Lusigpian, King of 
Cyprus, 1 285-1 324; referred to by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter, in allusion to his 
sensuality and misgovemment (with a refer- 
ence also perhaps to the lion on his shield), 
as la bestia di Nicosia e di Famagosta, Par. 
xix. 146-7. tCipri: Famagosta.] 

D. here alludes to the sufferings of Cyprus 
under the unsettled rule of the house of 
Lusignan. Hugh III of Antioch, King of 
Cyprus and Jerusalem, who derived the Lusig- 
nan title from his mother, died in 1284, leaving 
several dissolute sons. The eldest of these, 
John, succeeded, but died within a year, his 



capo del ponte di Londra sopra '1 fiume di Tamigi ^^^^^ being attributed to poison administered 
per memona agl Inghilesi dell oltraggio ncevuto. • ^y j^j^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ j^^^^^^ 3^^^^^ ^„ 

^ * ^^'' of Hugh, a prince of feeble character and 



Benvenuto, however, states that it was 
placed in the hand of a statue of the prince in 
Westminster Abbey, with the inscription : 
'Cor gladio scissum do cui consanguineus 
sum/ i. e. my heart, which was pierced by the 



constitution, assumed the government in 1285, 
under the title of Henry II. Six years later 
(1291), Acre, the last possession of the Chris- 
tians in the Holy Land, having been captured 
by the Saracens (Inf. xxvii. 89), Henry collected 



[56] 



Arrigo d'lnghilterra 



Arrigucci 



a force with the object of attempting its re- 
conquest, and gave the command of it to his 
younger brother Amalric or Amaury, Prince of 
Tyre. The failure of this expedition, and the 
unpunished depredations of some Genoese 
galleys on the coast of Cyprus, gave Amalric 
a pretext for declaring his brother incapable 
€^ governing. Having got himself appointed 
governor of the island by the supreme council 
(1307), Amalric kept Henry virtually a prisoner 
and assumed all the power into his own hands. 
Before, however, he could finally make himself 
master of the kingdom, he was assassinated 
by one of his own adherents (1310). On his 
death, his younger brother, Cammerino, at- 
tempted to seize the throne ; but Henry's 
following demanded the restoration of the 
rightful king, ^ho resu^ied the government, 
and retained it until his death in 1324. 
[Table v.] 

Arrigo d'Inghiltprra, Henry III, King 
of Cngbnd, 1 216-1272; succeeded his fether 
John at the age of 10 and reigned for 56 years; 
he married Eleanor, second daughter of Ray- 
mond Berenger IV, Count of Provence, whose 
younger daughter, Sanzia, married Henry's 
brother, Richard of Comwsill. [Berllnghieri : 
Table xL] 

D. places Henry in the valley of flowers in 
Antepurgatory, among the princes who ne- 
glected to repent, Purg. vii. 130-2; he is 
represented as seated alone {v, 131), probably 
as being unconnected with the Empire (com- 
pare the similar position in Hell of Guy de 
Montfort, Inf. xii. 118, and of Saladin, Inf iv. 
139) [Antipurgatorio]. D. speaks of him as 
*il re della semplice vita' {v. 130); and says 
(v. 132) that he was more fortunate in his issue 
than were Peter III of Aragon or Charles I of 
Anjou, thus praising by implication his son, 
Edward I [Edoardo ^]. 

Villani, who makes Henry the son of Richard 
Cceur de Lion (in which error he is followed 
by Benvenuto), describes him as * semplice 
uomo e di buona fb e di poco valore' (v. 4)^ 
and 'uomo di semplice vita, sicch^ i baroni 
l*aveano per niente (vii. 39). Hume speaks of 
him as having been ' noted for his piety and 
devotion, and for his regular attendance at 
public worship.' Matthew of Westminster, in 
recording his death, says : — 

' Qiiantae fuerat innocentiae, quantae patientiae, 
quantaeque devotionis in obsequio Salvatoris, 
dominus novit, et qui ei fideliter adhaesenint.' 

Henry III is one of the princes mentioned 
(as Mo rey engles') by Sordello in his cele- 
brated lament for Blacatz, in which he re- 
proaches the sovereigns of Europe for their 
d^eneracy. [Bordello.] 

Arrigo Manardi, gentleman of Bertinoro, 
mentioned by Guido del Duca (in Circle II 



of Purgatory), along with Lizio da Valbona, 
among the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 
97 [Lizio]. Little is known of Arrigo, beyond 
that he was a contemporary of Guido del 
Duca (d. circ. 1229) and of Pier Traversaro 
(d. 1225), and that he was taken prisoner 
with the latter by the Faentines in 11 70. 
He is known to have been still alive in 1228, 
in which year he was present in Ravenna at 
the nomination of Paolo Traversaro to the 
procuratorship of the city. (See Casini, Dante 
e la Roma^a,) 
The Ottimo Comento says of him : — 

' Fu da Brettinoro, cavaliere pieno di cortesia 
e d'onore, voleutieri mise tavola, don6 robe e 
cavalli, pregi6 li valentuomini, e sua vita tutta fu 
data a larghezza ed a bello vivere.' 

Benvenuto, who describes him as * vir nobilis 
et prudens,' says that he was a friend of Guido 
del Duca, and that when the latter died he 
had the bench on which they used to sit 
together sawn in two, since he considered 
there was no one worthy to replace Guido. 
[Guido del Duoa.] 

The Mainardi (who some think are alluded 
to, Purg. xiv. 113), as a family, were Ghibellines 
and adherents of the Traversari. One Baldi- 
netto de' Mainardi was among the Ghibellines 
who were expelled from Bertinoro in 1295. 
But some of them took the opposite side, for, 
as Philalethes points out, the son of an Alber- 
ghetto de' Mainardi was killed with the Guelf 
Rinieri da Calboli in the assault on Forll in 
1296. [Binier da Calboli] 

Arrigucci, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars), together with the Sizii, as having held 
office in his day. Par. xvi. 108. These two 
families are frequently mentioned together by 
Villani, who says they resided in the *quar- 
tiere della porta del Duomo' (iv. 10); they 
were Guelfs : — * nel sesto di porte del Duomo 
furono in quegli tempi di parte guelfa i To- 
singhi, gli Arrigucci, gli Agli, i Sizii ' (v. 39 ; 
vi. 33) ; and were among those who fled from 
Florence to Lucca after the great Ghibelline 
victory at Montaperti (vi. 79) ; they afterwards 
threw in their lot with the Bianchi (viii. 39). 
Villani records that one Compagno degli 
Arrigucci was consul in Florence in 1197 
(v. 22). Dino Compagni states that it was by 
the help of the wife of one of the Arrigucci 
that Messer Monfiorito, the Podesth of Flor- 
ence who was imprisoned for his complicity 
in the fraud of Niccola Acciaiuoli and Baldo 
d'Aguglione [Acoiaiuoli], managed to effect 
his escape : — 

' M. Monfiorito fu messo in prigione . . . Poi si 
fuggl di prigione, perch^ una moglie di uno degli 
Arrigucci, che avea il marito in prigione dove lui, 
fece fare lime sorde e altri ferri, co' quali nippono 
ie prigioni, e andoronsi con Dio.* (i. 19.) 



[57] 



Arrio 



ArtiL 



According to the Ottimo Comento both the 
Arrigucci and the Sizii were nearly extinct 
in D/s day. 

AniOy Arius, the originator of the Arian 
heresy that the Father and the Son were not 
'one substance,' a doctrine which theAthanasian 
creed was designed to controvert. St. Thomas 
Aquinas (in the Heaven of the Sun) mentions 
A. together with Sabellius as conspicuous 
among those who sought to distort the Scrip- 
tures, Par. xiii. 127 [Sabelllo]. (See Aquinas, 
Contra Gentiles^ iv. 6-8.) Anus was presbyter 
of Alexandria, and while holding that position 
(circ. A. D. 318) promulgated his heresy, which 
consisted in the doctrine that Christ was 
a created being inferior to God the Father 
in nature and dignity, though the first 
of all created beings ; and that the Holy 
Spirit is not God, but was created by the 
power of the Son. This doctrine, which was 
condemned by the Council of Nice in 325, 
gained many adherents after the death of A. 
(in 336), including several Emperors, and gave 
rise to the famous Heterousian and Homo- 
ousian controversy, which distracted the Church 
for 300 years. 

An Nova* [Arte NuovaJ] 

An Po^tica, the Poetics or Art of Poetry 
of Horace, a poem in hexameters, the subject 
of which is a discussion of dramatic poetry ; 
quoted by D. as Poetria, V. N. § 25»2 {A, P. 
141-2); Conv. ii. 148* (A,P, 70-1); Poetica^ 
V. E. ii. 43*, where Rajna reads Poetria 
(A, P, 38-9) ; Epist. X. 10 (A, P, 93-5). Be- 
sides these direct quotations, there are several 
reminiscences of the Ars Poetica in D.'s 
works; thus the expression 'buono Omero,' 
V. N. § 25®^""^, is evidently borrowed from A P, 
359 (' quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus ') ; 

and the description of Democritus, Conv. iii. 
1474-6 :_- 

' Democrito, delU propria persona non curando, 
vA barba, n^ capelli, tA unghie si togliea ' — 

is doubtless a somewhat confused recollection 
of— 

'Bxcladit sanos Helicone poetaa 
Democritna, bona pars non ungues ponere curat, 
Non barbam ... 

Si tribns Anticyris caput insanabile nunquain 
Tonsori Licino commiserit.* {A. P. 296-8, 3O0r-i.) 

Also, the list of Roman poets given by Statins 
(addressing Virgil) in Purgatory, Purg. xxii. 
97-8, was probably suggested by A. P. 54-5, in 
combination with 2 Epist. i. 58-9. [Orazic] 

An Yettts, [Arte Veccbia.] 

Arsenk. [Araemk.] 

Arte f^uova, the Ars Nova, or Nova Logica^ 
name given in the Middle Ages to certain 
dialectical treatises of Aristotle; coupled by 
D. with the Ars Vetus^ Conv. ii. 14^08, \Arie 
Veccbia.\ 

Arte Veccbia, the Ars Vetus, or Vetus 



Logica^ name given in the Middle Ages to 
certain dialectical treatises of Aristotle; coupled 
with the Ars Nova, in these two being con- 
tained the whole science of Dialectics, Conv. 
ii. 14103-6. 

According to Lambert of Auxerre (circ. 1250) 
the Vetus Logica consisted of the Praedica- 
menta and De Jnterpretaiione ; and the Nova 
Logica of the AncUytica Priora^ Anaiytica 
Posterioray Topica^ and Sophistici Elenchi : — 

' Tunc quaeritur, quae sit differeutia inter logicam 
et dyalecticam. Ad hoc dicendum, quod logica, 
secundum quod est ars et secundum quod est 
scientia, securior est ad dyalecticam. Logica enim 
scientia est de omni syllogismo docens, dyalectica 
de syllogismo dyalectico solum vel apparent! dya- 
lectico . . . Unde logica traditur in omnibus libris 
logicae, qui sunt sex, scilicet liber PraedicouiUH'' 
torum, liber Peryermeptias (i.e. de IntnpretatidMe), 
qui nunc dicuntur vetus logica ; liber Priontm ^sc. 
Analyticorutn)^ Posieriorum (sc. AHalyiicontfk), 
Thopicorum et EUnchorutn (sc. Soptusticorum), 
qui quatuor dicuntur nova logica ; dyalectica vero 
traditur in libro Thopicorum et EHenchorum solum.' 
{Summa Logicae, apud Prantl, Geschichte der 
Logik, Bd. iiL p. 96, n. 103.) 

These terms were recognized in the schools 
quite at the beginning of Cent. xiii. A statute 
of the University of Paris, dated A. D. 121 5^ 
runs : — 

< £t quod legant libros Aristotelis de dialectica 
tam veteri quam nova in scholis ordinarie et non 
ad cursum.* 

Aegidius Rom^us (d. 1316) wrote a com- 
mentary on the Ars Vetus, the title of which 
is 'Expositio in artem veterem, videlicet in 
Universalibus, Praedicamentis, Postpraedica- 
mentis, Sex Principiis et Periermenias ' [Egi- 
cUo^]. Raymond Lully, the author of the 
Ars Magna (d. 13 15), wrote a commentary on 
the Logica Nova, 

Arttl, Arthur, mythical king of Britain, hero 
of the romances of the Round Table ; he was 
wedded to Guenever, and was slain by the 
hand of his son Mordred. Brunetto Latino 
relates that after the death of Aeneas — 

'Brutus ses freres s'en passa en une terre qui 
par le non de lui fu apelee Bretaigne, qui or est 
Angleterre clam^e ; et il fu Ii commencemenz des 
rois de la Grant Bretaigne, et de ses generacions 
nasqui Ii bons rois Artus, de cui Ii romant parolent 
que il fu rois coronez a .cccc.lxxxui- anz de Tin- 
carnation J hesu Crist, au tens que Zeno fu empereres 
de Rome, et regna entor .l. anz.' (TVvsor, i. 35.) 

A. is mentioned by Camicione de* Pazzi (in 
Caina), who says that Alessandro. and Napo- 
leone degli Alberti were even worse traitors than 
him ' who had his breast and shadow pierced 
with one self-same blow by the hand of Arthur,' 
i. e. A.'s son, the traitor. Sir Mordred, Inf. xxxii. 
62 [Albert!]. The incident alluded to by D. is 
thus narrated in the O. F. romance (MS. Brit. 
Mus. Add, 10294, Cent, xiv) : — 



[58] 



Artii 



Ascesi 



<£t Mordret, qui bien voit que li rois ne baiot 
s*a lui non ochire, nel refuse pas, ains li adrece la 
teste del ceval ; et li rois, qui li vient al plus droit 
qu*i] puet, le fiert de toute sa force si durement 
qu'il U ront les mailles del hauberc, et li met parmi 
k cors le far de son glaive. Si dist I'estoire 
qu'apres Testors del glaive passa parmi la plaie 
uns rais de soleil si apertement que Girflet le vit. 
Dont cil del pais distrent que ce avoit fait Nostre 
Sires par coros qu*il avoit a lui/ 

[*And Mordred, who saw well that the King 
was minded only to slay him, avoided him not, 
but turned his horse's head to him ; and the King, 
who came at him as straight as he might, smote 
him with all his strength so sorely that he burst 
the mail of his hauberk and thrust the iron of his 
lance through the midst of his body. And the story 
says that after the withdrawal of the lance there 
passed through the wound a ray of sun so mani- 
festly that Girflet saw it. Wherefore they of the 
country said that this had our Lord done because 
of his wrath against him/ J 

The following account of Sir Mordred*s 
treachery is t&en from Caxton's Malory's 
Morte Dartkur, (It will be noted that Malory 
omits the detail alluded to by D.)— King 
Arthur, being obliged to leave his kingdom In 
order to make war upon Sir Lancelot, appoints 
Sir Mordred regent during his absence : — 

'Kynge Arthur and syr Gawayne made a grete 
boost redy to the nombre of thre score thousand, 
and al thynge was made redy for their shyppyng 
to passe over the see ; and so they shypped at 
Cardjrf, and kynge Arthur made sir Mordred chyef 
ruler of alle Englond, and also he put quene 
Guenever under his governaunce, by cause syr 
Mordred was k3mge Arthur's sone he gaf hym the 
rule of his land and of his wyf ; and soo the kynge 
passed the see and landed upon syr Launcelots 
kndes. ... As syr Mordred was rular of alle 
Englond he dyd do piake letters as though that 
they came from beyonde the see, and the letters 
specefyed that kynge Arthur was slayn in bataylle 
wjrth syr Launcelot Wherfore syr Mordred made 
t parlemente, and called the lordes togyder, and 
there he made them to chese hym k^ng, and soo 
was he crowned at Caunterburye . . . and after- 
ward he drewe hym unto Wynchester, and there 
he took the Quene Guenever and sayd playnly 
that he wolde wedde hyr which was his unkyls 
wyf and his fader's wyf. . . . Than came worde to 
syr Mordred that kyng Arthur had ara3rsed the 
sy^^ for syr Launcelot and he was comyng home- 
ward wyth a grete boost to be avenged upon syr 
Mordred . • . and soo syr Mordred drewe with 
a grete boost to Dover, for there he herd saye that 
sir Arthur wold anyve, and soo he thoughte to 
bete bis owne fgder from his landes. . . . And soo 
as sire Mordred wat at Dover with his host there 
came kyng Arthur with a grete navye of shyppes 
and galeyes and canyks, and there was S3rr Mor- 
dred redy awaytjmge upon his londage to lette 
his owne fader to lande up the lande that he was 
kyng over. . . . Than were they condesended that 
kyng Arthure and syr Mordred shold mete be- 
twyxte bothe theyr hoostes. . . • Thenne was 
Iqrng Arthiu*e ware where s^ Mordred lenyd 



upon his swerde. . . . Now gyve me my spcre, 
sayd Arthur, for yonder I have espyed the tray tour 
that alle thys woo hath wrought. . . . Thenne the 
kyng gate hys spere in bothe his handes and ranne 
toward syr Mordred, cryeng, tratour, now is thy 
deth day come. And whan syr Mordred herde syr 
Arthur he ranne untyl hym with his swerde drawen 
in his hande. And there kyng Arthur smote syr 
Mordred under the shelde wyth a foyne of his 
spere thorughoute the body more than a fadom. 
And whan syr Mordred felte that he had hys 
dethes wounde, hs thryst h3rm self wyth the 
myght that he had up to the bur of kynge Arthur's 
spere. And right so he smote his fader Arthur 
wyth his swerde holden in bothe his handes on 
the syde of the heed that the swerde persyd the 
helmet and the brayne panne, and therwythall syr 
Mordred fyl starka deed to the erthe.' ^Bk. xx.19 — 
Bk. xxi. I, a, 4.) 

Benvenuto gives a lengthy account of King 
Arthur : — 

< Sicut scribit Gualterius Anglicus in sua chronica 
quae britannica vocatur, in qua admiscet multa 
falsa veris in exaltationem suae regionis.' 

D. mentions A. again in connexion with the 
Arthurian romances, 'Arturi regis ambages 
pulcherrimae,' which he cites as examples of 
prose compositions in the langue </'oIl, V. E. 
.1. 10^2-19 [LlngTia Oil\ His own acquaint- 
ance with them is evident from the fact that, 
besides King Arthur and Mordred, he mentions 
Gallehault(lnf. v. 137), Guenever (Par. xvi. 15), 
Lancelot (Inf. v. 128; Conv. iv. 38^^), and 
Tristan (Inf. v. 67). 

Arturus, King Arthur, V. E. i. 10^8. 
[Artii.] 

Arzan^, the Arsenal at Venice, Inf. xxi. 7. 
That mentioned by D. is the old one which 
was built in 1104, and was considered one of 
the most important in Europe. It was en- 
closed within high walls surmounted by battle- 
ments and towers. At the beginning of Cent, xiv 
it was considerably enlarged, and in 1337 a new 
Arsenal was built ; but parts of the old one are 
still in existence. [Vinegla.] 

AscaniOy Ascanius, son of Aeneas and 
Creusa ; mentioned, as having been trained in 
^^ms in Sicily, Conv. iv. 26^^'^ (ref. to Aen, v. 
545-603) ; as $on of Creusa, Mon. ii. 3^^®^ 
where b. quotes Aen, iii. 339-4O1 with the 
interpolated hemistich : * peperit fumante {^ar, 
fiorente) Creusa ' ; his personation by Cupid is 
alluded to. Par. viii. 9 [Cupldo] ; the Emperor 
Henry VIFs son John, King of Bohemia, a 
second Ascanius, Epist. vii. 5[ Johannes 2]. 

Ascanius, son of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 3^^; 
Epist. vii. 5. [Aooanio.] 

Ascesi, the modern Assisi, town of Central 
Italy, in N. E. of Umbria, on the road between 
Perugia and Foligno, celebrated as the birth- 
place of St. Francis [Franoesoo^] ; mentioned 



[59] 



Asciano 



by 5t Tbom&s Aqoinaf Oa the Heares of tbe 
Sun >, who Mys it tfaou^d be nvned. sot Asctsi 
(* I row; *i. but nttlwrr On'm/f, &£ ha\-2ng bwn 
tl« birtlipla.ce <rf *a huri,* i.e. St- Frstnds, 
Pw. 71. 4y 54. TJjJt conctit was parhi.'^s 
^x/nfjy^ti^ irvrTi St. Jjonav#m*ursi, who ia his 
life of Si- }-. ^ypi'i'rh to Lirn ibc worCB of 
Arv. vii. 2: *I taw anothfrr aingd asceudixig 
from tJit hart * ^* Vidi aherum kDgtlum asoro- 
dentern ab '^u wlis'^; or from tijc vpmng 
word* ^rf tJ*e abrid;$emcnt of the ]ifc by Tom- 
ma v^ da Celano : ' (^uat^ bol onens id mundo 
b«^tuf Frax3d»cus %'ita, doctrina et miraculis 
daruit-' 

The situation '^ A., which stands on the 
S.W. blopc fA Monte Subasio, between the 
hXrtmxm Tu^^ino (on the £.> and CfaiasEi 'od 
the W.;, jb descTJJ^ Par. xi. 43 « [ChiJM«-: 
Bubasioj. 

Aftciano, small toun in Tuscany, on the 
Ombrone, a>xiut 15 miles S.K. of Siena; 
Caccia d'Asciano is mentioned b)' Capocchio 
fin liol;;ia 10 of Circle VIII of Hcll> among 
the spendthrifts of Siena, Inf. xxix. 131. [Ab- 
bairlUto: BrigaU Bpendereociii : CacafA 
d'AaoianoJ 

AftCOU, town of Central Italy, on the Trontc 
in the S. of the Marches close to the border of 
the Abruzzo ; thought by some to be the place 
mentioned under the name of Cascibli in the 
dialectal pf>em quoted V. E. i. ii^^ [Ca^ 

Asdente, maestro Ijcnvcnuto, nicknamed 
Asdentc fi.e. trx^thlessi, a shoemaker of Parma 
who was famed as a prophet and soothsayer 
during the latter half of Cent. xiii. 

\). places him, together with CJuido Bonatti, 
amcing the Soothsayers in liolgia 4 of Circle 
VI II of Hell (Malebolge), and obscr\'es that 
he rcj>ents, now it is tfx) late, that he did not 
stick to his own trade, Inf. xx. 118-20 [Indo- 
vinlj ; referred to, as ' il calzolaio di Parma,' 
as an instance ^A an individual who would be 
noble, if notoriety constituted nobility, Conv. 
iv. i6«' 71. 

According to licnvenuto, A. foretold the 
defeat of PVedcnck II at the siege of Parma 
in 1248. The following account of him is 
given in the chronicle of his contemporary and 
fellow-citizen, Salimljcne of Parma (printed by 
C. K. Norton in Report XIV of American 
Dante Society ) : — 

Mils dicbuH crat in civitatc parmcnsi quidam 
pauper homo, opcrans dc opcre ccrdonico, factcbat 
enim subtcllarcs, purun ct simplex, ac timcns Dcum, 
et curialift, idcHt iirbanitatcm habcns, ct illiteratus ; 
Kcd illiiminatiim valdc intcllcctum habebat in 
tantum ut intcUigcrct scripturas illonim qui de 
futurin pracdixrrunt, scilicet abbatis Joachym, 
Mcrlini, Methodii ct Sibillac, Isaiac, Jcrcmiac, 
Oficae, Danielis ct Apocalypsis, nee non ct 
MichacUs Scoti, qui fuit astrologus Friderid 



Becuztdi l iupert ioris cDOodasL 

ab eCi. quaie po£ta. n'ex>mcxzi. videbces qnoc 

T^icr.iiikUi ten? us :r xseziK aornsa mar: 

qu'^c Vhr^ MLn;nu§ tvkX f::tnns : e: 

quk^ KxyaCiJD'ji vtdtTt.. s. futrrii I'zta llihii*% . . - 

bvxDij. prkifits' 'pn.tpri'.zm oc'men. qiiDd 

Becvrautas. c^tmscu^ittr fcpptliaSur AsdentL 

atiKJUt dtaiiiiui ytr rcntrarinin. quia 

deiiin et locirdiiJitcA. it loaucdam 






tameL bens initrliiC'i ct besc istellipitixr. la 
puaili sciriktur izi Parma., juzta foreauo utiiaiis 
pixik pL-tcLin. j)t:T stra'am qnftc Tmdit ad 
bascti li'.fisiai. . . . His diebnE domixns 
parmf^nsiE episccipci prophctUD 
dicitur Ai^dczjti, ioritaint ad praadimn. et 
diii^eatcT cuatsn-it ab co. . . . Nee est aBter wmt 
prciphcta. nisi quia il}umiziatiiiB iatcDectaa SbJkK 
ad Jrie'ji^'.DduB djcta c^nnium qui de 
abqaid praedizerunt. Et est coriialis 
humilis ct familiaris. et sine pompa ct 
sec aliquid dicit aSrznando. sed didt: ita 
mini, ct iu iistclligo epo istam scnptxmcm : et 
aJiquis leges dci coraia co aliquid sabtrafait. 
percip.t ct didt : tu dcdpis me. quia 
diiai&isti. £t de divcrus partibus mnndi 
vczjiuot ad ipsMm intcirogandum.* 

Asia, connexion of Aeneas with Asia hf 
descent and marriage, Mon. ii. 3**~*» •*"* ivdL 
to Aen. iii. 1-2 r [Enea] : subjected by NinnSr 
King of As5>Tiay Mon. ii. 9=^3"* [Kino^] ; over- 
run by Vesoges, King of Egj'pt. Man. iL 9s*-* 
[Veeoges] ; separated from Europe by tbe 
Hellespont, Mon. ii. 9^--^ [EUesponto] ; partly 
occupied by Greeks, V. E. L S^*-^^ [OreciJ. 

Asiani, Asiatics; their rejection of tbe 
proposition that the imperial authority is de- 
rived from the Church, Mon. iii. 14^. 

Asopo, Asopus, river in Boeotia, in tbe 
neighbourhood of Thebes ; mentioned, together 
with the Ismenus, in reference to the crowds 
of Thebans who i^sed to throng their banks at 
night to invoke the aid of Bacchus, when they 
needed rain for their vineyards, Purg. z\'iiL9i. 
D. probably had in mind the accoimt given by 
Statius in the Thebaid (ix. 434 fT.). 

Assalone. [Absalone.] 

Assaracus, King of Troy, son of Tros, 
father of Capys, g^ndfather of Anchises, and 
great-grandfather of Aeneas; mentioned to 
prove the connexion of Aeneas with Asia, 
Mon. ii. 3«^ [Enea]. 

Assiri, Assynans ; their flight from Betbulia 
after the death of Holofemes \, Judith xv. 1-3), 
Purg. xii. 59 [Olofeme] ; included among the 
examples of defeated pride portrayed on the 
ground in Circle 1 pf Purg^atory, Purg. xii. 
58-60 [Superbi] ; mentioned in connexion with 
Ninus, Mon. ii. 9-3 [Nino*]. 

Assist. [Ascesi.] 

Assuero, Ahasuerus, King of Persia, 'which 
reigned from India even unto Ethiopia' (prob* 



160] 



A883rrii 



Atlas 



ably identical with Xerxes) ; D., in a vision, 
sees him, together with Esther and Mordecai, 
witnessing the death of Haman, Purg. xvii. 
35-30 [Amano]. 

Assyrii, Assyrians, Mon. ii. 9^^. [Assiri.] 

Astraea, daughter of Zeus and Themis; 
she was goddess of justice, and during the 
Golden Age lived among mankind, but when 
the wickedness of the world increased she 
withdrew to heaven and took her place among 
the stars as the constellation Virgo, She is 
mentioned, Mon. i. 11^ ; Epist. viii. 7 ; alluded 
to as giustizia^ Purg, xxii. 71-2, where D. 
translates Virgil's lines : — 

'Jam redit et Vir|;;t>, redeant Satamia regna, 
Jam nova progenies coelo demittitor alto.* 

{Ed. Iv. 6-7.) 

Atalanta, Boeotian maiden, daughter of 
Schoenus, celebrated for her swiftness of foot ; 
being unwilling to marry, she declared she 
would accept no suitor who failed to outstrip 
her in runnmg. Hippomenes succeeded by the 
assistance of Venus, who gave him three golden 
apples which he dropped in the course of the 
race; A. stopped to pick them up, and thus 
enabled Hippomenes to pass her and win her 
as his wife. This race, for the account of 
which D. refers to Ovid (Metam, x. 560-680), 
is mentioned as an example of a contest for 
a prize, as distinguished from a contest or 
duel between two antagonists, such as that 
between Hercules and AjQtaeus, Mon. ii. 8®3-5. 
[Anteo.] 

Atamante, Athamas, King of Orchomenus 
in Boeotia, son of Aeolus and Enaret^, Inf. 
XXX. 4. At the command of Juno, A. married 
Nephele, but he was secretly in love with the 
mortal Ino, daughter of Cadmus, King of 
Thebes, by whom he had two sons, Learchus 
and Melicertes [Ino]. Having thus incurred 
the wrath both of Juno and Nephele, he was 
seized with madness, and in this state killed 
his son Learchus. Ino thereupon threw her- 
self into the sea with Melicertes. Ino herself 
had incurred the wrath of Juno for having 
brought up Bacchus, the son of Jupiter and 
her sister Semele [Giunone: Semeld.] D. 
alludes to the story, Inf.xxx. 1-12 ; his account 
is borrowed from Ovid, whom he has closely 
followed. Athamas in his madness takes Ino 
and her two sons for a lioness and cubs ; he 
seizes Learchus and dashes him against a 
rock: — 

'Protinna Aeoltdea media fhribundas in aula 
C4amat: lo! comites, his retia tendite silvis. 
Hie modo cum gemina visa est mihi prole leaena! 
Utqne feraCf sequitnr vestigia conjugis amens, 
Deque sina matris ridentem et parva Learchum 
Brachia tendentem rapit. et bis terque per auras 
More rotat fundae; ngiaoqne infantia saxo 
Diacntit ossa ferox. 

[Ino in frenzy, invoking her nephew Bacchus, 

for which she is mocked by Juno, flings herself 

with Melicertes into the sea.] 



Tunc deniqne concita mater, 
Seu dolor hoc fecit, sen sparsi causa veneni, 
Exulnlat ; passisque fugit male sana capillis; 
Teque ferens parvnm nudis, Melicerta, lacertis, 
EvocI Bacchel sonat. Bacchi sub nomine Juno 
RisiL et: Hos usus praestet tibi, dixit, alumnae 
Immmet aequoribus scopulns; pars ima cavatnr 
Fluctibns. et tectas defendit ab imbribus undaa; 
Snmraa nget, frontem(ine in apertnra porrigit aeqnor. 
Occupat hunc,— vires insania tecerat, — Ino, 
Seqne super pontum, nuHo tardata tiraore, 
Mittit, onusque suum ; percassa recanduit unda.* 

{Meiam. iv. 51^50.) 

Atene, Athens, capital of Attica; men- 
tioned in connexion with the slaying of the 
Minotaur by Theseus, who, by an anachronism, 
is called // duca d*A,j Inf. xii. 17 [Arianna : 
Minotauro : Teseo] ; the laws of Solon, 
Purg. vi. 139 [Solone] ; the flight of Hippo- 
lytus. Par. xvii. 46 [Fedra : Ippolito] ; the 
Athenian schools of philosophy, which are all 
at one in rA, celesticUe (i. e. Heaven), Con v. iii. 
J ^137-41 J the war of Cephalus with Crete, 
Conv. iv. 271^**"^® [CefSBJo]; alluded to, in 
connexion with the story of Pisistratus, as la 
villa Del cui nome ne' Dei fu tanta lite (i. e. 
the town for the naming of which Neptune 
and Minerva contested), Purg. xv. 97-8 [Mi- 
nerva: FiaiBtrato]. 

Atlante], the giant Atlas; referred to as 
gigante^ Conv. iv. 29*9. [Atlas ^] 

Atlantico], the Atlantic Ocean, alluded to 
as // mar, Inf. xxvi. 142 ; Vonde Dietro alle 
guali , ,, Lo sol tal volta cui ogni uom si na- 
scondey i. e. the waters behind which the sun 
sinks during the summer solstice, the reference 
being more precisely to the Gulf of Gascony, 
Par. xii. 49-51 [Guascogna, Qolfo di] ; // 
varco Folle d^Ulisse, * the mad track of 
Ulysses,' i.e. over the Atlantic beyond the 
Pillars of Hercules, Par. xxvii. 82-3 [Ulisse]. 

Atlantis, Electra, daughter of Atlas and 
Pleiong, and mother of Dardanus, his father 
being Jupiter ; Virgifs mention of her {Aen, 
viii. 134-7) as ancestress of Aeneas, Mon. ii. 
309-76. [Blettrai: Bnea.] 

In the quotation from the Aeneid in this 
passage Witte and others read 

* Electra, ut Graii perhibent, et Atlantide cretns,* 

which makes nonsense, Electra and Atlantis 
being, of course, one and the same person. 
(See Academy, July 8, 1893.) 

Atlas ^, son of lapetus and Clymene ; he 
made war witii the other Titans upon Jupiter, 
and being conquered was condemned to bear 
the heavens upon his head and hands. He 
was the father of Electra, who is hence called 
Atlantis, and grandfather of Dardanus, the 
ancestor of Aeneas. He was of African origin, 
the Atlas range in Africa being named from 
him. D. mentions him, quoting Aen, viii. 
134-7, to prove the connexion of Aeneas with 
Africa, Mon. ii. 3««-76 [Bnea] ; Juvenal's say- 
ing : ' Nanum cujusdam Atlanta vocamus ' 



[61] 



Atla4Ei 



Augusto 



(So/, viil. 32), translated, Conv. iv. 29*8-9 
[GiovenaleJ. 

Atlas 2, the Atlas range in N. Africa ; Oro- 
sius quoted (Hisl. i. 2. § 11) to prove that it 
is in Africa, Mon. ii. 385^1 [Atlas ^ : Orosio] ; 
the Imperial Eagle soars alike over the Py- 
renees, Caucasus, and Atlas, Epist. vi. 3. 

Atropds, Atropos, one of the three £a.tes. At 
the birth of every mortal, Clotho> the spinning 
fate, was supposed to T^ind upon the distaff of 
Lachesis, the allotting fate, a certain amount 
of yam ; the duration of the life of the in- 
dividual being the length of time occupied in 
spinning the thread, which, when complete, 
was severed by Atropos, the inevitable fate 
[Cloto: Iiaoheids]. D. says that certain 
souls are consigned to Tolomea even before 
Atropos has given them movement, i. e. before 
death. Inf. xxxiii. 124-6 [Tolomea]. 

Attila, King of the Huns (a.d. 434-453), 
known, on account of the terror he inspired, 
as Flagellum Deij * the scourge of God ' ; the 
first part of his career of conquest (445-450) 
was occupied with the ravage of the Eastern 
Empire between the Euxine and the Adriatic, 
the latter part (450-452) with the invasion of 
the Western Empire. In 452 he demanded 
in marriage the sister of the Emperor Valen- 
tinian III, with half the kingdom of Italy as 
her dowry, and on the refusal of this demand 
he conquered and destroyed many of the 
principal cities of N.E. Italy, laid waste the 

Elains of Lombardy, and marched upon Rome ; 
e was, however, met by Pope Leo the Great, 
who persuaded him to turn back and to 
evacuate Italy; he died in his own country in 
the next year from the bursting of a blood-' 
vessel. 

D. places A. among the Tyrants in Round i 
of Circle VII of Hell, describing him, in allu- 
sion to his appellation of the ' scourge of God,' 
as ' Attila che fu flagello in terra,' Inf. xii. 134 
[Tiranni] ; he is mentioned in connexion with 
his (mythical) destruction of Florence, Inf. 
xiii. 149. The tradition accepted by D. in 
this latter passage arose doubtless from a con- 
fusion of Attila with Totila, King of the Ostro- 
goths (541-553), by whose forces Florence was 
besieged in 542. Villani gives an account 
(ii. i) of the destruction of the city by *Totile 
Flagellum Dei re de* Goti e de' VandaJi ' in the 
year 440, thus hopelessly confounding the two. 
As a matter of fact there appears to be no 
truth in the tradition that Florence was de- 
stroyed, either by Attila or Totila, and rebuilt 
by Charlemagne, as both D. (Inf. xiii. 148) 
and Villani (iii. i) believed. Benvenuto is 
better informed ; he says : — 

*Certe miror nimis de isto excidio Florentiae 
quod Athila dicitur fecisse ; quia . . . non videtur 
quod Athila transiverit unquam Appeninum, nee 
Paulus Diaconus, nee alius tractans de gestis 



Athilae dicit hoe. Idee dice quod autor noster 
secutus est chronieas patriae suae, quae multa 
frivola similia dicunt . . . vel forte vidit aliquem 
autorem autenticum dicentem hoc, quem ego non 
vidi ; sed quidquid sit de isto facto, ego nihil 
credo.' 

Audltu, De Natunll. [NMiunll Aaditu, 

De.] 

Augusta, title of honour, borne by the 
mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters of the 
Roman Emperor ; applied by D. to the Virgin 
Mary in the sense of Empress, Par. xxxii. 110 
[Maria i]. 

Augustalis, Imperial ; solium Augustale^ 

* the Imperial throne,* during its vacancy the 
world goes astray, Epist. vi. i. 

Augustine, St. Augustine, Conv. iv. f^\ 
[Agostino ^] 

Augustinus, St. Augustine, Mon. iii. 38*, 
4*1 ; Epist viii. 7 ; x. 28. [Agostino *.] 

Augusto ^, Augustus, title of honour borne 
by the Roman Emperor ; applied by D. to the 
Emperor Frederick II, Inf. xiii. 68 [Cesare^: 
Federico^] ; the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. 
v. 2, 3 ; vii. /r/., 4 [Anrigo 2]. 

Augusto 2, Augustus, first Roman Emperor, 
bom 6. c. 63, died at Nola A. D. 14^ at the age 
of 76. He was son of Caius Octavius by Atia, 
daughter of Julia, the sister of Julius Caesar. 
His ori^^nal name was Caius Octavius, which, 
after his adoption by his great-unde Julius 
Caesar, was changed to Caius Julius Caesar 
Octavianus. Augustus was a title of venera- 
tion conferred upon him by the Roman Senate 
and people, B.C. 27. After the murder of 
Julius Caesar at Rome (b. c. 44) he left his 
studies at Apollonia, hastened to Italy, de- 
feated Antony at Mutina (b. c 43) [Modena], 
Brutus and Cassius at Philippi (B. C 42) 
[Bruto], took Perusia and defeated Lucius 
Antonius (b. c 40) [Perugia], defeated Sextus 
Pompeius in Sicily (rc. 36) [Seato], and 
finally Antony and Cleopatra at Actium (rc 31) 
[Cleopatra], thus putting an end to the civil 
war. The further wars of A. were chiefly 
undertaken in defence of the frontiers of the 
Roman dominions, Italy itself remained at 
peace [Jano]. 

Augustus, contemporary of Virgil, In£ i. 
71 ; removed V.*s body from Brundusium to 
Naples, Purg. vii. 6 [Virgilio] ; his victories in 
the civil war and subsequent peace. Par. vi. 
73-81 [AquUai] ; his triumphs at Rome, Purg. 
xxix. 116; Epist. V. 8; universal peace under 
him at time of Christ's birth. Par. vi. 8a-i ;* 
Conv. iv. 5«^^ ; Mon. i. i6i^i® ; his decree 

* that all the world should be taxed * {Luke ii. i), 
Conv. iv. 5*5 ; Mon. ii. 9^00-3^ 12*8-^* ; Epist. 
vii. 3 ; referred to as Octavian, Purg. vii. 6 ; 
Epist. V. 8; bearer of the Roman Eagle, 



[62] 



Augustiilo 



Avari 



baiulo^ Par. vi. 73 ; principe e comandcttore del 
Roman popolOj Conv. iv. 5«3-4 j portent at his 
death related by Seneca, Conv. ii. 14^^*"*; 
second Roman Emperor, Epist. vii. i. 

Augustulo], Romulus Augustulus, last of 
the Roman Emperors of the West ; after 
reigning for one year (475-6) he was over- 
thrown and expelled by Odoacer [Iznperio 
Romano]. Some think he is alluded to as 
Colui ckefece per viltate ii gran rifiuto^ Inf. 
iiL 59. The reference, however, is most prob- 
ably to Celestine V. [Celeatinc] 

Augustus^, title of honour borne by the 
Roman Emperors ; applied by D. to the Em- 
peror Henry VII, Epist. v. 2, 3 ; Epist. vii. 
///., 4. [ Augusto ^.] 

Augustus^, the Emperor Augustus, Mon. 
i. 16^®; ii. Q^"^, 12*2; Epist. V. 3; vii. i, 3. 
[Augusto 2.J 

Aulide, Aulis, port in Boeotia, on the Eu- 
ripus, where the Greek fleet assembled before 
sailing for Troy, and where it was detained by 
Artemis until Agamemnon appeased her wratl^ 
Inf. XX. III. [Agamemnone : Caloanta: 
Suripilo.] 

Aturora, goddess of dawn, who at the close 
of every night rose from the couch of her 
spouse Tithonus, and in a chariot drawn by 
swift horses ascended up to heaven from the 
river Oceanus to announce the coming light of 
the Sun. 

D. describes sunrise as the gradual deepen- 
ing of the colour on A.'s cheeks from white to 
vermilion, which then passes into orange, Purg. 
ii. 7>9; she is referred to as la chiarissitna 
ancelia del Sole, Par. xxx. 7; and, perhaps 
(many thinking the Aurora of the Moon is 
intended), as concubina di Titone, Purg. ix. i. 
[Titone.] 

Ausonia, ancient name for the part of 
Italy now known as Campania, hence used to 
indicate Italy itself. In describing the king- 
dom of Naples, Charles Martel (in the Heaven 
of Venus) speaks of it as 

*QaeI como d'Aosonia, che sMmborga 

Di Bari, di Gaeta, e di Catoaa {var. CrotonaX 
Da ove Tronto e Verde in mare sgorga* — 

' that horn of Italy which has for its limits the 
towns of Bari, Gaeta, and Catona, from where 
the Tronto and Verde disgorge into the sea,' 
Par. viiL 61-3 ; Bari on the Adriatic, Gaeta on 
the Mediterranean, and Catona at the extreme 
S., roughly indicate the extent of the Neapo- 
litan territory, while the Verde (or Garigliano) 
flowing into the Mediterranean, and the 
Tronto flowing into the Adriatic, represent 
the frontier with the Papal States [Italia: 
Hapoli]. The variant Crotona for Caiona^ 
though adopted by many modem edd., has 
very little MS. authority [Catona]. 



Apostrophizing Italy as Ausonia, D. says 
it had been well for her had the Donation c^ 
Constantine never been made, Mon. ii. i3*6-» 
[Costantino]. 

Auster, S. wind, Mon. ii. 436* 40 ; Epist x. I. 
[AuBtro.] 

Austericch, Austria, Inf. xxxii. 26. The 
consonantal ending -ic or -icch (as against 
'icchi of some edd.) seems preferable as ad- 
mitting the onomatopoeic monosyllable cricch 
(v. 30). The variant Ostericch (Villani has 
Osterich)y which corresponds more closely with 
the Germ. Gsierreich^ is perhaps the correct 
reading. [Danoia.] 

Australe, southerly ; austral vento, ^ S. 
wind,* Purg. xxxi. 71 (var. nostral z/., * wind of 
our land,' i.e. N. wind). 

Austro, Auster, S. wind; coupled with 
Aquilone, the two being mentioned as typically 
boisterous winds, Purg. xxxii. 99 ; its violence 
in Libya, Mon. ii. ^^^ *o ; hence, the South, 
'Austri Regina' (Matt, xii. 42, in A.V. * the 
Queen of the South '), i. e. the Queen of Sheba, 
Epist. X. I [Saba]. 

Avari], the Avaricious, placed with Pro- 
digals in Circle IV of Hell, Inf. vii. 22-66 
[Inferno]. Their guardian is Pluto or Plutus, 
the accursed wolf (Inf. vii. 8 ; Purg. xx. 10) 
[Pluto]. They are compelled to roll about 
great weights, the Avaricious in one half of 
the Circle, the Prodigals in the other; when 
they meet they smite against and revile each 
other, and then turn back and meet again at 
the opposite end of the semicircle [Caxiddi]. 
Among the Avaricious D. sees many * clerks, 
popes, and cardinals/ but names none of them 
as they are unrecognizable — *La sconoscente 
vita, che i fe sozzi. Ad ogni conoscenza or Ii fa 
bruni ' (vz/. 53-4). 

Those who expiate the sins of Avarice 
and Prodigality in Purgatory are placed in 
Circle V {Bestitudini : Purgatorio]; their 
punishment is to lie prostrate on the ground, 
bound hand and foot, their faces down- 
ward to remind them that on earth their 
thoughts were fixed on earthly things, while 
they murmur ' Adhaesit pavimento anima mea' 
(Psalm cxix. 25), Purg. xix. 70-5, 118-26. 
Examples : Pope Adrian V [Adriano ^] ; 
Hugh Capet [Ciapetta] ; Statius [Stasio]. 
During the day the Avaricious proclaim in- 
stances of self-denial or liberality, viz. the 
Virgin Mary [Maria ^], Fabricius [Fabbri- 
Bio^], and St. Nicholas [Niccolao] ; during 
the night they inveigh against notorious in- 
stances of avarice or of the lust of wealth, viz. 
Pygmalion [Figmalione], Midas [Mida^^ 
Achan [Aoan], Ananias and Sapphira [Ana- 
nia^ : Bafira], Heliodorus [Eliodoro], Poly- 
mestor [Folinestore], and Crassus [Crasso]. 



[68] 



Avellana, Fonte 



Avicenna 



Scartazzini points out that D. has given seven 
instances of avarice, evidently in accordance 
with the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas (S. T. 
ii. 2| Q. 1 1 8, A. 8)| who describes the offspring 
of avarice ('Filiae avaritiae dicuntur vitia 
quae ex ipsa oriuntur, et praecipue secundum 
appetitum*) to be inhumanity (*ex avaritia 
oritur obduratio contra misericordioMy quia 
scilicet cor ejus misericordia non emollitur'), 
restlessness ('oritur inquietudo, in quantum 
ingerit homini sollicitudinem et curas super- 
fluas ')} violence (' in acquirendo aliena utitur 
quandoque quidem vi, quod pertinet ad vio- 
Jentias '), deceit and perjury (* quandoque 
autem utitur dolo, qui quidem si fiat in verbo 
failacia erit ; ouantum ad simplex verbum, 
perjurium^ si addatur confirmatio juramenti '), 
fraud and treachery (*si autem dolus com- 
mittatur in opere, sic quantum ad res erit 
fraus ; quantum autem ad personas erit pro* 
ditto '). These D. exemplifies respectively by 
Polymestor, Midas, Crassus, Heliodorus, Ana- 
nias and Sapphira, Achan, and Pygmalion. 

Avellana, Fonte], the Benedictine monas- 
tery of Santa Croce di Fonte Avellana, 
situated in Umbria on the slopes of Monte 
Catria, one of the highest peaks of the Apen- 
nines, near Gubbio [CatriaJ. 

St. Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn), 
who was Abbot in 1041, describes its situation 
to D., Par. xxi. 106-10, speaking of it as 
ermo^ v, no; quel chiostroy v. 118 ; quel loco^ 
V, 121. [Dwdano.] 

There is a tradition, based upon very slender 
foundations, that D. himself spent some time 
at Fonte Avellana after his departure from 
Verona in 131 8. (See Bartoli, Lett. Jtal.^ v. 

271-3-) 

Aventino, Mt. Aventine, one of the seven 
hills of Rome, where the giant Cacus had a 
cave, Inf. xxv. 26. [Caoo.] 

Averrois, Averroes (Muhammad ibn Ah- 
mad, Ibn-Roschd)j celebrated Arabian scholar 
of Cent. xii. His most famous work was a 
commentary upon Aristotle (whence he was 
commonly known as the Commentator par 
excellence)^ whose writings he knew through 
the medium of Arabic translations. He was 
bom at Cordova in Spain between 11 20 and 
1 149, and died in Morocco about 1200. A., 
who was a physician and lawyer as well, was 
the head of the Western school of philosophy, 
as Avicenna was of the Eastern. Boccaccio 
lays stress on the great influence his works 
had on the study of Aristotle, which up till 
his day had been almost neglected. A Latin 
translation of his great commentary, attributed 
to Michael Scot, was in existence before 1250 
[Michele Sootto]. 

D. places him among the great philosophers 
in Limbo, in a group with Hippocrates, Galen, 
and Avicenna, describing him as ^., che il 



gran comentofeo^ Inf. iv. 144 [Limbo]. Some 
think he is alluded to as pO^ savio di te^ Purg. 
xxv. 63, where Statins tells D. that a wiser 
than he went astray with regard to the nature 
of the soul ; but the reference is more probably 
to Aristotle [Aristotile]. 

D. mentions him, Mon. i. 3"^^ ; and refers to 
him bv the title of the Commentator, Conv. 
iv. I3»8; A. T. §§ 5^, 18; his commentary 
on Aristotle's De Anima^ Conv, iv. i3«8-« ; 
Mon. i. 3'^'^-* ; A. T. § 5^^"^ ; his opinion, as 
recorded in his work De Substantia OrHs^ 
that all potential forms of matter are actually 
existent in the mind of the Creator, A. T. 
§ 1 8 30-9. This opinion, as a matter of fact, 
appears to come, not from Averro^' De Sub^ 
stantia Orbis^ but from the De Natura et 
Origine Animae (II. vii) of Albertus Magnus, 
who attributes it to Plato : — 

' Dixit Plato formas omnes idcales esse in mente 
divina antequam prodirent in corpora : sicut formae 
ideales artificialium sunt in mente artificis ante- 
quam in materias artium traducantur.* 

Benvenuto, who represents A. as the deter- 
mined opponent of the teaching of Avicenna, 
expresses surprise that D. should have con- 
signed so notorious an unbeliever and blas- 
phemer to no worse place than Limbo : — 

'Quomodo autor posuit istum sine pena, qui 
tam impudenter et impie blasfemat Christum, 
dicens, quod tres fuerunt baratores mundi, scilicet 
Christus, Moyses, et Macomcttus, quorum Christus, 
quia juvenis et ignarus, cnicifixus fuit ? ' 

In the frescoes of the Cappella degli Spa- 
gnuoli (Cent, xiv.) in S. Maria Novella at 
Florence, A. is depicted, together with the 
heretics Sabellius and Alius, at the feet of 
St. Thomas Aquinas. 

Avicenna, Avicenna (Husain ibn Abd 
Allah, Jbn-Sina)y Arabian philosopher and 
physician of Ispahan in Persia ; bom near 
Bokhara A.D. 980, died 1037. He was a 
voluminous writer, among his works being 
commentaries upon Aristotle and Galen. Of 
the latter, whose writings he condensed and 
arranged, he is said to have remarked that 
he knew a great deal about the branches 
of medicine, but very little about its roots 
[Galieno]. His own treatise, the Canon Me- 
dicinae^ was still in use as a text-book in 
France as late as Cent xvii. 

D. places A. among the great philosophers 
in Limbo, in a group with Hippocrates, Galen, 
and Averroes, Int. iv. 143 [Ijimbo] ; his 
opinion (De IntelligentiiSj § 4), which he 
shared with Plato and Algazali, that /sub- 
stantial generation' is effected by the motive 
powers of the Heavens, Conv. ii. I4'^""'3* ; that 
the Milky Way is made up of numbers of 
small stars, Conv. ii. 1569-T7 [Galasaia] ; that 
a distinction exists between ' light ' and ' splen- 
dour' {De Animaf iii. § 3), Conv. iii. 148"* ; 



[64] 



Azio 



Azzolino 



his theory (De Am'ma yV,i 3) yhtld also by Alga- 
zali, that souls are noble or ignoble of them- 
selves from the beginning, Conv. iv. 3ii'^^''. 
(See Mazzucchelli, Autori citati nel Convito,) , 

Azio], Actium, promontory of Acamania, 
off which Octavianus defeated Antony and 
Cleopatra, a c 31 ; the victory is alluded to 
by the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) in connexion with the triumphs of 
the Roman Eagle, Par. vi. jy, [Aquila ^ : 
Cleopatra.] 

Azzo Marchio. [Azzo da Esti.] 

Azzo, Ugolino d\ a native of Tuscany, 
domiciled at Faenia, who is mentioned by 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
together with Guido da Prata, among the 
worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 104-5. 

The individual in question, — whom Ben- 
venuto describes as ' vir nobilis et curialis de 
Ubaldinis, clarissima stirpe in Romandiola, 
qui fuerunt diu potentes in alpibus citra Apen- 
ninum et ultra, prope Florentiam,' — is probably 
Ugolino degli Ubaldini, son of Azzo degli 
Ubaldini da Senno, a member of the powerful 
Tuscan family of that name ; he is said to 
have been a nephew of Ubaldino dalla Pila 
(Purg. xxiv. 39), and of the famous Cardinal 
Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. x. 120), and 
first cousin of the Archbishop Ruggieri degli 
Ubaldini (Inf. xxxiii. 14). [Ubaldini: Table 
.] This Ugolino, whose mother's name 



was Aldruda, is repeatedly mentioned in 
contemporary records, viz. in 121 8, 1220, 1228, 
1 23 1, 1244, 1249, 1252 (in which year he was 
in Florence), 1257, 1274, and in 1280 (under 
which year his name appears among those 
who bound themselves to abide by the terms 
of peace proposed by the pacificator, Cardinal 
Latino) ; he married Beatrice Lancia, daughter 
of Provenzano Salvani of Siena, by whom he 
had three sons, Giovanni, Francesco, and 
Ottaviano; he made his will in 1285, and 
died at an advanced age in Jan. 1293. He 
appears to have been a man of great wealth 
and landed property. His death is recorded, 
together with that of Guido Riccio da Polenta, 
in the contemporary chronicle of Pietro Can- 
tinelli, a proof, as Casini points out, that 
Ugolino d Azzo degli Ubaldini was at that 
time well known in Romagna, so that D. could 
not long after appropriately make Guido del 
Duca say of him Wivette nosco' (v, 105). 
(See Casini, Dante e la Romagna^ 

Azzo da Esti], Azzo VIII (III) of Este, 
son of Obizzo II, whom he succeeded in 1293 
as Marquis of Este, and Lord of Ferrara, 
Modena, and Reggio ; married, as his second 
wife, in 1305, Beatrice, daughter of Charles II 
of Naples; died, without (legitimate) male 
issue, 1308 [Table xziii]. D. refers to him 
(perhaps) as // Marchese^ Inf. xviii. 56 ; quel 
da Esliy Purg. v. jy ; Azzo Marchio, V. E. i. 



1238-9 ; Marchio Esfensis, V. E. ii. 6*2 ; the 
popular belief that he murdered his father by 
smothering him with a pillow (probably a 
calumny) is accepted by D., who speaks of 
him in this connexion as the ' stepson ' 
(figliastro) of Obizzo, Inf. xii. 111-12 [Obizzo 
da Esti] ; his intrigue (or, perhaps, that of his 
father) with GhisoIabelJa, sister of Caccianimico, 
and the vile conduct of the latter, Inf. xviii. 
55-7 [Caocianimioo : Ghisolabella] ; his 
murder of Jacopo del Cassero of Fano, Purg. 
V* 77-8 [Cassero, Jcu^opo del] ; his marriage 
with Beatrice of Naples, Purg. xx. 79-81 
[Beatrice 3J ; condemnation of him, together 
with Charles II of Naples (his father-in-law), 
Frederick II of Sicily, and John Marquis of 
Montferrat, for bloodthirstiness, treachery, and 
avarice, V. E. i. 123^^2 ; a passage in his 
praise quoted (ironically), V. E. ii. 6*^"^. 

Villani gfves the following account of the 
death of Azzo, and touches incidentally on his 
marriage with Beatrice of Naples (Purg. xx. 79- 
81), but he makes no reference to the alleged 
bargain to which D. alludes in the text : — 

' Nel detto anno 1306 i Veronesi, Mantcvani, e 
Bresciani feciono lega insieme, e grande guerra 
mossono al marchese Azzo da Esti ch' era signore 
di Ferrara, per sospetto preso di lui, ch* egli non 
volesse essere signore di Lombardia, perch' avea 
presa per moglie una figliuola del re Carlo ; e 
corsono la sua terra, e toisongli piii di sue castella. 
Ma Tanno appresso fatto suo isforzo, e con aiuto 
della gente di Piemonte e del re Carlo, fece oste 
grande sopra loro, e corse le loro terre, e fece lore 
grande dammaggio. Ma poco tempo appresso 
ammal6 il detto marchese, c si mori in grande 
stento e miseria ; ii quale era stato il piu leggiadro 
e ridottato e possente tiranno che fosse in Lom- 
bardia/ (viii. 88.) 

Dino Compagni, however, states positively 
that Azzo purchased the royal alliance, among 
the considerations given being the cities of 
Modena and Reggio, which rebelled in conse- 
quence : — 

' Parma, Reggio e Modona s' erano ribellate dal 
marchese di Ferrara ; ii quale, per troppa tirannia 
facea loro, Iddio non lo voile piii sostenere; ch^ 
quando fu piii inalzato, cadde. Perch^ avea tolto 
per moglie la figliuola del re Carlo di Puglia; e 
perchd condiscendessi a dargliene, la comper6, 
oltre al comune uso, e fecele di dota Modona e 
Reggio : onde i suoi frategli e i nobili cittadini 
sdegnorono entrare in altrui fedelt^' (iii. 16.) 

Azzolino^, Ezzelino III da Romano, son 
of Ezzelino II and Adeleita degli Alberti di 
Mangona, son-in-law of the Emperor Frederick 
II, and chief of the Ghibellines of Upper Italy, 
born 1 194, died 1259. 

D. places him among the Tyrants in Round i 
of Circle VII of Hell, where he is pointed out 
by Nessus, who draws attention to his black 
hair. Inf. xii. 109-10 [Tiranni]; he is alluded 
to by his sister Cunizza (in the Heaven of 



[65] 



Azzolino 



Babel 



Venus) as a firebrand ('facella*) which deso- 
lated the March of Treviso, and described as 
being from Romano and of the same * root ' as 
herself, Par. ix. 28-31 [CunisBa: Bomano^]. 
D. here alludes to the common belief, recorded 
by Pietro di Dante, that before Ezzelino's birth 
his mother dreamed that she brought forth 
a firebrand : — 

* Mater Azzolini, dum partui ejus esset vicina, 
somniabat quod parturiebat unam facem igneam, 
quae comburebat totam Marchiam Trevisanam ; et 
ita fecit sua horribili tymnnide. £t tangit hoc 
autor dum dicit de facelUu' 

Ezzelino, whose lordship over the March of 
Treviso lasted for more than thirty years, was 
a ruthless and bloodthirsty tyrant, and was 
guilty of the most inhuman atrocities. Villani 
says of him : — 

' Questo Azzolino fu il piii crudele e ridottato 
tiranno che mai fosse tra* cristiani, e signoreggi6 
per sua forza e tirannta (e^endo di sua nazione 
della casa di Romano gentile uomo) gmnde tempo 
tutta la Marca di Trevigi e la dttk di Padova e 
gran parte di Lombardia; e* dttadini di Padova 
molta gran parte consum6, e acceconne pur de' 
migliori e de' piii nobili in grande quantita, e 
togliendo le loro possessioni e mandogli mendi- 
cando per lo mondo^ e molti altri per divcrsi 
martini e tormenti fece morire, e a un* ora undici- 
mila Padovani fece ardere . . . e sotto 1* ombra 
di una nidda e scelerata giustizia fece molti mali, 
e fu uno grande flagello al suo tempo nella Marca 
Trevigiana e in Lombardia.* ^vi 7a.) 

His contemporary Salimbene of Parma says 
of him in his chronicle (cjuoted by C. £. Norton 
in Report XIV of American Dante Society) : — 

*■ Icilinus vero fuit membrum diaboli et filius 
iniquitatis . . . Pejor enim homo fuit de mundo : 
non credo revera quod ab initio mundi usque ad 
dies nostros fucrit ita malus homo ; nam ita 
tremebant eum omnes, sicut tremit juncus in aqua : 
et hoc nob sine causa erat; qui enim erat hodie, 
de crastina die secunis non erat Pater petebat 
filium ad interficiendum, ct ^ius patrem, vel 
aliquem sibi propinquum, ut Icilino placeret : 
omnes nugores et meliores et potentiores et ditiores 



et nobiliores delevit de Marchia trivisina ; et muli- 
eres castrabat, et cum filiis et filiabus in carceribus 
includebat, et ibi fame et miseria peribant. Multos 
religiosos interfecit, et in carceribus diu habuit 
tarn ex ordine fratrum Minorum et Praedicatorum, 
quam ex ordinibus aliis. . . . Nee Nero, nee Decius, 
nee Diocletianus, nee Maximianus in malitia fuerunt 
similes sibi, sed neque Herodes, neque Antiochus, 
qui pessimi homines de mundo fuerunt' 

In 1355 Pope Alexander IV proclaimed 
a crusade against Ezzelino, stvling him ' a son 
of perdition, a man of blood, the most inhuman 
of the children of men, who, by his infamous 
torture of the nobles and massacre of the 
people, has broken every bond of human 
society, and violated every law of Christian 
liberty.' After a war of three years* duration, 
in the course of which he committed the most 
terrible atrocities, Ezzelino was finally defeated 
(Sep. 16, 1259) by the Marquis of Este at 
Cassano, where he was desperately wounded 
and taken prisoner. Eleven days after, having 
torn open his wounds, he died in his prison at 
Soncino, at the age of sixty-six, after a reign 
of thirty-four years. Benvenuto states that he 
is said to have been short of stature, hairy, 
and swarthy (Inf. xii. 109), and that he had 
a long hair upon his nose, which stood upright 
when he was in a passion, to the terror of all 
beholders. Several stories are told of him in 
the Cento Novelle Antiche (Nov. xlii, cxxi, 
ed. Biagi), in one of which it is stated that he 
killed himself by striking his head against the 
pole of the tent in which he was confined : — 

' Fue messere Azolino preso in batag^a in uno 
luogho che si chiama Chasciano et percosse tanto 
il capo suo al feristo del padiglione ov* egli era 
legato, che ss' uccise egli mcdesimo.' (Nov. cxxi.) 

Azzolino ^], Ezzelino II da Romano, Eeither 
of Ezzelino III and Cunizza, by his third wife, 
Adeleita degli Albert i di Mangona ; alluded to 
by his daughter Cunizza (in the Heaven of 
Venus) as the radice from which she and * the 
firebrand ' (her brother Ezzelino) were sprung. 
Par. ix. 29-31. [Aszolino ^ : Cunizsa.] 



B 



Babel, the Tower of Babel ; the word Babel 
means • confusion,' V. E. i. 6^^, 7^ ; up till the 
building of the Tower all Adam's descendants 
spoke the same langiia^ as he had spoken, 
V. E. i. 6**"^^ (this opinion D. recanted in the 
D. C, Par. xx\n. 124-6) [Adamo] ; the Tower 
built at the instigation of Nimrod, V. E. i. 
^29-30. ^e confusion of tongues the conse- 
quence of its building, V. E. i. 9i»-3M>. The 
Tower is alluded to as il gran lavoro, Purg. 
xii 34 ; rcvra incomumabiU^ Par. xx>i. 125. 



In the Middle Ages Nimrod was universally 
regarded as the builder of the Tower of BabcL 
The tradition is preserved in the name given 
to the vast ruins of the great temple of Belus 
in Babylon (commonly identified with the 
Tower of Babel), which are known as Birs^ 
Nimrud. [IS'embrotto : Sennaar.] The di- 
mensions of the Ton-er are given by Brunetto 
Latino : — 

' Sachiez que la tor de Babel a\'oit en chascune 
quarreure .x. Hues, dont chascune cstoit .nu*. pas. 



[66J 



Babilon 



Badia 



£t si avoit li murs de large .l. coudes, et .cc. en 
avoit de haut, dont chascune avoit .xv. pas, et li 
pas avoit .u. piez.' {Tresor, i. 34.) 

Babilon, the kingdom of Babylon ; Vesilio 
di B,f i. e. life on earth as opposed to life in 
heaven. Par. xxiii. 135 (var. Babilonia) ; its 
destruction by Cyrus (B.C 538) and trans- 
ference of the kingdom to the Persians, Mon. 
ii. 9*3-5. the Florentine exiles compared to 
exiles in B., Epist. vii. i, 8. 

D., following St. Augustine, who interprets 
Babylon^ like Babely as meaning 'confusion' 
(' ci vitas, quae appellata est conSisio, ipsa est 
Babylon, Babylon quippe interpretatur con- 
liisio,' Civ, Deiy xvi. 4), renders the expression 

* super flumina Babylonis ' (Psalm cxxxvii. i) 
by 'super flumina confusionis/ Epist. vii. i. 
[Babel: Babilonia.] 

Babilonia, the kingdom of Babylon or 
Babylonia, Par. xxiii. 135 (var. Babilon) 
[Babilon]. In speaking of the empire of 
Semiramis D. alludes to B. as la terra che il 
Soldan correm^ *the land ruled by the Sultan,' 
Inf. V. 60 [Soldano]. He has apparently 
confused the ancient kingdom of Babylonia 
(or Assyria) with Babylonia or Babylon (Old 
Cairo) in Egypt, which was the territory of 
the Sultan. Boccaccio, for instance, always 
describes Saladin as ' il Soldano di Babilonia ' 
(Decam. i. 3 ; x. 9). Cf. Mandeville : — 

< The Lond of Babyloyne, where the Sowdan 
dwellethe comonly ... is not that gret Babyloyne, 
where the Dyversitee of Langages was first made 

• . . when the grete Tour of Babel was begonnen 
to ben made.' 

Benvenuto notices the confusion, but suggests 
that D. meant to imply that Semiramis extended 
her empire so as to include Egypt as well as 
Assyria. 

' Istud non videtur aliquo modo posse stare quia 
de rei veritate Semiramis nunquam tenuit illam 
Babiloniam, quam modo Soldanus corrigit ... ad 
defensionem autoris dico, quod autor noster vult 
dicere quod Semiramis in tantum ampliavit regnum, 
quod non solum tenuit Babiloniam antiquam, sed 
etiam Egiptum, ubi est modo alia Babilonia/ 

This confusion between the two Babylons is 
perhaps responsible for D.'s statement (Mon. 
li. 9«^7) that Alexander the Great died in 
Egypt [Alessandro Magno]. 

Babylon, the kingdom of Babylon, Mon. 
ii. 9*fi ; Epist. vii. 8. [Babilon«] 

Babyloniiy Babylonians ; the rebellious 
Florentines compared to, Epist. vi. 3. 

Bacchiglione, river of N. Italy, which 
rises in the Alps above Vicenza, through which 
it passes, flowmg in a S.E. direction as far as 
Padua, where it divides into three streams ; 
one of these runs into the Brenta, another into 
the Adige, while the third, retaining the name 
of Bacchiglione, enters the Adriatic near 
Brondolo. 



The river is mentioned by Brunetto Latino^ 
(in Circle VII of Hell), in connexion with. 
Andrea de' Mozzi, to indicate Vicenza, Inf. xv. 
113 [Andrea^ : Vioensa] ; it is referred to as 
Vacqua che Vicenza bagna by Cunizza (in the 
Heaven of Venus), who prophesies that the 
Paduans at the marsh 'will change the water' 
of the Bacchiglione, Par. ix. 46-7. This 
prophecy is usually understood to mean that 
the Paduans will stain with their blood the 
marsh formed by the river, the reference being 
to the war between Padua and Can Grande, 
Imperial Vicar in Vicenza, which resulted in 
the defeat of the former in 13 14 [Padova]. 
The special fight alluded to here is identified 
by Philalethes with one which took place in 

tune, 13 12, when the Paduans were driven 
ack across the B. with great loss by Can 
Grande, and many of them were drowned in 
the river. It appears that when at war with 
Padua the Vicentines were in the habit of 
damming the B., so as to deprive the Paduans 
of the water needed for their mills, &c. ; the con- 
sequent overflow of the river converted the low- 
lying land to the south of Vicenza, between the 
Monti Berici and the Monti Euganei, into a vast 
swamp, which is supposed to be the ' palude ' 
allud^ to in the text. Another interpreta- 
tion has been proposed by Gloria, who takes /'/ 
Palude as a proper name, and holds that the 
allusion is to an incident which took place in 
1 31 4, when the Paduans, finding that the waters 
of the Bacchiglione had been cut off by the 
Vicentines, turned into the bed of the river the 
waters of the Brenta, .thus defeating the object 
of the enemy. It appears that the district 
of Brusegana, where the Brentella flows into 
the Bacchiglione, was known by the name of 
il Palude, (See Casini in loc) 

Bacco, Bacchus, god of wine, son of Jupiter 
and Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, King of 
Thebes; mentioned in connexion with his 
worship by the Thebans, Purg. xviii. 93 
[Asopo] ; the invocation ' Evoe ! Bacche ! ' 
alluded to. Par. xiii. 25 ; la ciitd, di Baco (in 
rime), i. e. Thebes, his birthplace, Inf. xx. 59. 
[Semeld.] One of the two peaks of Parnassus 
was sacred to B., hence some think there is an 
allusion to him. Par. i. 16-18 [Pamaso]. He 
is referred to as semen Semeles^ Epist. iv. 4 
[Aloithoe] ; as Bromius, Eel. ii. 53. [Bromiua : 
Mida.] 

BacOy Bacchus, Inf. xx. 59 (: laco : Benaco) 
[Baoco]. 

Siadfa], the ancient Benedictine monastery 
in Florence, known as the Badia (opposite to 
the Bargello), which was founded in 978 by the 
Countess Willa, mother of the Marcjuis Hugh 
of Tuscany (or of Brandenburg, as Villani caUs 
him). 

The church of the Badfa, and the old wall 
(1078) of Florence on which it was situated. 



(67J 



Fa 



Bagnacaval 



Barbari 



are referred to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven 
of Mars), who says that from its chimes 
Florence took her time. Ma cerchia antica, 
Ond* ella togUe ancora e terza e nona,' Par. 
XV. 97-8. [FiorenBa.] Lana says ; — 

'Sulle ditte mura vecchie si ^ una chiesa 
chiamata la Badfa, la quale chiesa suona terza e 
nona e 1' altre ore, alle quali li lavoranti delle arti 
entrano ed esceno dal lavorio/ 

The Marquis Hugh was buried in the Badfa, 
where the anniversary of his death (iioi) was 
solemnly commemorated every year on St. 
Thomas' day (Dec. 21), a custom to which 
Cacciaguida refers, Par. xvi. 128-9 [Ugo di 
Brandlmborgo]. 

Of the ancient church of the Badfa, which 
was originally dedicated to St. Stephen, and 
afterwards to the Virgm, little now remains, 
the present building dating for the most part 
from Cent. xvii. 

Bagnacaval, Bagnaxravallo, town in the 
Emilia, between the rivers Senio and Lamone, 
niidway between Imola and Ravenna. In D.'s 
time it was a stronghold belonging to the 
Malavicini, who thence took their title of 
Counts of Bagnacavallo. They were Ghibel- 
lines, and in 1249 expelled Guido da Polenta 
and the Guelfs from Ravenna. Later on they 
were in ill repute as often changing sides. 

B. is mentioned by Guido del Duca (in 
Circle II of Purgatory), who implies that its 
Counts were becoming extinct (though as a 
matter of fact they do not appear to have died 
out before the end of Cent xiv), Purg. xiv. 115. 

BagnoregiOy now Bagnorea, village in 
Italy, perched on the top of a hill, on the 
borders of Latium and Umbria, near the Lago 
di Bolsena, about 8 miles due S. of Orvieto ; 
mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven 
of the Sun) as the place of his bu-th, Par. xii. 
127-8. [Bonaventura.] 

Balaam, the son of Beor, whose ass spake 
and saved him from destruction by the angel 
of God (Numb, xxii. 28-30) ; not she that 
spake, but the angel of God within her, V. E. 
i. 2*5-6 . Epist. viii. 8. 

Baldo d'Aguglione. [AgrugUone.] 

Barattieri], Barrators (those who sell 
justice, office, or employment), placed among 
the Fraudulent in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxi, xxii. [Frodolenti.] 
Their punishment is to be immersed in a lake 
of boiling pitch, and to be rent by devils 
armed with prongs whenever they appear 
above the surface. Inf. xxi. 16-57 ; xxii. 34-42 ; 
55-75; 112-29. Examples', an * Ancient' of 
Santa Zita [Zita, Santa] ; Bonturo Dati [Bon- 
turo] ; Ciampolo di Navarra [Ciampolo] ; 
Frate Gomita di Gallura [Gtomita] ; Michael 
Zanche [Miohel]. 

Barbagia, mountainous district in S. of 



Sardinia, the inhabitants of which are said to 
have been originally called Barbaricini, and to 
have descended from a settlement of prisoners 
planted by the Vandals. Philaletbes states 
that they were converted to Christianity in the 
time of Gregory the Great (590-604), but still 
retained many of their heathen customs after 
their conversion. They were proverbial in the 
Middle Ages, according to the old commen- 
tators, for the laxity of their morals and their 
loose living. Benvenuto says that the women 
were in the habit of exposing their breasts 
('Pro calore ^et prava consuetudine vadunt 
indutae panno lineo albo, excoUatae ita, ut 
ostendant pectus et ubera *), a practice which, 
according to an authority quoted by Witte, 
seems to have been continued among their 
descendants until cjuite recently. In D.'s time 
they formed a semi-savage independent tribe, 
and refused to acknowledge the Pisan govern- 
ment. Benvenuto says they were a remnant 
left at the time when Sardinia was reconquered 
from the Saracens ; which, from the mention 
oiSaracine (v. 103), appears to have been D/s 
view of their origin. [Sardigna.] 

Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purgatory) 
refers to Florence as a second Barbagia, and 
compares the morals of the Florentine women 
unfavourably with those of the Sardinian 
savages, Purg. xxiii. 94-6 [Fiorentine]. 

Barbare, Barbarian women ; the Florentine 
women compared unfavourably with, Purg. 
xxiii. 103 [Florentine]. Some take Barbare 
here in the sense of * women of Barbary,' but 
as D. couples them with Saracine^ the other 
interpretation is the better, since the term 
Saracen was used at that time of the inhabitants 
of Africa generally, including of course those 
of Barbary [Saraoini]. 

Barbari, Barbarians ; mentioned by D. in 
connexion with the effect produced by the 
sight of Rome and its wonders upon visitors 
from outlandish parts, ' quando Laterano Alle 
cose mortali and6 di sopra,' Par. xxxi. 31-6. 
The reference is probably (as in w, 103-4) 
to the Jubilee of 1300, in which year says 
Villani : — 

^Gran parte de* cristiani che allora viveano, 
feciono pellegrinaggio a Roma, cosl femmine 
come uomini, di lontani c diversi paesi, e di lung! e 
d'appresso. ... £ I'anno durante, avea in Roma, 
oltre al popolo romano, duecentomila pellegrini.* 
(viii. 36.) 

Benvenuto, Buti, and others, take the 
meaning to be general, 'when Rome was at 
the head of the world ' ; but in that case there 
would be no special point in the mention of 
the Lateran, which, on the other hand, at the 
time of the Jubilee was a centre of interest, 
as being the papal residence. [Qiubbileo: 
Iiaterano.] Some think the allusion is to the 
original barbarian invaders of Rome, and 



168] 



Barbariccia 



Battista, n 



explain, *in the days when the Popes cared 
nothing for Rome.' 

Barbariccia, name of the leader of the ten 
demons selected by Malacoda to escort D. and 
Virgil through Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Maiebolge), where the Barrators are punished, 
In£ xxi. 120; xxii. 29, 59, 145 [Barattieri] ; 
hence spoken of as duca^ Inf. xxi. 138 ; decurio^ 
3DdL 74; gran proposto^ v, 94. B. with a 
disgusting signal summons his troop (Inf. xxi. 
139), and they accompany D. and V. along the 
borders of the boiling lake of pitch (xxii. 13) ; 
at the approach of B. all the Barrators disappear 
beneath the surface (w. 28-30), except one, 
who is hooked by Graffiacane (w. 31-36), and 
then gripped and held by B. (vv, 59-60) ; the 
latter invites D. to question his victim {vv. 
61-63), 2Uid meanwhile keeps the other demons 
off from him (w. 73-7$) 91-96) ; finally he 
sends four of the demons to drag Alichino and 
Calcabrina out of the pitch into which they 
had fallen while fighting (tti/. 145-147) [Ali- 
ohino: CiampoloJ. Philalethes renders thp 
name ' Sudelbart.' 

Barbarossa, * Redbeard,' the Italian sur- 
name of the Emperor Frederick I (i 152-1 190) ; 
referred to by the Abbot of San Zeno (in Circle 
IV of Purgatory), in connexion with his de- 
struction of Mikm (March, 1162), as /p buon 
iff., Purg. xviii. 119. [Federioo^: Milanp.] 

Bardi], wealthy family of Florence, who 
were Guelfs (Villani, v. 39), and afterwards 
sided with the Cerchi and Bianchi (viii. 39) ; 
they were the founders of the great Florentine 
banking house, which achieved European 
celebrity, and eventually failed in 1345 for 
nearly a million gold florins (xii. 55). Some 
of the old commentators think they are alluded 
to, Par. xvi. 94-8. Buti says : — 

' Questi nuovi felloni furno i Bardi . . . le case 
delli Ravignani furno poi dei conti Guidi . . . poi 
furno dei Cerchi, e poi delli Bardi/ 

But the reference is almost certainly to the 
Cerchi, and perhaps the Donati alsp [Cerohi]. 

It was to a member of this family, Simone 
de' Bardi, that Beatrice Portinari was married 
in 1287 [Beatrice^]. 

Barduccio], Florentine, renowned for his 
piety ; who, with another good man, Giovanni 
da Vispignano, is supposed by some to be 
referred to by Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell), 
who, speaking of the evil state of Florence, 
says, ' Giusti son due, ma non vi sono intesi ' 
(Le. there are two just citizens, but no regard is 
paid to them). Inf. vi. 73. Villani records their 
deaths and the miracles wrought by their 
means: — 

* L'anno 133 1 morirono in Firenze due buoni e 
giusti uomini e di santa vita e conversazione e di 
grandi limosine, tutto che fossono laici. L'uno 
cbbe Dome Barduccio . . . e Taltro ebbe nome 
Giovanni da Vispignano. ... £ per ciascuno mostr6 



Iddio aperti miracoli di sanare infenni e attratti e 
di pill diverse maniere, e per ciascuno fu fatta 
solenne sepoltura, e poste piii immagini di cera 
per voti fatti/ (x. 175.) 

Vellutello holds it * per cosa certa * that the 
allusion is to these two ; but it is not probable 
that their reputation would have been so great 
at the time Ciacco was speaking, i.e. thirty 
years before their death. The reference is 
usually understood to be to D. himself and 
Guido Cavalcanti. [Cavaloanti.] 

Bari, town of S. Italy in Apulia on the 
Adriatic coast; mentioned by Charles Martel 
(in the Heaven of Venus) as one of the extxeme 

f joints of the Kingdom of Naples, Par. viii. 62. 
AuBonia.] 

Barone, Baron ; title applied by D. to St. 
Peter, Par. xxiv. 115 [Pietroi]; St. James, 
Par. XXV. 17 [Jaoopo^.J 

Barone, B gran, the great Baron, i. e. the 
Marquis Hugh of Brandenburg, Par. xvi. 128 
[Ugo di Brandimborgo]. 

Bartolommeo della Scala], eldest son 
of Alberto della Scala, whom he succeeded as 
lord of Verona, Sep. 10, 1301-March 7, 130J; 
he is referred to (probably) as * il gran Lom- 
bardo,' P^. xvii. 71. [Iiombardo, Gran: 
Soala, Delia.] 

Barucci, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as havmg been of importance in his day. 
Par. xvi. 104. They were extinct in D.'s time ; 
Villani says : — 

' In porte del Duomo . . . furono i Barucci che 
stavano da santa Maria Maggiore, che oggi sono 
venuti meno.* (iv. 10. "^ . . . * Furono molto antichi 
uomini.' (v. 30.) ... * Nel sesto di porte del Duomo 
furono in quegli tempi GhibeUini, i Barucci, i 
Cattani da Castiglione e da Cersino, gli Agolanti, 
i Bninelleschi, e poi si feciono Guelfi parte di lore.' 
(V. 39.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

' Questi furono pienr di ricchezze e di leggiadrie ; 
oggi sono pochi in numero, e senza stato d*onore 
cittadino : sono GhibeUini.^ 

Battista, D, St. John the Baptist, Inf. xiii. 
143; 3pcx. 74; Purg. xxii. 152; Par. xvi. 47; 
he was the patron saint of Florence, which in 
pagan times had been under the protection of 
Mars, hence Florence is spoken of as ' la cittk 
che nel Battista Mut6 il primo patrone,' Inf. xiii. 
143-4; M*ovil di san Giovanni,' Par. xvi. 25; 
the Florentine florin, which was stamped on 
one side with the lily (* fiore,* whence Jiorino)^ 
and on the other with the image of the Baptist, 
referred to as Ma lega suggellata del Battista,' 
Inf. XXX. 74 (cf. Par.xviii. 133-5); ^^ Baptistery 
of Florence, which was dedicated to the Baptist, 
referred to by D. as ' il mio bel san Giovanni,' 
Inf. xix. 17; and as 'il Battista,' the phrase 
'tra Marte e il Battista' (i.e. between the 



[69] 



Battisteo 



Battisteo 



Fonte Vecchio» on which the ancient statue of 
Mars used to stand, and the Baptistery) being 
used to indicate approximately the N. and S. 
limits of the city of Florence in the days of 
Cacciaguida, Par. xvi. 47 [Battistoo: Pio- 
rens*: Marte^]. 

St. John the Baptist is mentioned (in allusion 
to MatL iii. 4, * his meat was locusts and wild 
honey') as an example of temperance in the 
Circle of the Gluttonous in Purgatory, Purg. 
xxii. 1 5 1-4 [Golosi]; he is referred to as 
Gimnmnij Inf. xix. 17 ; Par. iv. 29 ; xvi. 25 ; il 
gran Gicnfanni^ Par. xxxii. 31 ; quel Giovanni y 
% quale precedette la verace luce^ V. N. § 24^*"^ 
?ref. to Matt, iii. 3) ; Praecursor^ Epist. vii. 2 
(ref. to Matt, xi. 2-3) ; colui che voile viver 
solo^ E che per salti fu tratto a martiro^ Par. 
xviii. 134-5 (ref. to Mtitt, iii. i ; xiv. 1-12) ; the 
forerunner of Christ, V. N. § 243«"7; Epist 
vii. 2 ; his life in the wilderness. Par. xviii. 134 ; 
X3cxii. 32; his execution by Herod at the 
instance of the daughter of Herodias, Par. 
xviii. 135; xxxii. 32; his two years in Limbo 

ii.e. from his own death to that of Christ), 
*ar. xxxii. 33 ; his place in the Celestial Rose 
f opposite to the Virgin Mary^ with St. Anne on 
nis right, and St Lucy on his lefl), Par. xxxii. 
31-3 pdtosa] ; the patron saint of Florence, Inf. 
xiii. 143; xix. 17; XXX. 74; Par. xvi. 25, 47 
[Oiovanni ^]. 

Battisteo, the Baptistery of San Giovanni 
at Florence; Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) tells D. that he was baptized, *nell' 
antico vostro Battisteo,' Par. xv. 134; it is 
referred to elsewhere (by D.) as 'il mio bel 
san Giovanni,' Inf. xix. 17; (by Cacciaguida) 
as MI Battista,' Par. xvi. 47 [Battiata, II: 
Giovanni 1]. 

In connexion with the Baptistery D. refers 
(Inf. xix. 16-21) to the fact that he once broke 
one of the ' pozzetti ' of the font in order to 
rescue a chila who had fallen in and could not 
get out again. The 'pozzetti' were circular 
holes in the thickness of the outer wall of the 
font (such as may still be seen in that at Pisa), 
in which the officiating pdest used to stand to 
escape the pressure of the crowd, and which 
apparently were also used on occasion as 
baptismal basins. Lana (writing between 1323 
and 1328) says:— 

' Li forami, dov' erano piantati li peceatori, dice 
che sono tutti simili a quelli, che sono nella pila 
del battesimo di san Giovanni da Firenze, nelli 
quali sta lo prete che battizza. Circa la qual 
comparazione h da sapere che sono molte cittadi 
che non v'^ battesimo se non in una chiesa in 
IHi la terra, e molte ne sono che ogni chiesa ha 
battesimo. Or Firenze h di quelle che vi ha pur 
uno ed ^ nella chiesa principale che k. edificata a 
nome di san Joanni Battista, ov'avenne che per 
atcune costituzioni della Chiesa vaca lo battesimo 
pAf alcun tempo dell' anno, come h nella quaresma, 
Iftlvo in caso di nccessitadi ; e tutti quelli che 



nasceno sono servati al sabato santo a battezzare. 
Siche in queUe terre dov' h osservata tal costitu- 
zione, e non hanno se non un luogo da battezzare, 
quando vien lo sabato santo si v*^ grande molti- 
tudine di gente, per quella cagione ; ed awenne 
gik che v' era tal calca, che '1 prete a ci6 deputato 
fu spinto a tal modo e soppressato, che vi misvenne 
molte creature. Sich^ per voler schifare tal pericolo 
fenno li Fiorentini fare una pila di pietra viva 
grande con otto cantoni, ed era ed e si massiccia 
che nella sua grossezza sono foramini, nelli quali 
s'entra per di sopra; ed in quelli entra lo prete 
battezzatore e stawi entro fino la corregia, ^ ch' 
elli ^ sicuro d'ogni calca e spingimento, e qui 
entro entra al tempo della grande moltitudine a 
battezzare.' 

Benvenuto gives the following account of the 
incident alluded to by D., which he says 
happened during his pnorate in 1300: — 

* Debes scire quod Florentiae in ecclesia patronali 
Johannis Baptistae circa fontem baptismalem sunt 
aliqui puteoli marmorei rotundi in circuitu capaces 
unius hominis tantum, in quibus solent stare 
sacerdotes cum cruribus ad baptizandum pueros, 
ut possint liberius et habilius exercere officium 
suum tempore pressurae, quando oportet simul et 
semel plures baptizari, quoniam tota Florentia tam 
populosa non habet nisi unum Baptisterium (vor. 
Baptismum). . . . Et autor incidenter commemorat 
unum casum satis peregrinum, qui emerserat pauco 
tempore ante in dicto loco. Qui casus fuit talis : 
cum in ecclesia praedicta circa Baptismum coUu- 
derent quidam pueri, ut est de more, unus eorum 
furiosior aliis intravit unum istorum foraminum, et 
ita et taliter implicavit et involvit membra sua., 
quod nulla arte, nuUo ingenio poterat inde retrahi. 
Clamantibus ergo pueris, qui ilium juvare non 
poterant, iacti|s est in parva hora magnus con- 
cursus populi ; et breviter, nullo sdente aut potente 
succurrere puero periclitanti, supervenit Dantes, 
qui tunc erat de Prioribus regentibus. Qui subito 
viso puero, clamare coepit : Ah quid facitis, gens 
ignara I portetur una securis ; et continuo portata 
securi, Dantes manibus propriis percussit lapidem, 
qui de marmore erat, et (aciliter fregit : ex quo 
puer quasi reviviscens a mortuis liber evasit.' 

In the Comento Anonimo (ed. Vernon, 1848) 
the name of the boy is given as Antonio di 
Baldinaccio de' Cavicciuli, a family which 
was especially hostile to D. [Adimui.] 

As baptisms used to take place only on two 
days in the year, on the eves of Easter and 
Pentecost, and in the Baptistery alone, the 
crowd on these occasions must have been very 
great. Villani records that in his time the 
yearly baptisms averaged between 5,000 and 
6,000, the pumbers being checked, he says, by 
means of beans, a black one being deposited 
for every n»a|e ch^ld and a white one for every 
female. He incidentally remarks that the 
excess of males over fenudes was between 300 
and 500 every year : — 

' Troviamo dal piovano che battezzava i fSuiduili 
Hmperoeche ogni maschio che si battezzava in san 
Giovanni, per aveme il novero metteva una fava 
nera, e per ogni femmina una fava bianca) che 



[70] 



Be 



Beatrice 



erano Tanno in quest! tempi dalle cinquantacinque 
alle sessanta centinaia, avanzando piu il sesso 
masculino che '1 femminino da trecento in cinque- 
cento per anno.* (xi. 94.) 

The present Baptistery, which is octagonal 
in form, was in D.'s time the Cathedral of 
Florence, that of Santa Maria del Fiore, which 
was begun by Amolfo in 1298, not having been 
cx>mp]eted until the middle of Cent. xv. The 
structure dates back at least as early as Cent, vi, 
and was erected on the site of, or perhaps 
converted from, an ancient temple of Mars, the 
tutelary deity of Florence (Inf. xiii. 144). it 
was probably built on the model of the 
Pantheon, with an open space in the centre of 
the dome, which in 1550 was surmounted by 
a lantern. The existing exterior of black and 
white marble was erected (1288- 1293) by Ar- 
nolfo. In 1248 the building narrowly escaped 
destruction at the hands of the Ghibellines. 
Wishing to wreak their vengeance upon the 
Guelfs, by whom it had been used as a council 
chamber, they gave orders to the architect, 
Niccol6 Pisano, to demolish the tall tower of 
Goardamorto, which stood close beside it, and 
so to arrange that it should crush San Giovanni 
in its fall. Niccol6, however, failed to carry 
out his instructions, and the church was spared. 
The famous bronze gates did not exist in D.'s 
time, the one on the S. side having been 
executed by Andrea Pisano about 1330, the 
others by Ghiberti about 1400. The font to 
which D. alludes is said to have been removed 
in 1 576 by the Grand Duke, Francesco I de' 
Medici, on the occasion of the baptism of his 
son Philip. The present font was placed 
where it stands in 1658, but it is the work of 
an earlier period. 

Be, first syllable of the name Beatrice ; IX 
speaks of his reverenc6 for even the syllables 
of B.'s name, Be and Ice^ Par. vii. 14. Some 
editors, reading B^ think there is an allusion to 
the pet name Bice, [Beatrice ^ : Bioe : loe.] 

Beatitudinflf the Beatitudes, the promises 
of blessing made by our Lord in the Sermon 
on the Mount {McUt, v. 3-12). In each Circle 
of Purgatory D. represents an Angel singing 
one of the Beatitudes to comfort those who 
are purging themselves of their sins. In 
Circle I, where the sin of Pride is purged, the 
Angel of Humility sings BecUi pauperes spiritu^ 
* Blessed are the poor in spirit,' Puig. xii. 1 10. 
[SuperbL] In Circle II, where the sin of 
Envy is purged, the Angel of Charity sings 
Beati misericordes^ * Blessed are the merciful,* 
Puig. xv. 38. [Invidiosi.] In Circle III, 
where the sin of Wrath is purged, the Angel 
of Peace sings BecUi pacijiciy ' Blessed are the 
peacemakers,' Purg. xvii. 68. [Iraoondi.] In 
Circle IV, where the sin of Sloth is purged, the 
Angel of the Love of God sings Beati qui 
lugent^ 'Blessed are they that mourn/ Purg. 



xix. 50. [Aooidiod.] In Circle V, where the 
sin ii Avarice is purged, the Angel of Justice 
sings BecUi qui sitiunt jusiitianty ' Blessed are 
they who thirst after justice,* Purg. xxii. 5. 
[Avari.] In Circle VI, where the sin of Glut- 
tony is purged, the Angel of Abstinence sings 
Beati qui esuriufU justitiam, ' Blessed are they 
who hunger after justice,' Purg. xxiv. 151. 
[Gk>lo8i.] 1 1\ Circle VII, where the sin of Lust 
IS purged, the Angel of Purity sings Beati 
mundo corde^ ' Blessed are the pure in heart,' 
Purg.xxvii.8. [Lussurioai.] In the Terrestrial 
Paradise, as D. and Virgil enter, Matilda sings 
(from Psalm xx3;ii. i), Beati quorum tecta sunt 
peccata, 'Blessed are they whose sins are 
covered,' Purg. xxix. 3. [Purgatorlo.] 

Beatrice ^y Beatrice, the central figure of 
the Vita Nuova and of the Divina Commedia^ 
commonly identified with Beatrice Portinari, 
daughter of Fojco Portinari of Florence. She 
was bom in 1266, probably in June (Purg. xxx. 
124) ; married Simone de' Bardi in 1287 ; died 
June 8, 1290 (V. N. § 30I-I'*; Purg. xxxii. 2), 
at the age of 24 (Purg. xxx. 124). [Arabia.] 

The assumption that D.'s Beatrice was the 
daughter of ^olco Portinari rests mainly upon 
a statement of Boccaccio which he makes in 
his Vita di Dante^ and more explicitly in his 
Comento, In commenting on Inf. il 70, where 
the iikame of Beatrice occurs for the first time, 
he says : — 

'^erciocch^ quests h la primiera volta che di 
^esta donna nel presente libro si fa menzione, 
non pare indegna cosa alquanto manifestare, di 
^i Tautore in alcune parti della presente opera 
intendsL nominandio lei. . . . Fu adunque questa 
donna (secondo la relazione di fededegna persona, 
1^ quale la conobbe, e fu per consanguinita 
strettissima a lei) Qgliuola di un valente uomo 
chiamato Folco fortin^ri, antico cittadino di 
Firenze : e comecchd Tautore sempre la nomini 
Beatrice dal suo prinutivo, ella fii chiamata Bice : 
ed egli acconciatmente il testimonia nel Paradiso, 
laddove dice : ^* B^a qtiella reverenza, che s'in- 
donna Di tutto me, pur per B e per ICE." £ fu 
di CQ^tumi e di onesta (audevole, quanto donna 
esser debba, e poss^. ; e di bellezza e di leggiadria 
assai omata : e fu moglie d'un cavaliere de' Bardi, 
chiamato messer Simone, e nel ventiquattresimo 
anno della sua et^ p^^6 di questa vita, negli anni 
di Cristo mccxc' 

This very definite statement both as to the 
parentage and mar^age of Beatrice was made 
by Boccaccio, within f^ty years of D.*s death, 
in his public lectures before a Florentine 
audience, at a time ^he^ the Portinari and 
Bardi, both of them well-kpown families, were 
still residing in Florence. It is hardly credible 
that he should thus publicly commit himself 
and run the risk of being publicly contradicted, 
unless his statement were in accordance with 
the actual facts. 

In addition to this testimony of Boccaccio 
(whose father, it may be noted, was intimately 



[71] 



Beatrice 



Beatrice 



connected with the Bardi, having acted as their 
agent in Paris), there is the evidence of the 
poet's own son, Pietro di Dante, in his comment 
on Inf. ii. 70 (in a passage which occurs in the 
Ashbumham MS. of the Content o^ but is 
omitted from the version printed by Ld. 
Vernon) : — 

' £t quia modo hie primo de Beatrice fit mentio, 
de qua tantus est sermo maxime infra in tertio 
libro Paradisi, premictendum est quod revera 
quedam domina nomine Beatrix, insignis valde 
moribus et pulcritudine tempore auctoris viguit 
in civitate Florentie, nata de domo quonimdara 
civium florentinorum qui dicuntur Portinarii, de 
qua Dantes auctor procus fuit et amator in vita 
dicte domine, et in ejus laudem multas fecit 
cantilenas ; qua mortua ut ejus nomen in famam 
levaret in hoc suo poemate sub allegoria et t3rpo 
theologie eam ut plurimum accipere voluit.' ^See 
Romania f xxiii. 265.) 

Benvenuto da Imola, who was a friend of 
Boccaccio, and attended his lectures on Dante 
in Florence, is emphatic as to the reality of 
Beatrice, though he does not mention her 
family name : — 

* Sed quae est ista Beatrix ? Ad hoc sciendum 
est quod ista Beatrix realiter et vere fuit mulier 
florentina magnae pulcritudinis.' 

The function of Beatrice in the D, C is to 
conduct D. from the Terrestrial to the Celestial 
Paradise. She appears to Virgil (having been 
moved by St. Lucy, at the bidding of the 
Virgin Mary), and sends him to the help of D. 
(Inf. ii. 52-118). Subsequently, when Virgil 
has left D., she appears to D. himself, standing 
on a mystic car, and clad in white, green, and 
red (the colours of the three theological virtues, 
faith, hope, and love) (Purg. xxx. 31-3) ; 
addressing him by name (v, 55), she calls him 
to account for the error ot his ways (Purg. xxx. 
103-xxxi. 69) ; then, after having revealed to 
him the destiny of the Church, she accompanies 
him on his pilgrimage through heaven as his 
guide and interpreter, and finally leaves him 
(after a solemn denunciation of Boniface VIII 
and Clement V) to resume her seat among the 
elect, at the side of Racheli in the Celestial 
Rose, sending St. Bernard to take her place 
with D. (Par. xxxi. 59). [Bernardo: Bosa: 
VirgiUo.] 

Allegorically, Beatrice represents Theology, 
the divine science, which leads man to the 
contemplation of God, and to the attainment 
of celestial happiness. 

Speaking to Virgil, Beatrice refers to D. 
as Pamico miOy Inf. ii. 61 ; D. himself she 
addresses once only by name, Dante being 
her first word to him, Purg. xxx. 55 ; on other 
occasions she addresses him as ^ate^ Purg. 
xxxiii. 2j; Par. iii. 70; iv. 100; vii. 58, 130. 

Beatrice is mentioned by name sixty-three 
times in the D,C.^ but on no occasion does D. 
address her by name ; the name occurs twice 



only in the Inferno, Inf. ii. 70, 103 ; seventeen 
times in the Pur^atorioy Purg, vi. 46 ; xv. 77 ; 
xviii. 48, 73 ; xxiii. 128 ; xxvii. 36, 53 ; xxx. 73 ; 
xxxi. 80, 107, 114, 133; xxxii. 36, 85, 106; 
xxxiii. 4, 124 ; forty-four times in the ParadtsOy 
Par. i. 46, 64 ; ii. 22 ; iii. 127 ; iv. 13, 139 ; v. 
16, 85, 122 ; vii. 16 ; ix. 16 ; x. 37, 52, 60 ; xi. 
II ; xiv. 8, 79; XV. 70; xvi. 13; xvii. 5, 30; 
xviii. 17, 53 ; xxi. 63 ; xxii. 125 ; xxiii. 19, 34, 
76; xxiv. 10, 22, 55 ; XXV. 28, 137; xxvi. 77 \ 
xxvii. 34, 102 ; xxix. 8 ; xxx. 14, 128 ; xxxi. 59, 
66, 76 ; xxxii. 9 ; xxxiii. 38. 

D. speaks of B. as donna beat a e bella. Inf. 
ii. 53 ; donna di virtu. Inf. ii. 76 ; loda di Dio 
vera, Inf. ii. 103 ; quella, it cui bet occhio tutto 
vede. Inf. x. 131 ; donna che saprd, Inf. xv. 90; 
quella che lume fia tra il vero e Pintelletto, 
Purg. vi. 44 ; la donna, Purg. xxx. 64 ; la donna 
mia, Purg. xxxii. 122 ; Par. v. 94 ; vii. 1 1 ; viii. 
15 ; &c. ; madonna. Par. ii. 46; quel sol, che 
pria damor mi scaldd il petto. Par. iii. i ; la 
dolce guida. Par. iii. 23 ; amama del primo 
amante. Par. iv. 118; diva. Par. iv. 118; bella 
donna, Par.x. 93 ; colei ch* alt alto volo mivestl 
le piume. Par. xv. 54; quella donna ch*a Dio 
mi menava. Par. xviii. 4 ; // mio conforto. Par. 
xviii. 8 ; quel miracolo. Par. xviii. 63 ; la mia 
celeste scorta. Par. xxi. 23 ; quella, ond* io 
aspetto il come ^ I quando Del dire e del later. 
Par. xxi. 46-7 ; la mia ^ida. Par. xxii. i ; dolce 

fuida e cara. Par. xxiii. 34 ; la dolce donna^ 
ar. xxii. 100 ; quella pia, che guidb le penne 
Delle mie ali a cosl alto volo. Par. xxv. 49-50; 
quella che imparadisa la mia mente. Par. xxviiu 
3 ; quella che vedea i pensier dubi Nella mia 
mente. Par. xxviii. 97-8 ; // sol degli occhi mieiy 
Par. xxx. 75 ; he refers to her familiar name 
Bice, Par. vii. 14. [Bioe.] 

In the Vita Nuova Beatrice is mentioned 
by name twenty-three times : V. N. §§ 2'» 

b2, 42^ 29II, 32^9, 27, 56, 95^ ^q*, 16, 4166^ 42^, 

43^^ ; D. refers to her as la gloriosa donna 
delta mia mente, § 2^; la gentilissima B.^ 

h% 5^^' ^\ 14^, 23^^ 40^^ ; ia mia donna, §§ 6S 
i«, 1 880, 248, 4,8, &c. ; la gentilissima donna, 
§§ 9^S IL^^ J4^^ 26S 31I, 4i9; quella genti- 
lissima, la quale fu distruggitrice dt tuttt 
i vizi e regina delle virtii, § i<3i-i3 ; la donna 
delta cortesia, § 12^0; la mirabile donna, 
§§ 14*2, 23*3 ; questa gentilissima, §§ 14*, i8«», 
2i3, 222^5, 231^^, 297 ; questa donna, §§ I4*«, 
I5«^ L613, 172, 18^3, 19I12, 2l24, 22l^'**,35«; 
la mia gentilissima dcnna, § 18^^ ; madonna, 
§ 19** ; tanta meraviglia, § 22* ; questa nobi-- 
lissima B., § 22* ; donna gentile, § 22^; la 
mirabile B., § 2424 ; Bice, § 24*^ ; questa B, 
beata, § 29^^ ; la mia nobilissima donna, 
§ 37* ; questa gloriosa B., % 4o4 ; questa bene- 
delta, § 434; quella benedetta B,, § 43^*. 

In the Convivio she is mentioned by name 
four times : Conv. ii. 2^^ 3i^ 780^ ^53 j j), spores 
of her as quella B, beata, Conv. ii. 2^ ; quella 



[72] 



Beatrice 



Beccheria 



gloriosa B.^ Conv. ii. 2^1, 78O ; quella viva B, 
cea/a, Conv. ii. 9*^; quella gloriosa donna, 
Conv. ii. 9^^; // primo diUtto della mia 
amma, Conv. ii. 13^. 

Beatrice ^, Beatrice, youngest daughter of 
Raymond Berenger IV, Count of Provence; 
married (in 1246) to Charles of Anjou, who 
subsequently (in 1266) became King of Sicily 
and Naples [Carlo']; by this marriage Pro- 
vence became united to the French crown 
(Purg. XX. 61) [Provcnaa]. Her eldest sister, 
Maigaret, married Charles' eldest brother, 
Louis IX of France. The two listers are 
mentioned together by Sordello (in Ante- 
purgatory) in connexion with their husbands, 
who he says were as inferior to Peter III of 
Aragon, as Charles II of Anjou was to his 
Anther, Charles I, Purg. vii. 127-9 [Luigi*: 
Kargherita]. Benvenuto says the reference 
is to the two daughters of Charles II, who 
married James and Frederick, the two sons 
of Peter III and Manfred's daughter Con- 
stance:— 

' Istae duae erent nurus dictae Constantiae, 
altera uxor donni Jacobi, altera donni Friderici, 
quanim neutra ppterat gloriari de probo viro.' 

This, however, is at variance with the facts, 
for James' wife was called Blanche, and 
Frederick's Eleanor. . 

B. is referred to by the Emperor Justinian 
(in the Heaven of Mercury) as one of the 
four daughters of Raymond Berenger IV, 
each of wnom became a Queen, Par. vi. 133-4. 
[BeringMeri, Bamondo : Table xL] 

Beatrices]^ Beatrice, youngest daughter 
of Charles II of blaples; married (in 1305) to 
Azzo VIII, Marquis of Este, in consideration, 
it was said, of a large sum of money. This 
transactioii^ which D. compares to the selling 
of female slaves by corsairs, is alluded to by 
Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory), Purg. 
XX. 79-81. To add to the disgrace pf the pro- 
ceeding it appears that Azzo was a great deal 
older than Beatrice, since he had married his 
first wife, Giovanna Orsina, more than twenty 
years before. 

Villani (viii. 88) mentions the marriage, but 
says nothing about the alleged bargain. ' [Aaao 
da &ti : Carlo' : Table xxiii.] 

Beatrice «], daughter of Obizzo II of Este, 
and sister of .^czo VIII ; she was married first 
to Nino Visconti of Pisa, by whom she had 
a daughter Joan, and afterwards (at Modena 
in June, 1300) to Galeazzo Visconti of Milan. 
It appears that before her marriage to the 
latter she had already been betrothed to 
Alberto Scotto of Piacenza, but Matteo Visconti 
of Milan, being anxious for an alliance with 
the house of Este, managed to secure her as 
the wife of his son Galeazzo. Beatrice, after 
her marriage, came to reside in Milan, but 
within two years (in 1302) the Visconti were 



expelled thence by the Torriani (aided by 
Alberto Scotto, who thus avenged the slight 
passed upon him), and Galeazzo was forced to 
take refuge in Tuscany, where he died in 1328. 
Beatrice, however, lived to return to Milan, 
her son Azzo having regained the lordship, 
and died there in 1334. 

Nino Visconti (in Antepurgatory) refers to 
Beatrice as the mother ot his daughter Joan, 
and reproaches her with her second marriage, 
saying that the Milanese viper will not become 
her tomb so well as the cock of Gallura, 
Purg. viii. 73-81 [Giovanna' : Nino* : Table 
xadii: Ghdeazzo: Milanese]. As a matter 
of fact the arms of both the Visconti families, 
viz. the cock and the viper, were placed upon 
the tomb of Beatrice in the church of San 
Francesco at Milan ; and as, during her life- 
time, she was in the habit of using the combined 
arms of her second husband and of her father, 
viz. the viper and the eagle, it is not improbable 
that her commemoration of both her husbands 
on her tomb was due to a desire to falsify the 
prediction put by D. into the mouth of Nino. 
(See Del Lungo, Dante ne* tempi di Dante, 
pp. 302-12.) 

Sacchetti relates (Nov, xv) that Beatrice's 
marriage with Nino, who was an old man at 
the time, was arranged by her brother Azzo 
with a view to bringing into the family of Este 
the Giudicato of Gallura, which belonged to 
Nino. On Nino's dyin^ without male issue 
Azzo is said to have bitterly reproached his 
sister, whose reply forms the point of Sacchetti's 
story. 

Beccheria, Tesaurq de' Beccheria of Pavia, 
Abbot of Vallombrosa, and Legate in Florence 
of Alexander IV. After the expplsion of the 
Ghibellines from Florence in July, 1258, he 
was seized by the Florentines on a charge of 
intriguing with them, put to the torture, and 
beheaded in the Piazza di sant' ApoIIinare in 
September of the saine year. For this act of 
sacrilege the Florentines were excommunicated 
by the Pope. From Villani it appears that in 
spite of his confession! extracted by torture, 
many people thought him iimocent : 

'Del mese di Settembre prossimo del detto 
anno (1258), il popolo di Firenze fece pigliare 
I'abate di Valembrosa, il quale era gentile uomo 
de' signori di Beccheria di Pavia in Lombardia, 
essendoli apposto, che a petizione de' ghibellini 
usciti di Firenze trattava tradimento, e qucllo per 
martiro gli fecero confessare, e scelleratamcnte 
nella piazza di santo ApoUinare gli feciono a grido 
di popolo tagliare il capo, non guardando a sua 
dignitk, n^ a ordine sacro ; per la qual cosa il 
comune di Firenze e* Fiorentini dal papa furono 
scomunicati. . . . £ di vero si disse, che i religiose 
uomo nulla colpa avea, con tutto che di suo 
legnaggio fosse g^nde ghibellino.' (vi. 65.) 

D., however, did not believe in his innocence, 
for he places him in Antenora among those 



[73], 



Beccio da Caprona 



Bellincion, Berti 



who were traitors to their country, referring to 
him as quel di Beccheria^ Inf. xxxii. 118-20. 

iAntenora.] Though Tesauro was not a 
•"lorentine by birth, he was practically one by 
adoption, as Benvenuto points out : — 

' Poterat dici florentinus, ratione incolatus, quia 
erat ibi beneficiatus.' 

Beccio da Caprona], the murderer (ac- 
cording to Pietro di Dante and the Anonimo 
Fiorentino) of Farinata degli ScomigiaiM of 
Pisa, Purg. vj. 17-18 [Marsuooo]. 

Beda, the Venerable Bede, Anglo-Saxon 
monk, the father of English history, and most 
eminent writer of his age, was bom circ. 673, 
near Wearmouth in N.£. of Durham ; at the 
age of seven he was received into t)ie monastery 
at Wearmouth, where he was educated ; in his 
nineteenth year he was ordained deacon, and 
in his thirtieth he became priest ; after three 
years at Wearmouth he removed to the newly- 
founded monastery at Jarrow, where he spent 
the whole of his life in study a;id writing, an4 
where he died in 735. He was the author of 
a large number of works, chiefly ecclesiastical, 
the most important being his Ecclesiastical 
History of England (Hisioria EccUsiastica 
Nostra^ Jnsulae ac Gentis) in five books, which 
he brought down to 731, within four years of 
his de^th. 

D. places Bede, together with Isidore of 
Seville and Richard of St. Victor, among 
the great doctors (Spiriii Sapientt) in the 
Heaven of the Sim, where his spirit is pointed 
out by St. Thomas Aquinas, Par. x. 131 [Sole, 
Cielo 4ol] ; the Italian Cardinals reproached 
with their neelect of his works, Epist. viii. 7. 
[Ambro^uB.] 

Belacqua, musical instrument-maker of 
Florence, noted for his indolence, say the 
old commentators. D. places him in Ante- 
purgatory among those who neglected their 
repentance until just before ^^ath, Purg. 
iv. 123 ; uHy V, 106 ; colui^ v, 1 10 ; lui, v, 117; 
ei^ V, 127 [Antipurgatorlo]. As D. and 
Virgil P^ss along, V. explains that the ascent 
of the Mt. of Purgatory becomes easier as 
it approaches the top, and that, once on the 
summit, D. would be able to repose his weari- 
ness, Purg. iv. 88-95 ; thereupon a voice says 
to D. that mayhap he will want a rest before 
that (w, 97-9) ; turning round they see figures 
lounging listlessly under the shadow of a rock 
(w, 100-^), and among them one sitting 
clasping his knees, with his face hidden between 
them {w. 106-8) ; D. draws V.'s attention to 
his indolent aspect, whereupon the figure, scarce 
raising his face, addresses D., whp^ recognizes 
that It is Bevilacqua (109-15); in reply to 
fi question from D. as to why he is seated 
there, B. explains that, because he delayed his 
repentance to the last, he is doomed to wait 
Ptttf jd^ Purgatory for as long as he h^d lived 



on earth, unless some righteous person make 
intercession for him (w, 123-35). 

Benvenuto says that besides being a maker 
of musical instruments, 6. was something of 
a musician also, and adds that D., who was 
a lover of music, was intimate with him on that 
account: — 

*Iste fuit de Florentia, qui faciebat citharas et 
ali« instrumenta musica, unde cum magna cura 
sculpebat et inddebat colla et capita dthararum, 
et aJiquando etii^m pulsabat Ideo Dantes fiuni- 
liariter noverat eum, quia delectatus est in sono.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says of him : — 

* Questo Belacqua fu uno dttadino da Firenze, 
artefice. et (acea cotai colli di Huti et di chitarre, 
et era il piii pigro uomo che fosse mai ; et si dice 
di lui ch' egli venia la mattina a bottega, et ponevasi 
a sedere, et mai non si levava se non quando egli 
voleva ire a desinare et a dormire. Or^ TAuttore 
fu forte suo dimestico : molto il riprendea dl 
questa sua nigligenzia ; onde un di, riprendolo, Bel- 
acqua rispose colle parole dAristotile : Stdtndo H 
quiescendo am'ma ejjia'iur sapints ; di che TAuttore 
gli rispose : Per certo, se per sedere si diventa 
savio, niuno fu mai piu savio di te.' 

Belinoi, Hamericus de. [Haxnerions^] 

Bella, Delia], one of the Florentine families 
which received kpighthood from the Marquis 
Hugh of Brandenburg, // gran Barane^ rar. 
xvi. 128; alluded to by Cacciag^ida (in ^e 
Heaven of Mars) as having the same arms as 
the Marouis, but with a border of gold, 
(w. 1 31-2) [Gangslsndi : Ugo di Brandim- 
borgo]. Many think there is a special rdference 
to the famous Giano della Bella, the great law- 
maker and champion of the commons of 
Florence ; thus Benvenuto says, ' iste de quo 
autor loquitur fuit quidam Zannes de la Bella.' 
[Giano della Bella.] 

Villani states that the family had lost their 
nobility in D.*s day : — 

' Nel quartiere di i>orta san Piero . . . abitavano 
quelli della Bella di san Ifartino divenuti popolanL' 
(iv. II.) 

They were Guelfs (v. 39), and after the 
Ghibelline victory at Montaperti in 1260, 
unlike the majority of Guelf families, they 
elected to remain in Florence, instead oi 
retiring to Lucca (vi. 79). 

Bellincion, Berti, Florentineof the andent 
Ravignani family, father of Ma buona Gual- 
drada* (Inf. xvi. 37), through whose marriage 
with Guido Guerra IV, the Conti Guidi traced 
their descent from the Ravignani. He lived 
in the second half of Cent, xii, and in 11 76 
was deputed by the Florentines to take over 
from the Sienese the castle of Poggibonsi, 
which had been ceded by the latter. Villani 
speaks of him as ' il buono messere Bellincione 
Berti de' Ravignani onorevole cittadino di 
Firenze* (iv. i). 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) quotes 



[74] 



Bellisar 



Bello, Oeri Del 



B. as an example of the simplicity of the 
Florentines of his day, describing how he was 
content to be girt with 'leather and bone/ 
Par. XV. 1 1 2-1 3 ; and speaks of him as ^Talto 
Bellindon' in connexion with the Ravignani, 
and their descendants the Conti Guidi, Par. 
3^* 97-9- [Gualdrada : Gxiidi, Conti : 
Baviffnani.] 

3ellisary Belisarius, the famous general of 
the Emperor Justinian, bom on the borderland 
between Thrace and IJlyricum circ. a.d. 505, 
died at Constantinople, March, 565. His great 
achievements were th$ overthrow of the 
Vandal kingdom in Africa* the reconquest of 
Italy ^m the Goths, and the foundation of 
the exarchate of Ravenna upon the ruins of the 
Gothic dominions. In 563, when he was nearly 
sixty, he was accused of being privy to a con- 
spiracy against Justinian, in conseauence of 
which, according to the popular tradition, his 
property was confiscated, his eyes were put 
out, and he was compelled to beg in the streets 
of Constantinople, crying to the passers-by, 
* Date obolum Belisario.' In truth, however, 
his disgrace only lasted eight months, during 
which he was confined to his own palace. The 
Emperor, having satisfied himself that the 
charge was false, restored him to favour, and 
he lived JQ possession of his wealth and honours 
until his 4eAth two years later (in 565), Justinian 
himself d^ing a few months after. 

Belisarius is mentioned by the Emperor 
Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury), who 
says th^t |ie entrusted him with the conduct of 
his wars, while he himself was occupied with 
his great work on the Roman law, Par. vi. 23-7. 
[Qiustinlano.] 

It is probable that D., who does pot hint at 
the ingratitude of Justinian towards his great 
genenu, did not know more of the history of 
the latter than is contained in the medieval 
chronicles. Villani concludes his account as 
follows : 

' Belisario bene awenturosamente e con vittoria 
in tutte parti vinse e soggiog6 i ribelli dello 
'mperio, e tenne m buono state mentre vivette, 
infino agU anni di Cristo 565, che Qiustiniano 
imperadore e Belisario moriro bene ayventurosa* 
mente.' (ii. 6.) 

BellOy Bello degli Alighieri, son of Ali- 
ghiero I, and brother of Bellincione, D.'s 
grandfather ; he is described in dpcumeiits as 
*dominus ' (in Italian 'messere '), which implies 
that he was either a judge or a knight ; he was 
one df the pouncil of the Anziani in 12^5, and 
must have been among those who had to fly 
from Floience after the Ghibelline victory at 
Montaperti in 1260, he and his branch of the 
family having been Guelfs ; he was dead in 
1268, in which year his son Geri was granted 
compensation for a house which had been de- 
stroyed by the Ghibellines after his exile in 1260, 

Bello is mentioned by Virgil (in Circle VIII 



of Hell) in connexion with his son Geri, Inf. 
xxix. 27. [Bello, Gterl del : Table xxii.] 

Bello, Geri del, Geri (i.e. Ruggieri) del 
Bello degli Alighieri, son of the preceding, and 
first cousin of D.*s father, Alighiero II ; his 
name appears as ' Geri quondam Dom. Belli 
Alaghieri ' in a document dated 1269, contain- 
ing a list of the compensations granted to 
Gnelf families in Florence for the losses 
inflicted by the Ghibellines after the battle of 
Montaperti in 1260; he had three brothers, 
viz. Gualfreduccio, who in 1237 was enrolled in 
the Arte di Calimala, Cenni (i.e. Bencivenni), 
who died in 1277, and Cione (i.e. Uguccione), 
who was a knight of the golden spur (* cavalier^ 
a spron d'oro '). [Table zzli.] 

D. places Geri among the 'seminator di 
scandalo e di scisnia ' in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxix. 27 ; un spirto 
del mio sangue^ v, rjo ; ello, v, 23 ; ei, 2/. 24 ; 
lui, V. 25 ; gli, V. 32 ; /«/, v, 34 ; «, v, 34 ; s^, 
V, 36. [Solsmatloi.] Virgil, having noticed 
that D. was gazing earnestly into the ninth 
Bolgia, asks nim the reason, to which D. 
replies that he was looking for a spirit of his 
own race who should have been there, Inf. 
xxix. 3-21 ; V. then ^ells D. that he had seen 
this spirit, whose name was Geri ()el Bello, 
point threateningly at D., and then, as D. was 
mtent upon Bertran de Bom and did not 
notice him, go his w^y in silence i^w* 22-30) ; 
D. explains that Geri had died a violent death, 
and had not yet been avenged by any of his 
kin, and that that was doubtless the reason why 
he was indignant with himself and did not 
stop to speak, wherefore he felt all the more 
pity for him (w, 31-6). 

The old commentators differ as to the 
details of Geri's story ; Lana, But), and the 
Anonimo Fiorentinq say that he killed one of 
the Gerini or Geremei, and was in retaliation 
slain by one pf them ; the Ottimo, Benvenuto, 
and others give the n&i^e of the family as 
Sacchetti. I^ana says of Geri : — 

' Fu sagacissima persona, piacevole e converse- 
vole : dilettossi di commettere male tra le peraone, 
e sapealo fare si fic^onciamente, che pochi se no 
pote^no guardare da lui.' 

According to Bqti, Geri's father had been 
killed by one of the Gerini, ^nd in revenge he 
treacherously murdered one of the lattef . The 
story is that he disguised himself as a leper 
and' went to beg at the house of the Gerini ; 
when the master of the house appeared Geri, 
pretending that the Podestk was coming, 
advised him to put away his arms, and then, 
when he was defenceless, fell upon him and 
killed him. For this deed he was banished to 
f'ucecchio^ where subsequently he was slain 
^y Geremia de* Gerini, whose uncle had been 
appointed to the office of Podest^ in that town. 

Benvenuto, who describes Geri as a turbulent 



[75] 



Belo 



Benedetto 



and quarrelsome person, says that he sowed 
discord among the Sacchetti, one of whom 
retaliated by killing him ; and he states that it 
was not until thirty years afterwards that Geri*s 
death was avenged by the sons of Cione, who 
killed one of the Sacchetti in his own house : — 

' Genus iste vir nobilis fuit frater domini Cioni 
del Bello de Aldigheriis ; qui homo molestus et 
scismaticus fuit interfectus ab uno de Sacchettis 
nobilibus de Florentia, quia seminaverat discordiam 
inter quosdam ; cm'us mors non fuit vindicata per 
spatium triginta annonim. Finaliter filii domini 
Cioni et nepotes praefati Gerii, fecerunt vindictam, 
quia interfecenint unum de Sacchettis in ostio sue. 

There can be little doubt that the Sacchetti 
were the family with whom Geri was at feud, 
for not only does Pietro di Dante in his com- 
mentary (according to the Ashbumham MS.) 
give the name of Geri*s murderer as one of the 
Sacchetti (*occiso olim per quemdam Bro- 
darium de Sacchettis de Florentia'), but he 
also, like Benvenuto, states that the vengeance 
was accomplished by the murder of one of 
this family by the nephews of Geri (* nepotes 
dicti Geni in ejus ultione quemdam de dictis 
Sacchettis occiderunt '). Further, the existence 
of a blood-feud between the Alighieri and the 
Sacchetti is attested by the fact that in 1342 
an act of reconciliation was entered into 
between these (wo families at the mstance of 
the Duke of Athens, the guarantor on the part 
of the Alighieri being Dante's half-brother, 
Francesco, who appeared on behalf of himself 
and his two nephews, the poet's sons, Pietro, 
and Jacopo, and the rest of the family :— 

* Franciscus quondam Allegherii . . . pro se ipso 
et suo nomine . . . , obligando ac etiam pro et vice^ 
et nomine Domini Petri et Jacobi filiorum quondam 
Dantis Allegherii . . . , consortum suorum absentium, 
et pro et vice et nomine omnium et smgulorum 
aliorum eorum et cujusque ipsorum consortum 
filiorum fratnim descendentium et adscendentium 
et consanguineorum in quocunque gradu, tam 
natorum, quam nasciturorum.' 

(See BulL Soc. Dant, Itai. N.S. ii. 65-70.) 

Belo, Belus, King of Tyre, father of Dido 
{A en, i. 625) ; the troubadour Folquet (in the 
Heaven of Venus), referring to Dido as * la 
fi^lia di Belo,' compares his love for Ads^lagia 
with hers for Aeneas, Par. ix. 97-9, [Ada- 
lagia: Dido: Folpo.] 

Beltramo dal Bomio, Bertran de Bom, 
Conv. iv. 11^2^. [Bertram dal Bomio.] 

Belzebill, Beelzebub, ' prince of the devils ' 
(Matt. xii. 24), name by which D. refers to 
Satan (whom he usually calls Lucifei^), Inf. 
xxxiv. 127. [Luoifero.] 

Benaco, the Roman Lacus Benacus, the 
modem Lago di Garda, lake in N. of Italy, at 
the foot of the Tyrolese Alps ; its E. shore is 
in Venetia, the W. in Lombardy. 



Virgil mentions it, in his account of the 
founding of Mantua, in connexion with the 
Mincio, which flows out of the S. extremity 
of the lake, Inf. xx. 63, 74, 77 ; loco, v, 61 ; 
lagOf z/. 66 ; and describes its situation, irv. 
61-3 [Mantua: Minoio: Tiralli]. The 
southernmost point of the lake is indicated by 
the mention of Peschiera (w. 70-3) [Pes- 
ohiera] ; the northernmost, roughly, by the 
mention of a spot where the Bishops of Trent, 
Brescia, and Verona could all ^ive their 
blessing {w, 67-9), i. e. since a Bishop can 
only give his episcopal blessing withm the 
limits of his own diocese, a place where the 
three dioceses of Trent, Brescia, and Verona 
meet. Attempts have been made to identify 
the exact locality indicated. Some think the 
reference is to the little island off the point 
of Manerba on the W. shore, on which (ac- 
cording to Bishop Gonzaga, who had been 
Prior of the Franciscan monastery to which 
the island in his time belonged) there was 
a chapel, dedicated to St. Margaret, and sub- 
ject to the jurisdiction of three Bishops, * Tri- 
dentino scilicet, Brixiensi, atque Veronensi.' 
(See Ferrazzi, Man, Dant,^ iii. 91-2 ; iv. 31-2, 
389 ; V. 344-6.) 

Benedetto ^ St. Benedict, founder of the 
Benedictine order, the first religious order of 
the West, was bom of a noble family at Nursia 
(now Norcia) in the E. of Umbria, in the year 
480. In early youth he was sent to school in 
Rome, but shocked by the wild life of his 
associates he ran away at the age of fourteen, 
and hid himself among the mountains near 
Subiaco on the borders of the Abruzzi. There 
he lived in solitude for three years in a cave, 
acquiring a great reputation for sanctity, which 
led the monks of the neighbouring monastery 
of Vicovaro to choose him as their abbot. 
Impatient, however, of his severe rule, of which 
he had warned them before accepting their 
invitation, they attempted to rid themselves of 
him by poison. Their attempt being discovered 
St. B. left them and returned once more to 
Subiaco, whence in 528 he went to Monte 
Cassino, where in the next year he founded 
his famous monastery on the site of an ancient 
temple of Apollo. He died at Monte Cassino 
fourteen years later, March 21, 543. His 
'Regula Monachorum,' which was designed 
to repress the irregular lives of the wandering 
monks, was first introduced in this monastery, 
and eventually became the rule of all the 
westem monks. One of the features of his 
system was that, in addition to their religious 
exercises, his monks occupied themselves with 
manual labour, and in the instruction of the 
young. [Gasainc] 

D. places St. Benedict among the contem- 
plative spirits (Spiriti Contemplanti) in the 
Heaven of Saturn, la maggiort e la piii lucu- 



[76] 



Benedetto 



Benedetto, San 



lenia {margheritd)^ Par. xxii. 28; lei, 7/. 31 ; 
/«/, T/. 52 ; padre, v. 58 ; egli, v, 61 [Satumo, 
Cielo di] ; his place in the Celestial Rose, by 
the side of St Francis and St. Augustine, is 
pointed out to D. by St. Bernard, Par. xxxii. 
35 [Bosa]; D/s statement that a man may 
lead a religious life without assuming the habit 
of St. Benedict, or St. Augustine, or St. Francis, 
or St. Dominic, Conv. iv. 28*®~''*. 

In the Heaven of Saturn Beatrice directs 
D.'s attention to a number of little spheres of 
light, one of the largest and brightest of which 
(the spirit of St. B.) advances, and in response 
to D.'s secret desire addresses him (Par. xxii. 
I9~3i) \ ^ter relating how he founded the mon- 
astery of Monte Cassino and converted the 
neighbouring villages from paganism to the 
true faith {w, 32-45), he explains to D. who 
his companions are, naming several of them 
{yu» 46-51) ; then, D. having expressed a wish 
to see him in his bodily form, divested of the 
envelope of light {vv, 52-60), St. B. tells him 
that he must wait until he reaches the Em- 
pyrean, where all desires are satisfied i^uv, 
61-72) ; and finally, after a lament over the 
backslidings of his own and other monastic 
orders (w. 73-96), he parts from D. and re- 
joins the company of spirits {yv, 97-9). 

In his account of the founding of the mon- 
astery of Monte Cassino (yv, 37-45), D. has 
closely followed St. Gregory, who in his 
Dialogues (ii. 2) says : — 

'Castrum, quod Casinum dicitur, in exceki 
montis latere situm est (qui videlicet mons distenso 
sinu hoc idem castrum rccipit, sed per tria milia 
in altum se subrigcns velut ad aCra cacumen 
tendit), ubi vetustissimum fanum fuit, in quo ex 
antiquorum more gentilium a stulto rusticorum 
populo Apollo celebrabatur. Circumquaque in 
cultu daemonum luci excreverant, in quibus adhuc 
eodem tempore infidelium insana multitudo sacri- 
ficiis sacrilegis insudabat Illuc itaque vir Dei 
(Benedictus) perveniens contrivit idolum, subvertit 
aram, succendit lucos, atque ipso in templo ApoUinis 
oraculum Mariae Virg^nis, ubi vero ara ejusdem 
ApoUinis fuit, oraculum sancti Joannis construxit, 
et commorantem circumquaque multitudinem prae- 
dicatione continua ad fidem vocabat.' 

Benedetto 2], Benedict XI (Niccol6 Boc- 
casini), son of a notary of Treviso, was bom 
in 1240, and became a Dominican in 1257; 
in 1296 he was elected General of the Order, 
and two years later he was created Cardinal 
Bishop of Ostia by Boniface VIII ; he was 
elected Pope at Rome, Oct. 22, 1303, in suc- 
cession to Boniface, and died at Perugia (of 
poison administered in some figs, it is said), 
after a reign of a little more than eight months, 
July 7, 1304. Great hopes were entertained 
of Benedict at his election, as he was known 
to be a man of wise and upright character, but 
the briefoess of his pontificate pxcvented their 
realization. Villani says of him : — 



'Questi fu di Trevigi di piccola nazione, che 
quasi non si trov6 parente . . . fu frate predicatore, 
uomo savio e di santa vita, e per la sua bont& e 
onesta vita per papa Bonifazio fu fatto cardinale, 
e poi papa. Ma vivette in su *1 papato mesi otto e 
mezzo ; ma in questo piccolo tempo comincid assai 
buone cose, e mostrb gran volere di pacificare 
i cristiani.* (^viii. 66.) — * Fu buono uomo, e onesto 
e giusto, e di santa e religiosa vita, e avea voglia 
di fare ogni bene, e per invidia di certi de* suoi 
frati cardinali, si disse, il feciono morire di veleno/ 
(viii. 80.) 

Dino Compagni : — 

' Nostro Signore Iddio, il quale a tutte le cose 
provede, volendo ristorare il mondo di buono 
pastore, prowide alia necessity de' cristiani. 
Perchd chiamato fu nella sedia di santo Piero 
papa Benedetto, nato di Trevigi, frate predicatore, 
e priore generale, uomo di pochi parenti e di 
piccolo sangue, costante e onesto, discreto e santo. 
II mondo si rallegr6 di nuova luce.' (iii. i.) 

In March 130} Benedict XI sent Niccol6 da 
Prato, whom he had created Cardinal, to pacify 
the factions in Florence. His coming was 
hailed with delight by the Ghibellines and 
Bianchi, as the Cardinal himself was a Ghi- 
belline ; but his impartiality disappointed their 
hopes, and led to the failure of the mission, the 
Cardinal departing in the following June, and 
leaving the city under an interdict. [Bianohi] 

Some commentators take Benedict XI to be 
the *Veltro* of Inf. i. loi-ii, pointing to the 
facts that his birthplace was *tra Feltro e 
Feltro* {v. 105), Treviso being between Feltre 
in the Trevisan March, and Montefellro in 
Romagna ; that as Pope he would be possessed 
of the divine authority attributed to the * Veltro' 
(7/. 1 10) ; and that his character and the ex- 
pectations formed of him answered the de- 
scription of the promised deliverer {yv, 103-4). 
This identification, however, is untenable, 
seeing that Benedict was already dead when 
the Inferno was written. [Veltro.] 

In his letter to the Italian Cardinals, urging 
them to elect an Italian Pope as successor to 
Benedict XI, D. refers to the latter as *de- 
functus Antistes,' Epist. viii. 10. 

Benedetto-^], Pope Benedict V, 964; 
during the absence of the Emperor Otto I 
from Rome, the Romans rose against his 
nominee Leo VIII, drove him from the city, 
and set up as Pope John XII, whom Otto 
had deposed ; on the death of John soon after, 
they elected Benedict V in his place ; as soon, 
however, as Otto returned to Rome he deposed 
Benedict, whom he sent into exile to Germany, 
and restored Leo VIII. D., referring to these 
incidents, says that from this action of Otto 
it might be argued that the Church was 
dependent upon the Empire, Mon. iii. i \\^-^^. 
[Leo: Otto.J 

Benedetto, San ^, mountain in the Etrus- 
can Apennines, on the slopes of which, above 



[77] 



Benedetto, San 



Benevento 



Fori), is situated a monastery of St. Benedict, 
known as San Benedetto in Alpe. D. mentions 
it in connexion with the Acquacheta or Mon- 
tone, the falls of which are close by, Inf. xvi. 
loo [Acquacheta: Montone]. He implies 
(according to one interpretation of w. 101-2) 
that the monastery ougnt to have maintained 
more monks than it did. It appears, however, 
as a matter of fact, that the monastery never 
was a wealthy one, and consequently was not 
deserving of the reproach implied in this in- 
terpretation. The reference is more probably 
to a proposal of the Conti Guidi, in whose 
territory the monastery was, to build a castle 
on the table-land just above the falls; this 
plan, which was never carried into execution, 
IS mentioned both by Boccaccio, who had it 
from the abbot of the monastery, and Ben- 
venuto ; the former says : — 

*■ Ove dovea per ntUU esstr ricetio : lo fui gi& 
luugamente in dubbio di ci6 che Fautore volesse 
in questo verso dire; poi per ventuza trovatomi 
nel detto monisterio di san Benedetto insieme con 
Tabate del luogo, ed egli mi disse, che fu gili 
tenuto ragionamento per quelli conti, i quali son 
signori di quella Alpe, di volere assai presso di 
questo luogo dove quest' acqua cade, siccome in 
luogo molto comodo agli abitanti, fare un castello, 
e riducervi entro molte villate da torno di lor 
vassalli : poi mori colui che questo, piii che alcun 
degli altri, metteva innanzi, e cosl il ragionamento 
non ebbe effetto.' 

The locality of the monastery, which was 
situated on the mountain road leading from 
Florence across the Apennines to Forll, was 
probably familiar to D., who, as he himself 
tells us (Conv. iv. 11), had made the ascent of 
Falterona. 

Benedetto, San^, St. Benedict of Nursia, 
Conv. iv. 28W. [Benedetto \] 

Benedictus^, Pope Benedict V, Mon. iii. 
1119. [Benedetto*.] 

Benedictus^], Pope Benedict XI, referred 
to as defunctus Antistes^ Epist. viii. 10. [Bene- 
detto*.] 

BeneventOy town in Campania, on the 
Calore, about 30 miles N.E. of Naples. On 
the plain of Grandella, near Benevento, was 
fougnt (Feb. 26, 126J) the great battle between 
Charles of Anjou and Matured, King of Sicily, 
which resulted in the total defeat and death of 
the latter. 

D. mentions Benevento in connexion with 
the burial of Manfred's body at the head of 
the bridge over the Calore, dose to the town, 
where it was laid under a great pile of stones 
cast upon it one by one by the soldiers of 
Charles* arm^, 'Sotto la guardia della grave 
mora,* Purg. lii. 128-9 ; subsequently the body 
was removed thence by the Archbishop of 
Cosenza, at the bidding, it is said, of Clement 
IV, and cast unburied upon the banks of the 



Verde, outside the kingdom of Naples, w. 
130-2. [Manfred!.] 

Villani gives the following account of the 
battle, and of the burial of Manfred : — 

' Ordinate le schiere de' due re nel piano dellm 
Grandella per lo modo detto dinanzi, e ciascuno de' 
detti sign^ori ammonita la sua gente di ben fare, e 
dato il nome per lo re Carlo a' suoi, Mongioia 
cavalini; e per lo re Manfredi, Soavia cavaiimi 
il vescovo d'Alzurro, siccome legato del papa, 
assolvette e benedisse tutti quelli dell' oste del re 
Carlo, perdonando colpa e pena, perocch' essi 
combatteano in servigio di santa Chiesa. £ ci6 
fatto, si comincid I'aspra battaglia tra le prime due 
schiere de' Tedeschi, e de' Franceschi, e fu si forte 
Tassalto de' Tedeschi, che malamente menavano 
la schiera de' Franceschi, e assai gli feciono 
rinculare addietro, e presono campo. II buono re 
Carlo veggendo i suoi cosi malmenare, non tenne 
I'ordine della battaglia di difendersi colla seconda 
schiera, awisandosi che se la prima schiera de' 
Franceschi ove avea tutta sua fidanza fosse rotta, 
piccola speranza di salute attendea dall' altre; 
incontanente colla sua schiera si mise al soccorso 
della schiera de* Franceschi, contro a quella de' 
Tedeschi, e come gli usciti di Firenzee loro schiem 
vidono lo re Carlo fedire alia battaglia, si misono 
appresso francamente, e feciono maravigliose cose 
d'arme il giomo, seguendo sempre la persona del 
re Carlo ; e simile fece il buono Gilio il Bruno 
conestabile di Francia con Ruberto di Fiandra con 
sua schiera, e dall' altra parte fedl il conte Giordano 
colla sua schiera, onde la battaglia fu aspra e dura, 
e grande pezza dur6 che non si sapea chi avesse il 
migliore ; perocch^ gli Tedeschi per loro virtude e 
forza colpendo di loro spade, molto danneggiavano 
i Franceschi. Ma subitamente si Iev6 uno grande 
grido tra le schiere de* Franceschi, chi che'l si 
cominciasse, dicendo : agli siocchi, agli stoccki, m 
fedire i cavalU; e cosi fu &tto, per la qual cosa in 
piccola d'ora i Tedeschi furono molto nudmenati 
e molto abbattuti, e quasi in isconfitta volti. Lo 
re Manfredi lo quale con sua schiera de' Pugliesi 
stava al soccorso dell' oste, veggendo gli suoi che 
non poteano durare la battaglia, si confortd Im 
sua gente della sua schiera, che '1 seguissono alUi 
battaglia, da* quali fu male inteso, perocch^ la 
maggiore parte de' baroni pugliesi, e del Regno, 
in tra gli altri il conte Camarlingo, e quello dellm 
Cerra, e quello di Caserta e altri, o per vilik di 
cuore, o veggendo a loro avere il peggiore, e chi 
disse per tradimento, come genti infedeli e vaghi 
di nuovo signore, si fallirono a Manfredi, abbando- 
nandolo e fuggendosi chi verso Abruzzi e chi verso 
la citt^ di Benivento. Manfredi rimaso con pochi, 
fece come valente signore, che innanzi voile in 
battaglia morire re, che fuggire con vergogna : e 
mettendosi I'elmo, una aquila d'argento ch'egU 
avea ivi su per cimiera, gli cadde in su I'ardone 
dinanzi : e egli ci6 veggendo isbigotd molto, e 
disse a' baroni che egli erano da lato in latino : 
hoc est signum Dei^ perocch^ questa cimiera 
appiccai io colle mie mani in tal modo, che non 
dovea potere cadere ; ma per6 non lasci6, ma 
come valente signore prese cuore, e incontanente 
si mise alia battaglia, non con sopransegne remit 
per non essere conosciuto per lo re, ma come un 



1781 



Ben/, Di Fine de' 



Beringhidri, Ramondb 



altro barone, lui fedendo francamcnte nel mezzo 
della battaglia ; ma per6 i suoi poco duraro, che 
gill erano in volta : incontanente furono sconfitti, 
e lo re Manfred! morto in mezzo de' nemici : 
dissesi per uno scudiere francesco, ma non si seppe 
U certo . . . Nclla sua fine, di Manfredi si cerc6 
piii di tre giorni, che non si ritrovava, e non si 
sapea se fosse morto, o preso, o scampato, perchd 
non avea avuto alJa battaglia in dosso armi reali ; 
alia fine per uno ribaldo di sua gente fa riconosciuto 
per piii insegne di sua persona in mezzo il campo 
ove hx la battaglia ; e trovato il suo corpo per lo 
detto ribaldo, il mise traverso in su uno asino 
vegnendo gridando: cki accatta Manfndi^ chiaccatta 
Manfrtdi: quale ribaldo da uno barone del re fu 
battutoy e recato il corpo di Manfredi dinanti al 
re, fece venire tutti i baroni ch* erano presi, e 
domandato ciascuno s' egli era Manfredi, tutti 
timorosamente dissono di s). Quando venne il 
conte Giordano si si diede delle mani nel volto 
piangendo e gridando : ontij omi^ fignor tmo : 
onde molto ne fu commendato da' Franceschi, e 
per alquanti de' baroni del re fu pregato che gli 
fiicesse fare on ore alia sepulture. Rispose il re : 
jt U fairois votoniUrs^ s*il ne fut excommunie; ma 
imperocch' ere scomunicato, non voile il re Carlo 
che fosse recato in luogo sacro ; ma appi^ del 
ponte di Benivento fu soppellito, e sopre la sua 
fossa per ciascuno dell' oste gittata una pietra, 
onde si fece grande mora di sassi. Ma per alcuni 
si disse, che poi per mandato del papa, il vescovo 
di Coseuza il trasse di quella sepultura, e mandollo 
fuori del Regno ch' ere terre di Chiesa, e fu sepolto 
lungo il fiume del Verde a' confini del Regno e di 
Campagna : questo i>er6 non affermiamo. Questa 
battaglia e sconfitta fu uno venerdl, il sezzaio di 
Febbraio, gli anni Cristo 1965.' (vii. 9.) 

Beat, DI Pine de\ [Pinibus, DeJ] 

Benincasa d'Arezzo], Benincasa of Late- 
rina (in the upper Val d'Amo), a judge of 
Arezzo; according to the old commentators, 
while acting as assessor for the Podest^ of 
Siena, he sentenced to death a brother (or 
uncle) of Ghino di Tacco, a famous robber 
and highwayman of Siena ; in revenge Ghino 
stabbed him while he was sitting in the papal 
audit office at Rome, whither he had got him- 
self transferred from Siena, at the expiry of 
his term there, in order to be out of Ghino's 
reach. 

D. places B. in Antepurgatory, among those 
who died a violent death, without absolution, 
but repented at the last moment, referring to 
him as TAretin, che dalle braccia Fiere di 
Ghin di Tacco ebbe la morte,' Purg. vi. 13-14. 
[Antipiirgatorio : Qhin di Taooo.] 

Benvenuto, who describes Benincasa as a 
great lawyer, relates that on one occasion, 
being questioned on a point of law by some 
of his pupils at Bologna, he referred them 
contemptuously to their own Accursius, who he 
said bad befouled the whole Carpus Juris: — 

' Hie poeta nominat unum magnum juriscon- 
sultum de Aretio, qui fuit tempore illo famosus et 
acutus in civili sapientia, audax nimis. Unde 



scmel interrogatus a scholaribus suis Bononiae de 
quodam puncto juris, non erubuit dicere : Ite, ite 
ad Accursium, qui imbractavit totum corpus juris. 
Hie vocatus est dominus Benincasa, et fuit de uno 
castello comitatus Aretii, quod dicitur Laterina.' 

Bergamaschl, inhabitants of Bergamo, 
town in Lombardy about 30 miles N.£. of 
Milan; Peschiera well placed to hold them 
and the Brescians in check. Inf. xx. 70-z 
[FeBohiera] ; their dialect and that of the 
Milanese condemned, V. E. i. ii3<^-». [Ber- 
gamo.] 

Bergamo. [Pergamum.] 

Bergomates, inhabitants of Bergamo, 
V.E. i. ii30. The reading of the MSS. and 
early edd. is Pergameos (from Pergamum^ the 
Latin form of Bergamo), for whidi Fraticelli 
and subsequent edd. substituted Bergomaies\ 
the correct reading has been restored by Rajna. 
[Bergamasohi.] 

Beringhieri, Ramondo, Raymond Be- 
renger IV, last Count of Provence (i 209-1 245); 
mentioned by the Emperor Justinian (in the 
Heaven of Mercury), who says he had four 
daughters, each of them a Queen, an honour 
which he owed to his faithful minister Romeo 
(i.e. Romieu of Villeneuve), Par. vi. 133-5. 
[Bomeo.] 

The Count's four daughters were : — Margaret, 
married in 1234 to Louis IX, King of France 
[Margherita]; Eleanor, married in 1236 to 
Henry III, King of England [Eleonora]; 
Sancha or Sanzia, married in 1244 to Henry's 
brother, Richard, Earl of Cornwall, afterwards 
(in 1257) King of the Romans [Sanzia] ; and 
Beatrice, married in 1246 (the year after her 
father's death) to Charles of Anjou, brother of 
Louis IX, afterwards (in 1266) King of Sicily 
and Naples [Beatrice ']. As Beatrice was 
her father's heiress, and at the time of her 
marriage was Countess of Provence, her union 
with Charles of Anjou brought Provence into 
the possession of the royal house of France ; 
this result is alluded to by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory), Purg. xx. 61 ; and by 
Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) son 
of Charles II of Anjou and Naples, who says 
that if he had lived he would have been Count 
of Provence (in right of his grandmother 
Beatrice), Par. viii. 58-60. [Carlo*: Pro- 
vensa : Table xi.] 

The story of Romeo and Count Raymond, 
which D. adopted, is told by Villani :— 

' II buono conte Raimondo Berlinghieri di 
Proenza fu gentile signore di legnaggio, e fu 
d*una progenia di que' della casa d'Araona, e di 
quella del conte di Tolosa. Per retaggio fu sua la 
Proenza di qua dal Rodano ; signore fu savio e 
cortese, e di nobile stato, e virtuoso, e al suo 
tempo fece onorate cose, e in sua corte usarono 
tutti i gentili uomini di Proenza, e di Francia, 
e Catalogna per la sua cortesia e nobile stato. . . . 



[79] 



Berlinghieri 



Bernardo 



Arriv6 in sua corte uno romeo che tomava da san 
Jacopo, e udendo la bonta del conte Raimondo, 
ristette in sua corte, e fu si savio e valoroso, e 
venne tanto in grazia al conte, che di tutto il fece 
maestro e guidatore ; il quale sempre in abito 
onesto e religioso si mantenne, e in poco tempo 
per sua industria e senno raddoppi6 la rendita di 
suo signore in tre doppi, mantenendo sempre 
grande e onorata corte. E avendo guerra col 
conte di Tolosa per confini di loro terre (e il conte 
di Tolosa era il maggiore conte del mondo, e sotto 
se avea quattordici conti), per la cortesia del conte 
Raimondo, e per lo senno del buono romeo, e per 
lo tesoro ch'egli avea raunato, ebbe tanti baroni e 
cavalieri, ch' egli venne al disopra della guerra, 
e con onore. Quattro figliuole avea il conte e 
nullo figliuolo maschio. Per lo senno e procaccio 
del buono romeo, prima gli marit6 la maggiore al 
buono re Luis di Francia per moneta, dicendo al 
conte : " Lasciami fare, e non ti gravi il costo, che 
se tu mariti bene la prima, tutte I'altre per lo 
suo parentado le mariterai meglio, e con meno 
costo." E cosi venne fatto, che incontanente il re 
d'Inghilterra per essere cognato del re di Francia, 
tolse Taltra per poca moneta : appresso il fratello 
camale essendo eletto re de* Romani, simile tolse 
la terza ; la quarta rimanendo a maritare, disse il 
buono romeo : ^^ Di questa voglio che abbi uno 
valente uomo per figliuolo, che rimanga tua reda'*; 
e cosi fece. Trovando Carlo conte d*Angi6, fra- 
tello del re Luis di Francia, disse: "A costui la 
da', ch* ^ per essere il migliore uomo del mondo," 
profetando da lui ; e cosi fu fatto. Awenne poi 
per invidia, la quale guasta ogni bene, ch' e* baroni 
di Proenza appuosono al buono romeo, ch' egli 
avea male guidato il tesoro del conte, e feciongli 
domandare conto : il valente romeo disse : " Conte, 
io t' ho servito gran tempo, e messo di picciolo 
stato in grande, e di ci6 per lo falso consiglio di 
tue genti se' poco grato ; io venni in tuo corte 
povero romeo, e onestamente del tuo sono vivuto, 
fammi dare il mio muletto, e il bordone c scarsella 
com* io ci venni, e quetoti ogni servigio." II 
conte non volea si partisse ; per nulla voile ri- 
manere, e com'era venuto, cosi se n*and6, che mai 
non si seppe onde si fosse, nd dove s'andasse; 
awisossi per molti, che fosse santa anima la sua.' 

{yi 90.) 
Berlinghieri. [BeringhierL] 

Bemardin di Fosco, Bernardo, son of 
Fosco, of Faenza, said by the old commentators 
to have been of humble origin, but to have 
so distinguished himself as to be received on 
terms of equality by the nobles of his native 
city. 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Piu^atory), 
who speaks of him as ' verga gentil di picciola 
gramigna,' mentions him among the worthies 
of Romagna, as an instance of a person who 
from base beginnings raised himself to a high 
position in virtue of his noble qualities, Purg. 
xiv. 1 01 -2. 

The Ottimo Comento, whom Benvenuto fol- 
lows, says of him : — 

< Questo messer Bernardino, figliuolo di Fosco, 
lavoratore di terra e di vile mestiero, con sue 



virtuose opere venne tanto eccellente, che Faenza 
di lui ricevette &vore ; e fu nominato in pregio, 
e non si vergognavano li grandi antichi uomini 
venirlo a visitare per vedere le sue orrevolezze, ed 
udire da lui leggiadri mottL' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino records a striking 
example of his liberality : — 

' Fu questi nato di piccola gente, e fu cittadino 
di Faenza, grandissimo ricco uomo, et tenea molti 
cavalli et molti famigli, et avea imposto a* famigli 
suoi che chiunque chiedesse veruno de' cavalli 
suoi, che a tutti gli desse. Awenne che un di, 
volendo costui cavalcare a' suoi luoghi, comand6 a* 
famigli che facessono porre la sella a* cavalli : fugU 
detto che tutti erono prestati : mand6 richeggendo 
de' cavalli de' cittadini, et perch^ erono in diverse 
faccende aoperati, veruno ne pot^ avere. Chiama 
uno suo famiglio, et fassi recare uno libro per 
giurare : il famiglio, che il conoscea cortese, perch^ 
egli non giurasse cosa ch* egli s*avessi a pentere, 
credendo che del caso fosse irato, non gliele volea 
recare : neir ultimo, avendogli recato il libro^ 
giur6 che mai niuno cavallo gli sarebbe chiesto, 
quantunque egli n* avesse bisogno, ch' egli non 
prestasse, per6 ch* egU avea provato quanto altri 
avea caro d*essergli prestati, quando altri n'avea 
bisogno.' 

Beyond the indications afforded by D. him- 
self and the old commentators nothing is known 
of Bernardo di Fosco, save that he was Podestk 
of Siena in 1249 (and probably of Pisa in 
1248) ; and that he played a prominent part 
in the defence of Faenza against the Emperor 
Frederick II in 1240, during the podestkship 
of Michele Morosini of Venice, a defence which 
lasted nearly a year, and was famous enough 
to be commemorated in a sirventese by Ugo 
di san Circ, who makes special mention of 
* Miguel Moresi ' and * Bemart de Fosc.' (See 
Casini, Dante e la Ramagna,) 

Bernardo^, Bernard of Quintaville, a 
wealthy merchant of Assisi, where he was 
a person of much importance, who was the 
first follower of St. Francis of Assisi. At first, 
though attracted by St. Francis, he distrusted 
him; but having convinced himself of his 
sincerity, he submitted himself to his direction, 
sold all his possessions for the benefit of the 
poor, and embraced the rule of poverty. After 
the death of his master he became the head of 
the Order. 

St Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) mentions B. as having been the first to 
follow St. F., and refers to his great eager- 
ness to become his disciple, Par. xi. 79-81. 
[Franoesco^.] In this account D. follows 
the Vita Francisci of Tommaso da Celano, 
who says : — 

' Frater Bemardus legatam pacem amplectens, 
ad mercandum reg^um coelorum post Sanctum 
Dei (sc. Franciscum) cucurrit alacriter. . . , Solvit 
protinus calceamenta de pedibus, baculum deponit,' 



[80] 



Bernardo 



Bernardo 



Bernardo ^9 St Bernard, the great Abbot 
of Clairvaux, and preacher of the disastrous 
second Crusade, was born of noble parents in 
the village of Fontaines, near Dijon, in Bur- 
gundy, in 1 09 1. After studying in Paris, in 
1 1 13, at the age of twenty- two, he joined the 
newly-founded Benedictine monastery of Ci- 
teaux, not far from his own home, at the head 
of which was Stephen Harding, an English- 
man. Two years later, in 11 15, St. B. was 
selected by Harding to be the head of one 
of the branches, which the increasing fame of 
Citeaux made it necessary to establish, and he 
set oat with a small band of devoted followers, 
journeying N. until he came to a spot in the 
diocese of Langres in Champagne, known as 
the 'valley of wormwood,' where he made 
a clearing and founded his £amous abbey of 
Clairvaux. His influence soon spread beyond 
the limits of his monastery, and from this time 
until his death he is one of the most prominent 
figures in the history of his time. After the 
death of Honorius II in 11 30 his champion- 
ship secured the triumph of Innocent II over 
hb rival Anacletus ; and in 1 140 at the Council 
of Sens he secured the condemnation of the 
heretic Peter Abelard. The news of the cap- 
ture of Edessa by the infidels in 11 44 led 
St. B., with the approval of the Pope, to preach 
a new Crusade, which resulted in the dis- 
astrous expedition of Louis VII and Conrad III 
(11 47- 1 149). The failure of the Crusade was 
a crushing blow to St. B., from which he never 
recovered, and though he continued to take an 
active part in public affairs, he gradually sank, 
and died, at the age of sixty-two, Aug. 20, 
1 1 53. He was canonized a few years after his 
death by Pope Alexander III. His numerous 
writings consist of epistles, sermons, and theo- 
logical treatises, which are conspicuous for his 
devotion to the Virgin Mary, whence on his 
canonization he was described as 'alumnus 
familiarissimus Dominae Nostrae.' His most 
important work is the De Consideratione 
(quoted by D., Epist. x. 28), written in the last 
years of his life, and addressed to his disciple, 
Pope Eugenius III, which is largely a protest 
against the excessive centralization of the au- 
thority of the Church at Rome. (See Morison, 
Life and Times of St. B.) [Consideratione, 
De.] 

In the D. C, St Bernard acts as D.'s guide, 
when Beatrice leaves him, and remains with 
him until the end of the vision ; he is regarded 
as the symbol of contemplation (Par. xxxi. 
iio-ii; xxxii. i), whereby man attains the 
vision cf the Deity. Pietro di Dante says : — 

' Flgura est, quod per theologiam Deum videre 
et cognoscere non possumus, sed per g^tiam et 
con templationem. Ideo mediante sancto Bernardo, 
idest contemplatione, impetratur a Virgine gratia 
videndi talia, quae per scripturas percipi non 
possunt.' 



St. B. is mentioned by name. Par. xxxi. 102, 
139 ; xxxiii. 49 ; Epist. x. 28 ; he is referred to 
as un Sene Vestito con le genii gloriose^ Par. 
xxxi. 59-60 ; egli^ v, 65 ; ilsanto Sene^ v, 94 ; 
colui^ che in questo mondo^ Contemplando^ gustb 
di quella face, w. i lo-i i ; egli^ v, 113; quel 
coniemplantey Par. xxxii. i ; santo Padre y 2/. 100; 
colui^ c^ abbelliva di Maria^ v, 107; egli, 
V, 109; r oratory Par. xxxiii. 41. D. several 
times alludes to St. B.'s well-known devotion 
to the Virgin, which is apparent in all his 
works, and especially in his Homilies on the 
Annunciation, and on the Praises of the Virgin 
(Par. xxxi. 100-2, 139-42; xxxii. 40-2). The 
description of St. B. as having * a benign joy 
diffused in his eyes and cheeks' (Par. xxxi. 
61-2) is, as Butler points out, evidently an 
allusion to a personal characteristic, which is 
mentioned by Alan, Bishop of Auxerre : — 

'Apparebat in came ejus gratia quaedam, 
spiritualis tamen potius quam carnalis ; in vultu 
claritas praefulgebat, non terrena utique, sed 
caelestis; in ocuUs angelica quaedam puritas et 
columbina simplicitas radiabat Ipsa etiam sub- 
tilissima cutis in genis modice rubens. . . .' 

Beatrice, having conducted D. to the Em- 
pyrean, points out to him the Celestial Rose, 
m which are the seats of the Elect (Par. xxx. 
128-48), and, while he is lost in wonder at 
the sight, leaves him in order to return to 
her own place among them (xxxi. 1-54); not 
knowing that she has departed, D. turns to 
question her, and finds in her stead an elder 
(St. Bernard), who, in answer to his inquiry 
as to where B. is, states that he has been sent 
by her to take her place at D.*s side (t/z/. 55-66) ; 
he then points out to D. where she is seated 
(yv, 67-9) ; after D. has prayed to B. to 
continue her care for his welfare, St. B. bids 
him look steadfastly upon the Celestial Rose, 
and so prepare himself for the divine vision, 
which he says will be vouchsafed them at the 
instance of the Virgin Mary, whose faithful 
servant he declares himself to be {w, 70-102) ; 
D. then, by St. B.'s direction, looks to where 
the Virgin is seated amid countless angels, and 
St. B., seeing Ti'^ eyes fixed upon her, turns 
his own gaze towards her with deep devotion 
{^, 103-42); having explained to D. the 
arrangement of the seats of the Elect in the 
Rose, and having solved his doubt as to the 
salvation of. infants (xxxii. 1-138), St. B. offers 
up a prayer to the Virgin that she may help 
D. to attain the vision of the highest bliss, 
and may henceforth have him in her keeping, 
so that he slide not back into his evil affections 
(xxxii. 139-xxxiii. 39) ; at the end of his praver 
he signs to D. to look upward, and thereafter 
the vision closes {w, 40-145). [Maria': 
Bosa.] 

St. Bernard's prayer to the Virgin is adapted 
by Chaucer in tne * Invocacio ad Mariam ' in 
the Seconde Nonnes Tale {w. 29-56) : — 



[81] 



Bemardone, Pietro 



Bertram dal Bomio 



* And thoa that flour of vir^nes art alle, 
Of whom that Bernard list so wcl to wiyte, 
To thee at my biginning first I calle . . . 

Thoa mayde and mooder, dofhter of thy sone, 
Thoa welle of mercy, sinfal somes care, 
In whom that God, for boantee chees to wone, 
Thoa humble, and heigh over every creatare, 
Thou nobledest so feriorth oar nature. 
That no desdeyn the maker hadde of kinde, 
His sone in Mode and flesh to clothe aod winde. 

Withinne the doistre blisful of thy sydes 
Took mannes shap the eternal love and I>ee9| 
That of the tryne compas lord and gyde is, 
Whom erthe and see and heven, out of releea, 
Ay herien; and thoa. virg^in wemmelees, 
Bar of thy body, ana dweltest mayden pure, 
The creatour ot every creatare. 

Assembled is in thee ma^ificence 
With mercy, goodnesse, and with swich pitee 
That thou, that art the sonne of excellence, 
Nat only helpeth hem that preyen thee, 
But ofte tyme. of thy benig^itee. 
Pal frely, er that men thyn help biseche, 
Thoa gooA bifom, and art hir lyves leche.* 

Bemardone, Pietro, wealthy wool-mer- 
chant of Assisi, father of St. Francis ; he 
strongly opposed his son's wish to devote 
himself to a life of asceticism, and even pro- 
secuted him before the Bishop of Assisi for 
squandering his money in chanty. St. Francis 
thereupon, m the presence of the Bishop and 
of his father, renounced all worldly possessions, 
stripping off even his clothes, so that the 
Bishop had to cover him with his mantle. 
[Franoesoo \] 

St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun), in his account of the life of St. F., 
alludes to Bemardone's opposition to his son, 
and to the incident of St F.'s renunciation 
before the Bishop, Par. xi. 58-62 ; and refers 
to the fact that St. F. in his humility, to 
remind himself of his ongin, used to call him- 
self * fi' di Pietro Bemardone,* zaz?. 88-90. 

St. Bonaventura, in his Vita Francisci 
(written in 1 261), relates that when St. F. heard 
himself lauded as a holy man, he would bid one 
of his friars to vilify him, and on being thus 
reproached with his low birth and his father's 
occupation, would reply that it was fitting for 
the son of Pietro Bemardone to hear such 
things : — 

< Cum populi merita sanctitatis in eo extoUerent, 
praecipiebat alicui fratri ut in contrarium verba 
ipsum vilificantia proferret, cumque frater ille licet 
invitus eum rusticum et mercenarium, et inutilem 
diceret, resi>ondebat : Benedicat tibi Dominus, fili 
carissime, quia tu verissima loqueris, et talia filium 
Petri Bernardonis decet audire.' 

Bemardus, St. Bernard of Clairvaux, 
Epist. X. 28. [Bernardo '.] 

Bemeil, Guiraut de. [Gtorardua de Bor- 
nello.] 

Berta, Bertha, imaginary personage; 
coupled with Peirus, V. E. ii. 6^ ; any gossip 
or simpleton, donna (var. monna) Berta e ser 
Martinoj * gammer Bertha and gaffer Martin,' 
Par. xiii. 139. Fraticelli quotes from Passa- 



vanti's Specchio delta vera Petiitenza (written 
1354) :— 

* Scr Martino dall' aja e donna Berta dal mulino 
piu arditamente si mettono ad interpretare i sogni, 
che non farebbe Socrate e Aristotile.' {Trattaio d^ 
Sogni.) 

Berti, Bellincion. [Bellinoion Berti.] 

Bertinoro, [Brettinoro.] 

Bertram dal Bomio, Bertran de Bom, 
lord of Hautefort near Pdrigueux, one of the 
earliest and most famous of the troubadours ; 
he was bom of a noble Limousin family about 
1 1 40, and died at the age of about 75 (prob- 
ably in 1 21 5), as a monk in the Cistercian 
monastery of Dalon, near Hautefort, which he 
had entered some twenty years before, and to 
which he and his family had made numerous 
donations ; his name occurs several times in 
the cartularies of the monastery between 1197 
and 1202, and the date of his death is fixed 
with tolerable certainty by a laconic entry (in 
the year 121 5) in the diary of a monk of Saint- 
Martial in Limoges : — 

* Octava candela in sepulcro ponitur pro Bertrando 
de Bom ; cera tres solidos empta est.' 

D. places Bertran among the sowers of 
discord in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of Hell 
(Malebolge), Inf. xxviii. 134; un busio senza 
capo, V, 119; quel, y, 123 ; colui chegid tenne 
Altafortey Inf. xxix. 29 [Scismatioij ; among 
the company of sinners m this Bolgia D. sees 
a headless body going along with the rest, 
with the head held in its hand, s\vinging by 
the hair, like a lantern (Inf. xxviii. 112-26) ; 
on nearing D. it suddenly lifts up its arm with 
the head, which begins to speak, informing 
D. that it belonged to Bertran de Bom, who 
gave the evil counsel to the Young King {yu. 
127-35) ; and that, as he, like Ahithophel, set 
father and son at variance, so in retaliation 
his head is parted from his tmnk (z/z/. 136-42). 
[Altaforte : Arrigo ^.] 

D. mentions Bertran as an example of 
munificence, Conv. iv. 1 1^28 . ^nd as the poet 
of arms par excellence^ quoting the first line 
(' No puosc mudar, un chantar non esparga ') 
of one of his sirventes (written on the occasion 
of the outbreak of hostilities between Philip 
Augustus and Richard Coeur-de-Lion in Ii88). 
V. E. ii. 279-86. 

More than forty of Bertran's poems have 
been preserved, the majority of them being 
of a warlike tone; the most famous is his 
lament (beginning ' Si tuit Ii dol elh plor elh 
marrimen *) for the death of the Young King, 
i. e. Prince Henry, son of Henry II of England. 
Of the part played by Bertran in the rebellion 
of the Young King against his father, for which 
D. places him in Hell, little or nothing is 
known historically; and not much is to be 
gathered from Bertran's own poems. The 
sources of D.'s information upon the subject 



[82] 



Bertram dal Bornio 



Bianchi 



were the old Provencal biographies of the 
troubadour and the razos or arguments to his 
poems. In one of these it is related that the 
King of England hated Bertran as the evil 
coiinsellor of his son, and the cause of the 
strife between them : — 

' £'] reis Henries volia mal a'n Bertran, per so 
qu'el era amies e eonselhaire del rei jove, so filh, 
lo quals avia aguda guerra ab el, e erezia qu'en 
Bertrans n'agues tota la eolpa.' 

From these old biographies and notices, 
which, though in many respects historically 
inaccurate, nevertheless represent the trou- 
badour as he appeared to D., we get the 
following account : — 

Bertran de Bom was viseount of Hautefort, 
a castle with nearly a thousand retainers, in the 
Bishoprie of P^rigueux in the Limousin. He had 
a broUier Constantine, whom he would have dis- 
possessed of his inheritance, had it not been for 
the King of England. He was continually at war 
with his neighbours, the Count of P^rigueux, and 
the Viscount of Limoges, as well as vrith his own 
brother, and Richard Coeur- de-Lion, so long as 
he was Count of Poitou. He was a good knight, 
and a good warrior, and a good wooer, and a good 
troubadour, and wise and well-spoken. And when- 
ever he had a mind he was master of the King of 
England and of his son ; but he always desired 
that father and son should be at war, and one 
brother with another : — 

* Bob cbevaliera fo e boa gnerriers e bos domneiaire e bos 
trobaire e savis e be parlans e saap tractar mala e bes, et 
era aenber tolas vets quan si volia del rei Henric d*Engla- 
terrm e del filh de luL Mas toU temps volia qu'ilb agnessen 
lo patre ei filhs.* 



And he likewise always desired the King of 
England and the King of France to be at war 
together. And if ever they made peace, straight- 
way he tried by his songs to undo the peace and 
to show how each was dishonoured by it ; whereby 
he gained for himself much good and much evil. 

And he wrote many poems, and the King of 
Aragon used to say that the songs of Guiraut de 
Bomeil were as the wives of his sirventes. And 
the jongleur who sang for him was called Papiol. 
And Bertran was gracious and courteous, and 
used to call Geoffrey, the Count of Brittany, 
RasMB ; and the King of England, Oc e No (L e. 
' Yes and No *) ; and the Young King he called 
Matinkr. And he loved to set the barons at war, 
and he set King Henry at war with his son until 
the Young King was slain in Bertran's castle. 
And Bertran used to boast that he had more wits 
than he had need of; and when King Henry took 
him prisoner he asked him whether he had not 
need of all his wits then ; and Bertran answered 
that he lost all his wits when the Young King 
died. Then King Henry wept and forgave him and 
gave him lands and honours : — 

* B*n Bertrans de Bom st*s vanava qn*el cnjava tan valer 
qae ^ no cnjava qoe tots soe sens Tagnes mestier. B paoia 
Jo reis k> prea, e qoan Tac pres ... en Bertrans ab tota sa 



eqoan 

gen fo menatx al pavilho Bel rei Henric, e*l reis lo recenp 
nwat mal, e*l reb Henries siMh dia : Bertrans, Bertrans, vos 
avctx dich qae anc la mdtatz del vostie sen no*us ac mestier 
mda temps, mas sapchatz qa*ara vos a el be mestier tots. — 
r, dis en Bertrans, el es be vers qn*iea o dissi, e diss! 



bevartatw^B*! reit dia: lea ere be qa'ei voa tia arai falhitz. 



— Senher, dis en Bertrans, be m*es falhitz.— E com ? dis lo 
reis.— Senher, dis en Bertrans, lo jom qae*l valens jovea 
reis, vostre filhs, morit, iea perdei lo sen e*l saber e la con* 
noissensa. — E*l reis, qoan anxit so qn^en Bertrans li dis en 
ploran del filh, venc li grans dolors al cor de pietat et als 
nolhs, si que no*s puoc tener au'el no pasmes de dolor. 
E qaan el revenc de pasmazo, el crida e dis en ploran : £n 
Bertrans, en Bertrans, vos aveU be drech, et es oe raxos, si 
vos avetz perdnt lo sen per mo filh, qa*el vos volia mielhs 
que ad home del mon. Et ien, per amor de Ini, vos quit la 
persona e Taver eM vostre chastel, e vos ren la mia amor 
e la mia gracia, e vos do cine cens marcs d*arg[en per loa 
dans que vos avetz receabutz.— E*n Bertrans si*lh chazet 
als pes referen li gracias e merces.* 

And Bertran lived long in the world, and then 
joined the order of the Cistercians. 

(See A. Thomas, Poesies de Bertran de 
Bortti 1888; and A. Stimming, Bertran von 
Bomy 1892.) 

Bertramus de Bornio, Bertran de Bom, 
V. E. ii. 279-80 ; Bertramus^V.Y.. ii. 2^. [Ber- 
tram dal Bornio.] 

Bestemmiatori], Blasphemers ; placed 
among the Violent in Round 3 of Circle VII of 
Hell, Inf. xiv. 43-72; gente^ w. 22, 26-7 
[Violenti]; their punishment is to lie prone 
on the ground in a desert of burning sand, 
while flakes of fire fall upon them from 
above, Inf. xiv. 13-30. Example', Capaneus 
[Capaneo]. 

Betlemme], Bethlehem ; alluded to as the 
birthplace of Christ, Purg. xx. 23. [Maria\] 

Bianca, Blanche, pseudonym of a lady 
(called also Giovanna and Cortese) mentioned 
in one of D.'s poems, Canz. x. 153. 

Bianchi], the * Whites,' one of the divisions 
of the Guelf party in Florence, who eventually 
identified themselves wiih the Ghibellines, 
while their opponents, the Neri or 'Blacks,* 
remained staunch Guelfs (see below). [Table 
xzxi.] 

Ciacco (in Circle III of Hell) refers to the 
Bianchi as la parte selvaggia (in allusion, as 
is supposed, to the fact that their leaders, the 
Cercni, * uomini salvatichi ed ingrati,* as Villani 
calls them, came from the forest- lands of Val 
di Sieve in the Mugello), and after adverting 
to the bloody strife between the two parties, 
foretells their expulsion of the Neri (in 1301), 
their own downfall (in 1302), and the triumph 
of their rivals with the help of an ally (Boni- 
face VIII), adding that the latter will keep the 
upper hand for a long period, during which 
they will grievously oppress the Bianchi, Inf. 
vi. 64-72 [Cerchi : Ciaooo] ; Vanni Fucci (in 
Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell) foretells the 
expulsion of the Neri from Pistoja (in 1301), 
and the expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence 
( 1 301-2), and the defeat of the latter at Campo 
Piceno, and the siege and capture of Serra- 
valle (in 1302) by the Neri of Florence and 
the Lucchese under Moroello Malaspina, Inf. 
xxiv. 143-50 [Fuooi, Vanni] ; Cacciaguida (in 
the Heaven of Mars) refers to the exiled 
Bianchi (from whom D. held aloof after 1303) 



[88] 



G 2 



Bianchi 



Bianchi 



as la compagma maivagta e scempia^ Par. 
xvii. 62. [Dante.] 

The parties of the Bianchi and Neri had 
their origin in the year 1300 in Pistoja, in 
a feud between two branches of the Cancellieri, 
a Guelf family of that city, who were descended 
from the same sire, one Ser Cancelliere, but 
by different mothers. These two branches 
adopted distinctive names, the one being 
known as the Cancellieri Bianchi, as being 
descended from Cancelliere's wife Bianca, 
the other as the Cancellieri Neri, according to 
Machiavelli : — 

' Perch^ i Cancellieri erano discesi da messer 
Cancelliere, che aveva avute due mogli, delle 
quali Tuna si chiam6 Bianca, si nomin6 ancora 
I'una delle parti, per quelli che da lei erano 
discesi, Bianca, e T-altra, per torre nome contrario 
a quella, fu nominata Nera.' (/«/. Fior, ii.) 

A strong feeling of rivalry existed between 
these two branches, which at last, on the 
occasion of a trifling quarrel, broke out into 
actual hostilities. Benvenuto relates that one 
day the father of Focaccia, who belonged to 
the Cancellieri Bianchi, chastised one of his 
nephews, for assaulting another boy with 
a snow-ball. The nephew in revenge a few 
days after struck his uncle, for whicn he was 
sent by his father to receive such punishment 
as the uncle should think fit to administer. 
The latter, however, laughed the matter off, 
and sent the boy away with a kiss. But 
Focaccia, catching his cousm as he came out 
of the house, dragged him into the stable and 
cut off his hand on the manger, and then, not 
content with this, sought out the boy's father, 
his own uncle, and murdered him : — 

'Accidit a casu, quod pater Focacciae tempore 
hiemis, cum luderetur ad nivem, verberavit unum 
puerum nei>otem suum, quia ille dicebatur per- 
cussisse inepte alium puerum cum nive ; ex quo 
puer post aliquos dies simulans se velle loqui isti 
patruo suo, dedit illi alapam in vindictam. Pater 
pueri dolens de temerario excessu filii, misit ipsum 
ad fratrem ut faceret correptionem de eo ad placitum 
suum. £t ille tamquam prudens risit, et remittebat 
filium patri non tactimi nisi sok) osculo. Sed 
Focaccia sceleratus expectans puerum in limine 
domus, traxit ipsum in stabulum patris, et ampu- 
tavit illi manum impie cum ense super praesepe 
equi ; et non contentus ista crudelitate indignissima, 
continue accessit ad domum patris pueri, qui erat 
patruus suus, et ilium crudelissimc obtruncavit.' 

This atrocious crime naturally led to re- 
prisals, and in a short time the whole city 
was in a ferment. One half the citizens 
sided with the Neri, the other half with the 
Bianchi, so that Pistoja was reduced to a state 
of civil war. To put an end to this state of 
things the Florentines intervened. In the 
hopes of extinguishing the feud they secured 
the leaders of both factions, and imprisoned 
them in Florence. Unhappily this measure 
only led to the introduction of the feud among 



themselves. In Florence also there happened 
to be two rival families, the Donati, who were 
ancient but poor, and the Cerchi, who were 
rich upstarts. The former, headed by Corso 
Donati, took the part of the Cancellieri Neri, 
while the Cerchi, headed by Viero de* Cerchi, 
took the part of the Cancellieri Bianchi. So 
it came about that, through the private en- 
mities of two Pistojan and of two Florentine 
houses, Florence, which was ostensibly Guelf 
at the time, became divided into Black Guelfs 
and White Guelfs. These two divisions, which 
had originally been wholly unpolitical, by 
degrees became respectively pure Guelfs and 
disaffected Guelfs, the latter, the White 
Guelfs, finally throwing in their lot with the 
Ghibellines. [Canoellieri: Cerohi: Donati: 
Fooaooicu] 

The commencement of actual hostilities in 
Florence between the Bianchi and Neri was 
due to a brawl one evening in the spring of 
the same year (May i, 1300) between some 
of the Cerchi and Donati on the occasion of 
a dance in the Piazza di santa Trinitk. Two 
parties of young men on horseback belonging 
to either side; while looking on, began husUing 
each other. This soon led to serious fighting, 
during which one of the Cerchi had his nose 
cut off. The peace having once been broken, 
the conflict was carried on without intermission, 
until at last in 1302 the Neri, with the aid 
of Charles of Valois, finally expelled the 
Bianchi from Florence, D. being included in 
the decree of banishment. The incident is 
described by Villani : — 

' Awenne, che andando a cavallo dell* una setta 
e deir altra per la cittk armati e in riguardo, che 
con parte de' giovani de' Cerchi era Baldinaccio 
degli Adimari, e Baschiera de' Tosinghi, e Naldo 
de* Gherardini, e Giovanni Giacotti Malispini co' 
lore seguaci piu di trenta a cavallo; e con gli 
giovani de' Donati, erano de' Pazzi, e Spini, e 
altri loro masnadieri; la sera di calen di Maggio 
anno 1300, veggendo uno ballo di donne che si 
facea nella piazza di santa Trinita, Tuna parte 
contra Taltra si cominciarono a sdegnare, e a 
pignere I'uno contro all'altro i cavalli. onde si 
cominci6 una g^nde zuffa e mislea, ov ebbe pid 
fedite, e a Ricoverino di messer Ricovero de' 
Cerchi per disawcntura fu tagliato il naso dal 
volto ; e per la detta zuffa la sera tutta la c\i\k fu 
per gelosia sotto I'arme. Questo fu il comincia- 
mento dello scandalo e partimento della nostra 
citta di Firenze e di parte guelfa, onde molti mall 
e pericoli ne seguiro appresso.* (viii. 39.) 

The following list of the various families 
which joined the Bianchi and the Neri re- 
spectively, many of whose names are fami- 
liar as occurring in the D. C, is given by 
Villani : — 

M Cerchi furono in Firenze capo della parte 
bianca, e con loro tennero della casa degli Adimari 
quasi tutti, se non se il lato de' Cavicciuli ; tutta la 
casa degli Abati, la quale era allora molto possente, 



[84] 



Bianco 



Bibbia, La 



e parte di loro erano guelfi e parte ghibellini ; 
grande parte de' Tosinghi, spezialmente il lato del 
Baschiera ; parte di casa i Bardi, e parte de' Rossi, 
e cos) de* Frescobaldi, e parte de' Nerli e de' 
Manneili, e tutti i Mozzi, che allora erano molto 
I>ossenti di ricchezza e di stato ; tutti quegli della 
casa degli Scali, e la maggiore parte de* Gl^erar- 
dini, tutti i Malispini, e gran parte de' Bostichi e 
Giandonati, de' Pigli, e de' VecQhietti e Arrigucci, 
e quasi tutti i Cavalcanti, ch' erano una grande e 
possente casa, e tutti i Falcon ieri, ch' erano una 
possente casa di i>opoIo. £ con loro s'accostarqno 
molte case e schiatte di popolani e artefici minuti, 
e tutti i grandi e popolani ghibellini ; e por lo 
seguito grande ch'aveano i CcrchI, il reggimento 
della citti era quasi tutto in loro podere. 

Delia parte nera fiu-ono tutti quegli della casa 
de' Pazzi quasi principali co' Donati, e tutti i 
Visdomini, e tutti i Manieri e' Bagnesi, e tutti 
i Tomaquinci, e gli Spini, e' Bondelmonti, e' 
Gianfigliazzi, Agli, e Brunelleschi, e Cavicciuli, 
e Taltra parte de' Tosinghi, e tutto il rimanente ; 
e parte di tutte le case guelfe nominate di sopra, 
che quegli che non furono co* bianchi, per contrario 
lurono co' nen. £ cosl delle dette due parti tutta 
la citta di Firenze e '1 contado ne fu partita e 
contaminata.' (viii. 39.) 

Bianco, one of the Bianchi, or disaffected 
Guelfs of Florence, Inf. xxiv. 15a [Bianohi.] 

Biante, Bias of Priene in Ionia (circ. B.C. 
550); mentioned as one of the Seven Sages 
of Greece, who were the predecessors of the 
philosophers, Conv. iii. ii^"!. D.'s authority 
nere appears to have been St Augustine : — 

' Regnante vero apud Hebraeos Sedechia et apud 
Romanos Tarquinio Prisco, ductus est captivus in 
Babyloniam populus Judaeorum eversa Hicrusalem. 
• . . £0 tempore Pittacus Mitylcnaeus, alius e 
septem sapientibus, fuisse perhibetur. £t quinque 
ceteros, qui ut septem numerentur, Thaleti . . . et 
huic Pittaco adduntur, eo tempore fuisse scribit 
£usebius, quo captivus Dei populus in Babylonia 
tenebatur. Hi sunt autem : Solon Atheniensis, 
Chilon Lacedaemonius, Periandrus Corinthius, 
Cleobulus Lindius, Bias Prienaeus. Omnes hi, 
septem appellati sapientes, post poetas theologos 
daruerunt, quia genere vitae quodam laudabili 
praestabant hominibus ceteris et morum nonnuUa 
praecepta sententiarum brevitate complexi sunt. 
Nihil autem monumentorum, quod ad litteras 
attinet, posteris reliquerunt, nisi quod Solon 
quasdam leges Atheniensibus (jedisse perhibetur ; 
Thales vero physicus fuit, et suorum dogmatum 
libros reliquit. . . . Tunc et Pvtbagoras, ex quo 
coeperunt appellari philosophi.' (Civ, Dti, xviii. 25.) 

BIbbis, La, the Bible; mentioned in con- 
nexioa with St. Jerome's preface to his Latin 
translation of the Bible (the Vulgate), Conv. 
jv. 5 143-4 [ Jeronixno] ; usually referred to as 
/a Scrittura^ Par. iv. 43; xii. 125; xix. 83; 
xxix. 90 ; xxxii. 68 ; Conv. iv. 12®^; Scriptura^ 
V. El. i. ^^^ ; Mon. iii. 3^5, 46 ; Epist. x. 22 ; 
U Scritture, Par. xiii. 128 ; Pantica e la novella 
PropcsizioHy Par. xxiv. 97-8 ; le nuove e le 
Scritiure antiche^ Par. xxv. 88 ; // vecchio e il 



nuovo TestamenlOy Par. v. 76 ; vetus et novum 
Testamentunty Mon. iii. 3"^*"® ; duo Teslantenta, 
Mon. iii. 14'^^^ [Bvangello.] 
D. quotes the Bible upwards of 200 times:— 
Inf. xi. 106-8 {Gen, 1. 28; ii. 15; iii. 19); 
Purg. ii. 46 {Psalm cxiv. i) ; Purg. v. 24 {Psalm 
li. I) ; Purg. X. 40 {Luke i. 28) ; Purg. x. 44 
{Luke i. 38) ; Purg. xii. 1 10 {Matt. v. 3) ; Purg. 
xiii. 29 {John ii. 3) ; Purg. xiii. 36 {Matt, v. 
44) ; Purg. xiv. 133 {Gen. iv. 14) ; Purg. xv. 38 
{Matt, v. 7) ; Purg. xvi. 19 {John i. 29) ; Purg. 
xvii. 68-9 {Matt. v. 9) ; Purg. xviii. 100 {Luke 
i. 39) ; Purg. xix. 50 {Matt. v. 4) ; Purg. xix. 73 
{Psalm cxix. 25) ; Purg. xix. 137 {Matt. xxii. 
30); Purg. XX. 136 {Luke ii. 14); Purg. xxii. 
4-6 {Matt, V. 6) ; Purg. xxiii. 1 1 {PsalmVx. 15) ; 
Purg. xxiii. 74 {Matt, xxvii. 46) ; Purg. xxiv. 
1 5 1-4 {Matt. V. 6); Purg. xxv. 128 {Luke \. 
- 34) ; Purg. xxvii. 8 {Matt. v. 8) ; Purg. xxvii. 
58 {Matt. xxv. 34) ; Purg. xxviii. 80 {Psalm 
xcii. 4) ; Purg. xxix. 3 {Psalm xxxii. i) ; Purg. 
xxix. 51 {Matt, xxi. 9) ; Purg. xxix. 85-7 {Luke 
i. 42) ; Purg. XXX. 1 1 {Cant. iv. 8) ; Purg. xxx. 
19 (Matt. xxi. 9); Purg. xxx. 83-4 {Psalm 
xxxi. 1-8) ; Purg. xxxi. 98 {Psalm li. 7) ; Purg. 
xxxiii. I (Psalm Ixxix. i) ; Purg. xxxiii. 10-12 
{Ji>hn xvi. 16); Par. iii. 121-2 (Luke i. 28); 
Par. viii. 29 (Matti, xxi. 9) ; Par. xiii. 93 
(i Kings iii. 5) ; Par. xvi. 34 (Luke i. 28) ; 
Par. xviii. 91-3 (Wisd. i. i); Par. xx. 94 
{Matt. xi. 12); Par. xxiv. 64-5 (Heb. xi. i); 
Par. xxv. 38 (Psalm cxxi. i) ; Par. xxv. 91 
(Isaiah Ixi. 7, 10) ; Par. xxv. 73-4, 98 (Psalm 
ix. \o) ; iPar. xxvi. 42 (Exod. xxxiii. 19) ; Par. 
xxxii. 12 (Psalm li. i) ; Par. xxxii. 67-70 (Gen. 
xxv. 22-5) ; Par. xxxii. 95 (Luke i. 28). 

V. N. § 7*i-JJ (Lament, i. 12) ; V. N. § 23^^^ 
(Mark xr. 10); V.N. § 243»-9 (Matt. iii. 3); 
V. N. §§ 29I-5*, 31®^ (Lament, i. i) ; Conv. 
i. 481-^ (Matt, xiii. 57) ; Conv. i. i l3i-3 (Matt. 
XV. 14) ; Conv. ii. i*<^^ (Afatt. xvii. i) ; Conv. 
ii. i6*-«o {Psalm cxiv. i); Conv. ii. 4*"'2-» 
(Psalm viii. i); Conv. ii. 6^^ (Heb. i. i); 
Conv. ii. 6IG-I8 (John i. 5) ; Conv. ii. 6^''^ 
(Luke \. 36-7) ; Conv. ii. 6^6-8 (Matt. xxvi. 
S3) ; Conv. ii. 629-31 (Matt. iv. 6, 11) ; Conv. 
ii. 634-7 (Cant. viii. ; Conv. ii. 6i03-6 (Psalm 
xix. i) ; Conv. ii. 9II0-I6 (John xiv. 6) ; Conv. 
ii. ii&^-5 (Eccles. v. 13); Conv. ii. 15171-2 
(John xiv. 27); Conv. ii. 15175-8 (Cant. vi. 
8-9) ; Conv. iii. 476-7 {Psalm c. 3) ; Conv. iii. 
814-20 (Ecclus. i. 3 ; iii. 21-3) ; Conv. iii. 1 1128-9 
(Prov. viii. 17); Conv. iii. 145^-00 (Ecclus. 
xxiv. 9) ; Conv. iii. 14^^^ (Prov, viii. 23) ; Conv. 
ill. 14*^3 (John i. 1-2) ; Conv. iii. 15*^6 (Wisd. 
iii. II); Conv. iii. i5^3:"5(Jf'/W. vii.'26); Conv. 
iii. 15I6I-2 (Wisd. ix. 9); Conv. iii. 15I68-77 
(Prov, viii. 27-30); Conv. iii. 15190-^2 (Prov. 
iv. 18); Conv. iv. 27*--5 (Eccles. iii. 7); 
Conv. iv. 283--7 {James v. 7) ; Conv. iv. 5!*-!^ 
(Prov. viii. 6) ; Conv. iv. 5*3-4 (fsatah xi. i); 
Conv. iv. 5®*-^ (Luke ii. i); Conv. iv. 6i**~^ 
( Wisd, vi. 23 in Vulg,y omitted from A. V.) ; 



[85] 



Bibbia, La 



ia,U 



Conv. iv. 6^7*"^ (Eccles, x. i6, vf) ; Conv. iv. 
79&-7 (/>r^. xxii. 28) ; Conv. iv. 798-102 {^Prcrv. 
iv. 18-19); Conv. iv. 7I30-3 {Prov, v. 23); 
Conv. iv. 1 1I12-13 {^Luke xvi. 9) ; Conv. iv. 
12143-4 (Gen, i. 26) ; Conv. iv. 138I-2 (y?^^. 
xii. 3); Conv. iv. 1569-71 {Eccles. iii. 21); 
Conv. iv. 1 5I37-9 {Prov, xxix. 20) ; Conv. iv. 
i6i^ {PscUm Ixiii. 1 1) ; Conv. iv. i6»-io ( Wisd. 
vi. 23 in F«^.) ; Conv. iv. i6*9-m (Eccles, x. 
16-17); Conv. iv. i6iio-i^ {MaU.\u. 15-16); 
Conv. iv. i79*-ioi {Luke x. 41-2) ; Conv. iv. 
1960-8 {Psalm viii. i, 4-6) ; Conv. iv. 2o28-9 
{Aclsx. 34); Conv. iv. 2o^i"3 {James i. 17); 
Conv. iv. 21^^^ (-^<7»«. xi. 33) ; Conv. iv. 21110-1^ 
(Isaiah xi. 2) ; Conv. iv. 22^^^^ (i Qq^^ jx. 34) ; 
Conv. iv. 221*9-53 {Mark xvi. 1-7) ; Conv. iv. 
22169-74 {Matt, xxviii. 2-3) ; Conv. iv. 2379-8O 
{Psalm civ. 9) ; Conv. iv. 23105^® {Luke xxiii. 
44) ; Conv. iv. 241*2-7 {prov, i. 8, 10) ; Conv. 
iv. 24163""^ {Prov, XV. 31); Conv. iv. 24I72-3 
{Coloss, iii. 20); Conv. iv. 25I7-I8 {Prov, iii. 
34) ; Conv. iv. 25I9-20 {Prov, iv. 24) ; Conv. 
iv. 276O-3 (i Kings iii. 9) ; Conv. iv. 277*-« 
{Matt, X. 8) ; Conv. iv. 28^^81 {Rom, ii. 28-9) ; 
Conv. iv. 3037-8 (Matt, vii. 6). 

V. E. i. 2« {Numb, xxii. 28) ; V. E. i. ^^'^^ 
{Gen, iii. 2-3) ; V. E. i. 123^ {Matt^ v. 22) ; 
Mon. i. 1I0-12 {Psalm i. 3); Mon. i. i38-9 
{James i. 5) ; Mon. i. 4I* {Psalm viii. 5) ; Mon. 
i. 4^3-5 {Luke ii. 13-14) ; Mon. i. 425 {Luke 
xxiv. 36) ; Mon. i. 5*^0-1 (Matt, xii. 25) ; Mon. 
i. 810-11 {Gen, i. 26); Mon. i. 823-4 {Deut, 
vi. 4) ; Mon. i. 1330 {Psalm 1. 16) ; Mon. i. 
136I-3 (Psalm Ixxii. i) ; Mon. i. 1466-73 {Exod. 
xviii. 17-26) ; Mon. i. 1522-4 {Psalm iv. 7) ; 
Mon. i. 16I8 {Gal, iv. 4) ; Mon. i. i636-8 
{Psalm cxxxiii. i) ; Mon. ii. ii~6 (PscUm ii. 1-3) ; 
Mon. ii. 2*^ {John i. 3-4) ; Mon. ii. 272-3 {Rom, 
\, 20) ; Mon. ii. 324-6 (Luke vi. 38) ; Mon. ii. 
4II-U (Exod, viii. 18-19) ; Mon. ii. 836 (Heb, 
xi. 6) ; Mon. ii. 837-42 (Levit, xvii. 3-4) ; Mon. 
ii. 857-9 {Exod, vii. 9) ; Mon. ii. 86I-* (2 Chron. 
iLx, 12); Mon. ii. 870 (Acts i. 23-6); Mon. ii. 
975 (Rom. xi. 33) ; Mon. ii. 9101-3 (Luke ii. i) ; 
Mon. ii. iqIo (Psalm xi. 7); Mon. ii. 11 69 
(2 Tim, iv. 8) ;. Mon. ii. 138-11 {Rom, v. 12) ; 
Mon. ii. 13IC-25 (Ephes, i. 5-8) ; Mon. ii. 1320-7 
(John xix. 30) ; Mon. ii. 1386-7 {Exod. ii. 14) ; 
Mon. ii. 1344-6 {fsaiah liii. 4) ; Mon. iii. ii-3 
(Dan, vi. 22) ; Mon. iii. ii3-i6 (prov, viii. 7) ; 
Mon. iii. 122 (Ephes, vi. 14) ; Mon. iii. i24-6 
(Isaiah vi. 6-7) ; Mon. iii. i27 (Coloss, i. 13-14) ; 
Mon. iii. i3i-3 (Psalm cxii. 6-7) ; Mon. iii. 376 
(Psalm cxi. 9) ; Mon. iii. 379 {Cant, i, 3) ; Mon. 
iii. 3'**-6 (Matt, xxviii. 20); Mon. iii. 399-10* 
(Matt, XV. 2-3) ; Mon. iii. 4I0-13 (Gen, i. 16) ; 
Mon. iii. 58-10 (C^n, xxix. 34-5) ; Mon. iii. 6*~* 
(i Sam. XV. 16, 23, 28) ; Mon. iii. 7i~3 (Matt, 
ii. II) ; Mon. iii. 82-5» 4i (Matt, xvi. 19) ; Mon. 
iii. f)'^ (Luke xxii. 38) ; Mon. iii. 92^ (Luke 
xxii. 7) ; Mon. iii. 988-42 (Luke xxii. 14, 35-6) ; 
Mon. iii. 96O (Luke xxii. 38) ; Mon. iii. 970-80 
(Matt, xvi. 15-16, 21-3) ; Mon. iii. 98^-6 (Matt, 



xvii. 4) ; Mon. iii. 990 (Matt. xiv. 38) ; Mon. 
iii. 994-7 (Matt, xxvi. 33, 35 ; Mark xiv. 29) ; 
Mon. iii. 998-102 (Luke xxii. 33); Mon. iii. 
9I03-7 (John xiii. 6, 8) ; Mon. iii. 9IO8-9 (John 
xviii. 10); Mon. iii. 9II1-1* (John xx. 5-6); 
Mon. iii. 911^19 (John xxi. 7) ; Mon. iii. 9i2<« 
(John xxi. 21); Mon. iii. 9I32-5 (Matt. x. 
34-5) ; Mon. iii. 9137-9 (Acts i. 1) ; Mon. iii. 
io44-8 (John xix. 23-4, 34) ; Mon. iii. lo*®"* 
(I Cor. iii. 11) ; Mon. iii. la'^ (Matt. xvi. 18) ; 
Mon. iii. io'hmji (Cant. viii. 5) ; Mon. iii. 
10I09-11 (Matt. X. 9) ; Mon. iii. i3*3-« (Acts 
XXV. 10) ; Mon. iii. 13*6^7 (Acts xxvii. 24) ; 
Mon. iii. 1349-63 (Acts xxviii. 19); Mon. iii. 
1^67-8 (pkil. i. 23) ; Mon. iii. 1366-76 (Levi/. 
ii. II ; xi. 43) ; Mon. iii. 1422-3 (Matt. xvi. 18); 
Mon. iii. 1423-6 (John xvii. 4) ; Mon. iii. 1483-fi 
(Numb, xviii. 20) ; Mon. iii. 1520-3 (John xiii. 
ij); Mon. iii. 1524-6 (John xxi. 19); Mon. 
iii. 1528-34 (John xviii. 36); Mon. iii. 1^586-9 
(Psalm xcv. 5) ; Mon. iii. i67* (Psalm xxxii. 9). 

Epist. iv. 5 (John xv. 19); Epist. v. 4 
(Psalm xcv. 2 ; Rom. xiii. 2 ; Acts ix. 5) ; 
Epist. V. 5 (Luke xxi. 8) ; Epist. v. 7 (Psalm 
xcv. 5) ; Epist. V. 8 (Rom. i. 20) ; Epist. v. 9 
(Matt. xxii. 21) ; Epist. v. 10 (Ephes. iv, 17 ; 
I Pet. ii. 17) ; Epist. vi. i (Deut. xxxii. 35) ; 
Epist. vi. 5 (Rom. i. 29) ; Epist. vi. 6 (Isaiah 
Uii. 4) ; Epist. vii. 2 (Josh. x. 12-13; I'Uke vii. 
19 ; John I. 29) ; Epist. vii. 3 (Luke ii. i ; Matt. 
iii. 15) ; Epist. vii. 5 (i Sam. xv. 17-18) ; Epist. 
viii. I (Lament, i. i) ; Epist. viii. 2 (John xxi. 
15-17) ; Epist. viii. 3 (Psalm Ixxix. 10) ; Epist. 
viii. 4 (Ezek. viii. 16) ; Epist. viii. 5 (i Cor. xv. 
10 ; Psalm hdx. 9 ; Matt. xxi. 16) ; Epist. viii. 
8 (Numb. xxii. 28) ; Epist. x. 2 ( Wisd. vii. 14) ; 
Epist. X. 7 (Psalm cxiv. i) ; Epist. x. 22 
(Jerem. xxiii. 24 ; Psalm cxxxix. 7-9 ; Wisd. 
i. 7 ; Ecclus. xiii. 16) ; Epist. x. 27 (Ephes, iv. 
10; Ezek, xxviii. 12-13) ; Epist. x. 28 (2 Cor. 
xii. 3-4 ; Matt. xvii. 6 ; Ezek. i. 28 ; Dan. ii. 
3 ; Matt. V. 45) ; Epist. x. 33 (John xvii. 3 ; 
Rev. i. 8) ; A. T. § 2i69 (Gen. i. 9) ; A. T. 
§ 226-8 (Job xi. 7) ; A. T. § 229-ii (Psalm 
cxxxix. 6) ; A. T. § 22ii"i3 (Isaiah Iv. 9) ; 
A. T. § 2215-18 (Rom. xi. 33) ; A. T. § 2220 
(John viii. 21). 

The above references are to the Authorized 
Version (A. V.) ; the Vulgate references, where 
they differ from these (as in the Psalms) , are 
given under the headings of the several books 

f[uoted or referred to by D., viz. Genesis 
Qenesl8\y Exodus [JBxcKfcrs], Leviticus [Le" 
vlticu8]f Numbers [Numerorum, Liber], Deu- 
teronomy [Deuteroaomium], Joshua (Jlfwue, 
Liber], Judges [Judicum, Liber], Samuel 
[SamueiiB, Libri], Kings [Regum, UbH], 
Chronicles [Paralipometwn, Libri], Tobit 
[Tobiae, Liber], Judith [Judith, Uber], Esther 
Watber, Uber], Job [Job, Uber], Psalms 
Psalmorum, LOfer], Proverbs [ProveMoraat, 
Liifer], Ecclesiastes [^sciesiastes], Canticles 
or the Song of Solomon [Qanticum Canti* 



[86] 



Bibbia^ La 



Bocca 



corom]. Wisdom [Sapieatlae, Liber], Eccle- 
siasticus [BcclesiastJcus], Isaiah [isalae, 
PropbeUa\y Jeremiah [JeremiaCf Propbetla], 
Lamentations [Lameatatioaes Jeremiaejy 
Ezekiel [BzecbieliSf Propbetia], Daniel 
[Danlells, Propbetia], Maccabees [Macba* 
taeoru/Bf Librf], Matthew [Mattbaeum, 
Bvangellum secundum], Mark [Marcumt 
Bvaagellum secuadum], Luke {Lucaw, 
EvangeUum secundum], John [Jobannem, 
Bvangellum secundum]. Acts of the Apostles 

(Actus Apostotorum], Epistle to the Romans 
Romattos, Epistola ad], Epistle to the 
Corinthians [CoHntbios, Epistola ad], Epistle 
to the Galatians [Qalatas, Epistola ad], 
Epistle to the Ephesians [Epbesios, Epistola 
ad]. Epistle to the Philippians [Pblllppenses, 
Epistola ad]. Epistle to the Colossians [ColoS' 
senses, Epistola ad], Epistle to the Thessa- 
lonians [Tbessalonlcenses, Epistola ad], 
Epistle to Timothy [TImotbeum, Epistola 
ad]. Epistle to the Hebrews [Hebraeos, 
Epistola ad], Epistle of James [Jacob!, 
Epistola], Epistles of Peter [Petti, Bplstolae], 
Epistle of Jude [Judae, Epistola], Revelation 
[Apocalypsls], 

St. Jerome, in his preface to the Latin 
translation of the Bible (Prolo^us Gaieatus), 
reckons the canonical books of the O. T. at 
twenty-four ; he divides them into three groups 
— the first of which comprises the five books 
of Moses; the second comprises eight pro- 
phetical books, viz. Joshua, Judges, Samuel, 
Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the 
twelve minor prophets (counting as one book) ; 
the third comprises nine hag^ographical books, 
vi2.Job,Psalms,Proverbs,Ecclesiastes,Canticles, 
Daniel, Chronicles, Esdras, and Esther; to 
which he adds Ruth and Lamentations, making 
twenty-four in all : — 

' Primus liber, quem nos Gcnesim dicimus ; 
secundus, qui Exodus appellatur; tertius, Leviticus ; 
quartus, quem Numcros vocamus ; quintus, qui 
Deuteronomium praenotatur. Hisunt quinquelibri 
Moysi, quos Hebraei Legem appellant Secun- 
dum, prophetarum ordinem faciunt : et incipiunt 
ab Jesu filio Nave ; deinde subtexunt Judicum 
iibnim ; tertius scquitur Samuel, quem nos Regum 
primum et secundum dicimus ; quartus Regum, 
qui tertio et quarto Regum volumine continetur ; 
qnintus est Isaias ; scxtus, Jeremias ; septimus, 
Ezechiel ; octavus, liber duodecim Prophetarum. 
Tertius ordo, Hagiographa possidet : et primus 
liber incipit a Job ; secundus a David ; tertius est 
Salomon, tres libros habens Proverbia; quartus, 
Ecdesiasten ; quintus, Canticum Canticorum ; 
scxtus est Daniel ; septimus, qui liber apud nos 
Pkralipomenon primus et secundus inscribitur ; 
octavus, Esdras ; nonus, Elsther. Alque ita fiunt 
pariter veteris legis libri vigintiduo : id est, Moysi 
quinque, et Prophetarum octo, Hagiographorum 
novem. Quanquam nonnulli Ruth et Cinoth (i. e. 
Lamentationes) inter Hagiographa scriptitent, et 
hos libros in suo putent nuroero supputandos, ac 



per hoc esse priscae legis libros vigintiquatudr : 
quos sub numero vigintiquatuor senionim Apoca- 
lypsis Joannis inducit adorantes Agnum.' 

The twenty-four books of the O. T., ac- 
cording to this reckoning of St. Jerome, are 
supposed to be symbolized by the four-and- 
twenty elders in the mystical Procession in 
the Terrestrial Paradise, Purg. xxix. 83-4. 
[Frocessione.] 

BIbbIa, Proemlo della. [Proemlo della 
BIhbla.] 

Bice, familiar abbreviation of Beatrice ; 
coupled with Vanna, the familiar name of 
Giovanna, the lady-love of Guido Cavalcanti, 
Son. xiv. 9 (V. N. § 24*^) ; Son. xxxii. 9 
[Qiovanna^] ; alludea to (perhaps), Par. vii. 
14, where, however, D. probably merely means 
to express his reverence for every part of the 
name of B. [Beatrice ^.j 

Bilacqua. [Belacqua.] 

Billi], name of a Florentine family, supposed 
by some commentators to be alluded to by 
the arms ia colonna del vaio. Par. ^cvi. 103. 
The reference is more probably to the Pigli. 
[PiglL] 

Bindi, people of the name of Bindo, popular 
abbreviation of Aldobrando; mentionea to- 
gether with Lapo, asbeing among the commonest 
names in Florence, Par. xxix. 103. [LapL] 

Bisdomini. [Visdomini] 

Bisenzio, stream in Tuscany, which flows 
close to Prato and Campi, and falls into the 
Amo opposite Lastra, about 10 miles below 
Florence; mentioned by Camicione dei Pazzi 
(in Caina) in connexion with the Conti Alberti, 
whose castles of Vemia and Cerbaia were 
situated in the Val di Bisenzio, Inf. xxxii. 56. 
[Albert!.] 

Bismantova, village in the Emilia on 
9 steep hill of the same name about 20 miles 
S. of Reggio ; mentioned by D. in connexion 
with the precipitous ascent to it, Purg. iv. 26. 
In the Middle Ages it was strongly fortified 
^nd was a place of some importance. Nothing 
ngw remains but a hu^e sheer semicircular 
ITOcic, known as * La Pietra di Bismantova/ 
Benvenuto describes it as having had a sort 
of plateau at the summit, which at times seems 
to have been cultivated. He says it could 
only be approached by a single tortuous path- 
way, which became very steep towards the 
top. To his fancy the mountain presented 
a striking resemblance in many partigul^q^ to 
the Mt. of Purgatory. For B. in cacum^ there 
is a variant B, e in Cacume, the last word being 
taken, by Buti, Landino, and others, for the 
name of another mountain, said to be in 
Campania. 

Bocca, Bocca degli Abati, one of the Ghi- 
bellines who remained in Florence after the 



[87] 



Boccio 



Boezio 



expulsion of the rest of the party in 1258, and 
who, while ostensibly fighting on the side of 
the Florentine Guelts at the battle of Mont- 
aperti, at the moment when the latter were 
hard pressed by Manfred's German cavalry, 
treacherously cut off the hand of the Florentine 
standard-bearer, thus creating a panic, which 
ended in the disastrous defeat of the Guelfs 
[Arbia] . ViUani says : — 

'Come la schiera de' Tedeschi rovinosamente 
percosse la schiera de* cavalieri de' Fiorentini ov' 
era la 'nsegna della cavalleria del comune, la quale 
portava messer Jacopo del Nacca della casa de' 
Pazzi di Fircnze, uomo di grande valore, il traditore 
di messer Bocca degli Abati, ch* era in sua schiera 
e presso di lui, colla spada fed! il detto messer 
Jacopo e tagliogli la mano colla quale tenea la 
detta i nsegna, e ivi fu morto di presente. £ ci6 
fatto, la cavalleria e popolo veggendo abbattuta 
rinsegna, c cos! traditi da* loro, e da' Tedeschi ^ 
forte assaliti, in poco d*ora si misono in isconfitta.* 
(vi. 78.) 

Bocca is placed in Antenora, the second 
division of Circle IX of Hell, among those who 
have betrayed their country, Inf. xxxii. 106; 
una {iesia)y v, 78; colui che bestemmiava^ 
V, 85 ; malvagio traditory v,\\o [Antenora] ; 
as D. and Virgil pass along among the traitors, 
the former strikes his foot against the head 
of one of them (Inf. xxxii. 73-8), who demands 
why he is struck, unless it be in order 'to 
increase the vengeance of Montaperti' {w. 
79-81) ; on hearing the last word D. asks V. 
to wait, as he wishes to solve a doubt (either 
as to the identity of the traitor at Montaperti, 
or as to that of the speaker), a^d demands 
who it is that thus chides others (i/r/. 82-7) ; 
the speaker (Bocca) replies by asking D. who 
he is that goes through Antenora striking 
others with a force more like that of a living 
man than of a damned spirit (as he supposes 
D. to be) {yu, 88-90) ; D. retorts that he is 
alive and can make him famous, if he desire 
fame, by recording his name {vv, 91-3) ; B. 
replies that on the contrary he desires oblivion, 
and bids D. go and leave him alone {yv, 
94-6) ; D. thereupon seizes him by the scalp 
and threatens to tear out his hair unless he 
reveals his name {yu. 97-9) ; as he refuses 
D. carries out his threat, making liim howl 
so that one of his companions (Buoso da Duera) 
shouts to him, calling him by name, to know 
what is the matter {yv, 100-8) ; D. having 
thus learned B.'s name is content, and says 
he will brand him with infamy by telling the 
truth about him iyv, 109- 11); B. defies him 
to do his worst, and then, to avenge himself 
for having been named by his companion, 
informs D. who the latter is {yv, 11 3-1 7); 
after he has named several more of his com- 
panions D. leaves him (w. 118-24). 

Boccio. [Beooio.] 
Boemia. [Buemme.] 



BoStitlSy author of the De Consolaiione 
Philosopkiae, Mon. i. 92^ ; ii. 9^1 ; Epist. x, 33. 
[Boezio.] 

BoeziOy BoSthius (Anidus Manlius Tor- 
quatus Severinus Bo^hius), Roman statesman 
and philosopher, bom at Rome circ. a.d. 475, 
died at Pavia (Ticinum) 525. Gibbon de- 
scribes him as ' the last of the Romans whom 
Cato or Tully could have acknowledged for 
their countryman.^ His father, Flavins Man- 
lius Bo^thius, was consul in 487, and died soon 
after. As a wealthy orphan Bo^thius inherited 
the patrimony and honours of the Anician 
family, and was educated under the care of 
the chief men at Rome. He also studied at 
Athens, and translated or commented on ' the 
geometry of EucHd, the music of Pythagoras, 
the arithmetic of Nicomachus, the mechanics 
of Archimedes, the astronomy of Ptolemy, the 
theology of Plato, and the logic of Aristotle, 
with the commentary of Porphyry.' To his 
works was due to a great extent the knowledge 
of Aristotle in the Middle Ages. He was no 
less distinguished for his virtue than for his 
learning, and was always ready to relieve the 
poor and oppressed. He married Rusticiana, 
daughter of the senator Symmachus, by whom 
he had two sons. From Theodoric, King of 
the Ostrogoths, who was then master of Italy, 
he received the title of patrician while still 
a youth, and in 510 he was made consul, an 
honour which twelve years later (522) was 
conferred upon his two sons. But his good 
fortune did not last ; his powerful position and 
bold maintenance of justice aroused jealousy 
and hatred, and he was accused by his enemies 
of plotting against Theodoric. The king, be- 
lieving him guilty, threw him into prison at 
Pavia, while the senate without a trial passed 
a sentence against him of confiscation and 
death. After he had spent some time in prison 
he was put to death by torture, a cord being 
fastened round his head and tightened until 
his eyes were forced from thdr sockets; he 
was then beaten with clubs until he expired. 
He was buried in the church (now desecrated) 
called St. Peter's of the Golden Ceiling (S. 
Pietro in Cielo d*Oro), where in 722 a tomb 
was erected to his memory by Liutprand, King 
of the Lombards; this was replaced in 990 
by a more magnificent one erected by the 
Emperor Otho III, for which Pope Sylvester II 
wrote ai) inscription. It was ^u^^ng his im- 
prisonment at Pavia that Bo^thius wrote his 
most celebrated work, the De Consolatiam 
Philosophiae [Coaaolatioae PbiloaoplUae, 
De]. In the Middle Ages Boethius was re- 
garded as a martyr who died in defence of 
the Christian faith. Villani, in his record of 
the death of Theodoric, says of him : — 

* Questi fu quello Teodorico il quale mand6 in 
pregione e fece poi morire in Pavia il buono santo 



[88J 



Bologna 



Bolognesi 



Boexio Severino, console di Roma, perch' egli per 
bene e stato della repubblica di Roma e delia fede 
cristiana, il contrastava de' suoi difetti e tirannie, 
opponendogli fabe cag^oni. Allora il santo Boezio 
compuose in pregione a Pavia il libro della filosofica 
consolazione.' (ii. 5.) 

D. places B. among the great doctors (Spirtti 
Sapientt) in the Heaven of the Sun, Par. x. 
1 2 1-9 [Sole, Cielo del] ; his spirit is pointed 
out by St. Thomas Aauinas, who speaks of 
him as Tiinima santa, che il tnondo fallace Fa 
mamfesto (w. 125-6), and alludes to his exile 
and torture, and to his burial at Pavia (yv. 
127-9) [Cieldanpo]. 

B. is frequently mentioned by D. in his 
prose works, in connexion with the De Cott" 
solaiione, Conv. i. 2^0, 1166; jj. 327, nis^ 1315^ 
16*; iii. i78, 2i«; iv.i235»w 13130,139. Mon. 
i. 9** ; ii. 9*1 ; Epist x. 33 ; he is spoken of as 
il Savio^ Conv. iv. 13^^® ; and is alluded to 
perhaps (though the reference is most prob- 
ably to Virgil) by Francesca da Rimini (ad- 
dressing D. in Circle II of Hell) ^& il tuo 
dottore. Inf. y. 123 [Virgilio]. In these well- 
known lines (vv. 12 1-3) Francesca quotes what 
is almost certainly a reminiscence of a passage 
in the De Consolatione : — 

' In omni adversitate fortunae infelicissimum est 
genus infortunii fuisse felicem ' {Lib, ii. pr, 4). 

This passage was imitated by Chaucer in 
his Troilus and Criseyde : — 

* Of fortune^ sharp adversitee 
The worst kinde of intortane is this, 
A man to have ben in prosperitee. 
And it ren^embreo, wh^ it passed is.* 

(Bk. ii. w. 1635-8.) 

In his translation of the book he renders 
it:- 

' In alle adversitee of fortune, the most unsely 
kinde of contrarious fortune is to ban ben 
welefuL' 

BoSthius obliged, by the nature of his book, 
to spealp of himself m the De Consolatione^ 
Conv. i. 2^^^oi; his contempt for popular 
^ry, Conv. i. ii**"®; his book one of those 
wherein D. sought consolation after the death 
of Beatrice, Conv. ii. 13^*"^^ 16*"**. 

Bologna, cUy of N. Italy, capital of the 
Emilia (in the old Romagna), siti^ated on 
a plain between the Apennines and the Po, 
with t}ie two rivers Savena and RenQ about 
two miles disita^t on the £. and W. respectively. 
It was the seat of one of the most famous 
mediaeval universities (founded in 111 9), at 
which D. is said to have studied. Among the 
baildings in existence in D.'s day were the 
Palazzo del Podestk (1201), where King Enzio, 
son of the Emperor Frederick II, was kept 
a prisoner and died in 1272; the Palazzo 
Pubblico (1290), the Palazzo della Mercanzia 
(1294), the churches of San Giacomo Maggiore 
(1267), and San Domenico (dedicated to St. 
Dommic, who died at Bologna in 1221) ; and 



the two great towers, the Asinelli (1109) and 
the Carisenda (11 10). The Bolognese, who 
took an active share in the Crusades, for a long 
time remained neutral in the contest between 
the Guelfs and Ghibellines, but eventually they 
sided with the former. 

Bologna is mentioned in connexion with 
Catalano and Lodenngo, two Bolognese Frati 
Gaudenti, one of whom refers to the university, 
Inf. xxiii. 142 [Catalano] ; Fabbro of Bologna, 
one of the worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 
100 [Fabbro] ; the dialect of B. rejected by 
the chief Bolognese poets, V. E. i. IS"*!"* 
[Bologneai] ; Caccianimico, a native of B. 
(in Bolgia i of Malebolge), alludes to the 
situation of the city between the Savena and 
the Reno, Inf. xviii. 61 [Reno^^: Savena]; 
he refers to the Bolognese use of sipa for sia^ 
and declares that there are more pandars in 
Hell from B. than would equal the whole 
population of the city at that time, w, 59-61 
[Caooianlmioo : Seduttori]. Benvenuto, who 
lived for ten years at Bologna, and lectured 
there on the D» C, remarks that this is not 
by any means an extraordinary estimate; he 
adds that as much might be said of many other 
Italian cities, to say nothing of Paris. 

D. mentions the Salse, a ravine near B., 
where the bodies of criminals were thrown, 
Inf. xviii. 51 [SalsQ] ; and the Carisenda tower, 
Inf. xxxi. 136 [Carisenda] ; the university is 
referred to. Inf. xxiii. 142 ; Bologna itself is 
alluded to under the guise of a nymph of the 
Reno, Eel. ii. 85 [li'aias]. 

Bolognese, native of Boloena ; of Venedico 
Cacci^nimico, Inf. xviji. 58 [Caooianlmioo]; 
of the two Frati Gaudenti, Catalano dei Cata- 
lani and Loderingo degli Andal6, Inf. xxiii. 103 
[Catalano: Loderingo]. 

Bolognese, Franco, Franco of Bolc^^na, 
an illuminator mentioned by Oderisi (in Circle 
I of Purgatory) as being a better artist than 
himself, Purg. xi. 82-4. Little is known of 
Franco ; Vasari, in his life of Giotto, says he 
was employed, together with Oderisi (whose 
pupil he appears to have been), by Boniface 
VlII in the Vatican library, where he illumi- 
nated many of the MSS. It would appear 
from D.'s reference to him in the text that he 
was still living in 1300. [Oderiai.] 

Bolognesi, the Bolognese ; the B. of the 
Borgo San Felice and those of the Strada 
Maggiore instances of inhabitants of the same 
city speaking different dialects, V. E. i. 9*2-4 j 
their dialect discussed at length and pronounced 
to be the best of the Italian dialects fa supe- 
riority due to importations from neighbounng 
dialects), but at the same time not worthy to 
rank as the language of Italy, as is evident 
from the fact that the chief Bolognese poets 
did not employ it, V.E. i. 15^-^ ; two Bolognese 
poets, Guido dei Ghisilieri and Fabruzzo dei 



[89J 



Bolsena 



Bonagiunta 



Lambertazzi, writing in the * tragic * style began 
with a line of seven syllables, V. E. ii. i238-*i ; 
two Bolognese Frati Gaudenti, Inf. xxiii. 103 
[Catalano: Iioderingo]. 

D. (by the mouth of Caccianimico in Bolg^a i 
of Malebolge) reproaches the B. with being 
pandars and avaricious, Inf. xviii. 58-63. With 
regard to the latter charge Benvenuto says they 
were not miserly, but were greedy of money 
in order to gratify their sensual appetites, and 
consequently were not scrupulous as to the 
methods by which they gained it : — 

' Autor capit hie avaritiam large ; nam bononi- 
ensis naturaliter et communiter non est avanis in 
retinendo^ sed in capiendo tantum. Illi enim, qui 
sunt vitiosi, ibi prodigaliter expendunt ultra vires 
fficultatis vel lucri ; ideo faciunt turpia lucra, 
aliquando cum ludis, aliquando cum furtis, ali- 
quando cuiq lenociniis, exponentes filias, sororea, 
^t uxores libidini, ut satisfaciant gulae et volupta- 
tibus suis/ 

This testimony of Benvenuto, who knew 
Bologna intimately, fully justifies D.'s strictures. 
He suggests that D.'s own knowledge of 
the matter was gained by personal ea^perience 
while he was a student at Bologna. The account 
of the Bolognese given by Fazio degU Uberti 
in the Dittamondo (iii. 5) is to the same effect : — 

'Intra Savena e Ren cittJt si vede, 
Si vaga e ptena 6a tutti i dilettt, 
Che tai vi va a caval, che toma a piede. 
Qnivi son donne con Icggiadri aspetti, 
B il nome della terra sie^e tl fatto^ 
Bttona ne*studi e sottil d^ntellettt.* 

Benvenuto elsewhere gives a terrible account 
of the moral depravity of Bologna iq another 
respect [Aooorso, Franoesoo d']. 

Bolsena, Lake of Bolsena (the lotcus Vulsi- 
niensis of the Romans), in the extreme N. of 
Latium, one of the largest lakes in Central 
Italy. It was, and is still, famous for its eels. 
Forese Donati (in Circle VI of Purgatory) 
mentions the lake and its eels in connexion 
with Pope Martin IV, who was in the habit 
of gorging himself on baked eels that had 
been drowned in wine, Purg. xxiv. ^2-4 
[Martino ^]. 

Bonaccor^i, Pinamonte de'. [Pina- 
monte.] 

Bonagitinta, Bonagiunta Orbicciani degli 
Overardi, son of Riccomo di Bonagiunta of 
Lucca, notary and poet of the latter h^f of 
Cent, xiii ; he was alive on Dec. 6, 1296, on 
which date he is mentioned in a document as 
having been engaged in superintending the 
works of the church of San Michele at Lucca. 
A considerable number of his poems has 
been preserved ; they show little originality of 
either thought or expression, and are imitated 
for the most part from Provencal models. 

D. places B. among the Gluttonous in Circle 
VI of Purgatory, Purg. xxiv. 19, 20 ; questiy 
«/. 19; lui, 2/. 21 ; quel da Lucca^ v, 35 ; «, 



^'^^ 37» 38, 44 ; lui^ V, 52 [GoloBi] ; B., who 
is pointed out to D. by Forese Donati (Purg. 
xxiv. 19-20), shows a desire to speak to the 
former, and mutters something about *Gen- 
tucca,* which D. overhears {vv, 34-9) ; being 
invited by D. to speak, he foretells to him 
that he will become enamoured of a certain 
lady of Lucca, who is not yet married (w, 40-8) 
[Gtontuooa]; he then asks D. if he is the 
author of the *new rimes' beginning 'Donne, 
ch'avete intelletto d'Amore' (being the first 
canzone in the V,N,) {w. 49-51) ; D. replies 
that he writes as Love dictates {w, 52-4) ; 
B. acknowledges in this the secret of the ' dolce 
stil nuovo,' and of D.'s superiority over Jacopo 
da Lentino, Guittone d'Arezzo and himseu; 
he then relapses into silence and D. moves on 
(w. 55-63). [Qulttone : li'otaro, n.] 
Casmi remarks upon this passage : — 

' Per la piena intelligenza di questo passo ^ da 
notare che quando Dante incoiqincib a poetare, 
ci^ca nel 1383, due scuole di poesia lirica fiorivano 
in Italia : la scuola siciltana, cosi detta dal luogo 
ove prima si form6, allargandosi poi assai presto 
a tutto il mezzogiomo d'ltalia e alia Toscana, 
della quale scuola furono capi, in Sicilia il notaio 
Giacomo da Lentini e in Toscana Buonagiunta 
da Lucca ; e la scuola dottrinale^ che teorizz6 
largamente sull'amore, fiorita specialmente in Tos- 
cana 9on Guittone d'Arezzo e in Bologna con 
Guido Guinizelli. I poeti della scuola siciliana 
non fecero altro che dare veste italiana alia lirica 
provenzale, ristringendola agli argomenti amorosi 
e prediligendo la forma metrica della canzone; 
quelli della scuola dottrinale si staccarono dalla 
poesia provenzale, introducendo nelle lor rime le 
teoriche e le discussioni intorno all' amore, al- 
largandosi alcuni ad argomenti fliosofici o religiosi 
o politici, tentando di nobilitare lo stile poetico 
coir awicinarsi piii alia costruzione del periodo 
latino, accogliendo accanto alia canzone il sonetto. 
A queste due scuole seguit6 la fiorentina, detta del 
dolce siil H$40vo, cui appartennero, oltre Dante, 
Guido Cavalcanti, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, 
Gianni Alfani e piu altri. Questi poeti, movendo 
dflla teorica del Guinizelli sulla natura dell'amore, 
considerato come il sentimento proprio delle anime 
virtuose, crearono tutto un sistema d'idealizzazione 
della donna, mcscolando le speculazioni dottrinali 
alle imaginazioni geniali della fantasia, c della 
poesia amatoria fecero per i primi in Italia una 
vera opera d'arte : poichi alia profondita e novita 
dei concepimenti seppero far corrispondere uno 
stile piu franco e perspicuo, una lingua piii naturale 
e pill efBcace, e forme metrichc meglio determinate 
(canzone e sonetto) o raccolte dalla poesia del 
popolo (ballata). Talc svolgimento della lirica ita- 
liana nella seconda meta del secolo xiii d poctica- 
mente rappresentato in qqesto episodio di Buona- 
giunta/ ■ 

D. blames Bonagiunta, together with Guit- 
tone d'Arezzo, Brunetto Latino, and other 
Tuscan poets, for having written in their local 

dialects, to the exclusion of the ' curial vulgar 
tongue,' V.E.i. 137-13, 



[90] 



Bonatti, Guido 

Benvenuto says that Bonagiunta was more 
addicted to wine than to versifying, but was 
a facile writer, and addressed some of his 
poems to D., who had been acquainted with 
him : — 

' Iste fuit Bonagiunta de Urbisanis, vir honora- 
ImUs, de civitate lucana, luculentus orator in lingua 
matema, et facilis inventor rhythmorum, sed 
fiicilior vinonun, qui noverat autorem in vita, 
et aliquando scripserat sibi. Ideo autor fingit 
eum ita lamiliariter loqui secum de ipso et de aliis 
inventoribus modemis.' 

Bonatti, Guido, famous astrologer and 
soothsayer of Forll, placed by D. among the 
Soothsayers, along with Asdente, in Bolgia 
4 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xx. 
Ii8 [Indovini]. B., who was a tiler ('rico- 
pritore di tetti ') by tiade» seems to have acted 
as domestic astrologer to Guido da Montefeltro ; 
it is said to have been by his aid that the latter 
won his decisive victory over the French papal 
forces at Forli, May i, 1282 (Vill. vii. 81) 
[Forli]. Benvenuto says that B. wrote a work 
on astrology (Liber introductorius ad Judicia 
Stellarumy written circ. 1970; printed at 
Venice, 1491), which he had seen, and which 
was so clearly written as to be intelligible even 
to women. He tells an amusing story of how 
a rustic, by observing the behaviour of his 
donkey, was able correctly to foretell the coming 
of a storm on a fine day, to the confusion of 
the astrologer, who, after consulting his astro- 
labe, had asserted that it was impossible there 
should be rain that day. 

An old chronicle, appended to the 1494 
edition of the Speculum Historiale of Vincent 
de Beauvais, says of Bonatti : — 

'In syderftlibus disciplinis univefso occidenti 
notissimus et celeberrimus fuit. Cui adeo ea in 
iacultate aperta fuerunt omnia, ut nil apud earn 
illi incognitum fuerit.' 

Salimbene of Parma, who was his contem- 
porary, gives the following account (printed b^ 
C. E. Norton in Report XIV of American 
Danie Society) of how he was discomfited at 
ForQ by a Franciscan friar of Regg^o : — 

'Frater Hugo de Regio, qui dictus est Hugo 
paucapalea, fuit piagister in grammatica in saeculo, 
et magnus truiator et magnus prolocutor, et in 
oxxiine fnitnim Minonim sollemnis et optimus 
praedicator, et qui mordaces ordinis confutabat et 
confundebat pr^edicationibus et exemplis. Nam 
qtiidam magister Guido Bonattus de Furlivio, qui 
se philosophum et astrologum esse dicebat, et 
praedicationes fratrum Minonim et Praedicfttorum 
vHuperabat, it§ ab eo fuit confusus coram universi- 
tate et popolo liviensi, ut toto tempore quo frater 
Hugo fuit in partibus illis, non solum non loqui, 
venim etiam nee apparere auderet' 

Filippo Villapi claims Guido Bonatti as 
a Florentine, and says that he was of good 
family, and was brought up to the )aw, which 



Bonifazio 

he abandoned for the superior attractions of 
astrology. 

Bonayentura, St. Bonaventura, otherwise 
Giovanni Fidanza; placed by D. among the 
doctors of the Church (Spiriti Sapienti) in the 
Heaven of the Sun, Par. xii. 127 ; luce^ v. 28 

tBole, Cielo del]. When St. Thomas Aquinas 
las finished his account of the life of St. Francis, 
St. B. proceeds to relate that of St. Dominic 
( Par. xii. 3 1 - 1 05 ) ; after bewailing the degeneracy 
of the Franciscan Order (w, 106-26)^ he names 
himself (iru. 127-29) and eleven others who 
are with him (w. 130-45) [Pomenioo]. 

St. Bonaventura was bom at Bagnoregio 
(now Bagnorea), near Orvieto, in 1221, the 
year of St. Dominic's death. As a child he 
was attacked by a dangerous disease, which 
was miraculously cured by St. Francis of Assisi. 
When the latter heard that the child had 
recovered he is said to have exclaimed ' buona 
Ventura * (happy chance), whereupon the boy's 
mother changed his name to Bonaventura. 
In 1243 he entered the Franciscan Order. 
After studying at Paris under Alexander of 
Hales, he became successively professor of 
philosophy and theology, and in 1255 was 
made doctor. Having risen to be General of 
the Franciscan Order (in 1256), he was offered 
the Archbishopric of York by Clement IV, 
which he declined. He was afterwards (1274) 
created Cardinal Bishopof Albano by Gregory X, 
whom he accompanied to the second Council 
of Lyons, where he died, July 15, 1274, *his 
magnificent funeral beipg attended by a Pope, 
an Emperor, and a King.' St. B. was canon- 
ized in 1482 by Sixtus IV» and placed among 
the doctors of the Church, with the title of 
'Doctor Seraphicus,' by Sixtus V. He was 
a volumi^o^s writer, one of his works being 
a life of St. Francis. Butler remarks that 
his phjlospphy was strongly leavened with 
mysticism, and differs from that of Aquinas 
(whose mind was of a far more masculine 
stamp) in having more affinity with Plato than 
with Aristotle. 

Bonconte. [Buox^opnte.] 

Bondelmonti. [Buondelmonti.] 

Bonifazio^ Boniface VIII (Benedetto 
Gaetax^i or Guatani), bom at Anagni circ. 1217 ; 
created Cardinal by Martin IV in 128 1 ; elected 
Pope at Naples, in succession to Celestine V, 
Dec. 24, 1294; crowned at Rome, Jan. 23, 
1295 ; died at Rome, Oct. 11, 1303. 

Boniface is spoken of (by Nicholas III in 
Bolgia 3 of Malebolge) as Bonifazio^ Inf. xix. 
^3 ; (by Guido da Moptefeltro in Bolgia 8 of 
Malebolge) as // gran Prete, Inf. xxvii. 70 ; 
and io Principe del nuovi Fariseiy Inf. xxvii. 
85 ; (by Hugh Capet in Circle V of Purgatory) 
as it Vicario di CristOy Purg. xx. 87 ; (by St. 
Bonaventura in the Heaven of the Sun) as 



m\ 



BonifiEtzio 



colui che sted€j che traligna^ Par. xii. 90 ; (by 
St. Peter in the Heaven of the Fixed Stars) as 
Quegli cJC usurpa in terra il luogo mio, Paur. 
xxviL 32 ; (by Beatrice in the Empyrean) as 
quel dtAlagnOy Par. xxx. 148. 

D. assigns to Boniface, by anticipation (he 
not having died until three years after the 
assumed date of the Vision), his place among 
the Simoniacs in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (MaJebolge), by the artifice of making 
Nicholas III mistake D. himself for Boniface, 
Inf. xix. 52-7 [Bimoniaoi] ; Nicholas ex- 
presses surprise tha^t B. should have come 
three years before his time {yv, 52-4), and 
asks whether he is already weary of the power 
which he acquired by deceitful means {yv, 
55-7) [Niocold^]; the dealings of B. with 
Guido da Montefeltro are referred to. Inf. xxvii. 
70-1 1 1 [Quido Montefeltrano] ; his war with 
the Colonna family, Inf. xxvii. 85-7 [Colon- 
noBi: Iiaterano] ; his imprisonment at Anagni, 
Purg. XX. 86-90 [Alagna| ; his evil reign. Par. 
xii. 90; xxvii. 25-7; his usurpation of the 
Papal See (his election not being valid so long 
as his predecessor Celestine V was alive), Par. 
xxviL 22-4 [CeleBtino] ; his place among the 
Simoniacs between Nicholas III and Clement V, 
Par. XXX. 146-48 (cf. Inf. xix. 5?-4). 

Some think it is Boniface VIII (others think 
Charles of Valois) to. whom Ciacco (in Circle 
III of Hell) refers as ted che testl piaggia^ Inf. 
vi. 69 [Caxlo ^] ; B. is probably also alluded 
to (though the reference may be to the devil, 
or to the Pope in general, or to the Emperor, 
or to both) as // cctpo reo, Purg. viii. 131 ; and 
as la puttana sqiolta^ Purg. xxxij. 149, and 
consequently lafuia^ Purg. xxxiii. 44, the harlot 
of the mystic f*rocession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise, who represents the Church, but with 
especial reference to Boniface VIII and 
Clement V [Processione] ; the part he played 
in the expulsion of the Bianchi, D. among 
them, from Floren(;e is supposed to be alluded 
to by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), 
Par. xvii. 49-51 ; there is perhaps a further 
reference to him in the expression of Marco 
Lombardo (in Circle H I of Purgatory), * h giunta 
la spada Col pasturale,' Purg. xvi. 109-10, 
the allusion to the union of the sword with the 
crook, of the temporal power with the spiritual, 
being, as some think, to the action of B. after 
the victory of Albert of Hapsburg over Adolf 
of Nassau in 1298, when he not only refused 
to crown the victor, but, as Sismondi relates 
(Vol. ii. Chap. 9, ed. 1838), placed the crown 
on his own head, and seizing a sword, cried : 
'I am Caesar, I am Emperor, I will defend 
the rights of the Empire ' [Alberto Tedeaoo]. 
Some see an allusion to the death of Boniface 
(but the reference is more probably to the 
removal of the Papal court to Avignon in 130J) 
in the prophecy of Folquet of Marseilles (m 
the Heaven of Venus), Par, ix. 139-42. . 



Boniface VIII, after procuring the abdication 
of the incapable Celestine V, secured his own 
election through the influence of Charles II 
of , Naples, whose support he gained by pro- 
mising to help him in his war for the re- 
covery of Sicily. Villani says : — 

' Nel detto anno 1994, messer Benedetto Guatani 
cardinale, avendo per suo senno e segacitk adoperato 
che papa Celestino avea rifiutato il papato . . . segul 
la sua impresa, e tanto adoperd cq' cardinal! e col 
procaccio del re Carlo, il quale avea amistk di 
molti cardinal!, specialmente de* dodici nuovi eletti 
per Celestino, e stando in questa cerca, una sera 
di notte isconosciuto con poca compagnia and6 al 
re Carlo, e dissegli : Re, il tuo papa Celestino t' 
ha voluto e potato servire nella tua guerra di 
Cicilia, ma non ha saputo ; ma se tu adoperi co' 
tuoi amici cardinali che io sia eletto papa, io sapr6, 
e vorr6, e potr6; promettendogli per sua fede e 
saramento di mettervi tutto il podere della Chiesa. 
Allora Io re fidandosi di lui, gli promise e ordind 
co' sued dodici cardinali che gli dessero le loro 
boci . . . e per questo modo fu eletto papa nella 
cittk di Napoli, la vilia della nativitk di Cristo del 
detto anno.* (viii. 6.) 

It was at the invitation of Boniface that 
Charles of Valois, brother of Philip IV of 
France, went to Florence in Nov. 1301, os- 
tensibly to make peace between the Bianchi 
and Neri, his intervention resulting in the 
expulsion of the fonner and the exile of D. 
[Carlo ^]. Boniface was thus the ultimate 
cause of D.'s lifelong banishment, and the 
poet in consequence indulges towards him 
a fierce hatred, assigning him, as is noted 
above, his place of torment in Hell while he 
was yet alive. It is noteworthy, however, that 
notwithstanding his personal hatred for Boni- 
face D. refuses in any way to condone the 
enormity of the offence committed by Philip IV 
in laying hapds on the Vicar of Christ, when 
the long struggle between them, and the bitter 
contest with the Colonna family, finally cul- 
minated in the tragedy of Anagni [Alagna]. 

Ozanam remarks : — 

*■ Dante est Tennemi politique de Boniface ; il 
croit lui devoir son exil, I'asservissement de sa 
patrie ; il Taccuse de fraude, de simonie, d'usurpa- 
tion . . . Mais en presence du crime d' Anagni . . . 
il ne voit plus que le Christ captif en la personne 
de son vicaire.' 

Apart from his having prostituted the in- 
fluence of the Church in the furtherance of 
the designs of Charles II of Naples, Boniface 
was repeatedly guilty of simony in advancing 
his own family and adherents to ecclesiastical 
dignities, as is recorded by Villani : — 

'Fece al suq tempo piii cardinali suoi amici e 
confidenti, intra gli altri due suoi nipoti molto 
giovani, e uno suo zio fratello che fu della madre, 
e venti tra vescovi e arcivescovi suoi parent! e 
amici della piccola cittii d'Anagna di ricchi vesco- 
vadi, e Taltro suo nipote e figliuoli, ch' erano 
conti . . . Iasci6 loro quasi iofinito tesoro.' (viiL 64.)- 



[92] 



Bonifiasdo 



Bonifazio 



Milman says of him : — 

<Of all the Roman Pontiflfs Boniface left the 
darkest name for craft, arrogance, ambition, even 
for avarice and cruelty. He was hardly dead 
when the epitaph was proclaimed to Uie un- 
protesting Christian world : He came in like a 
fox, he ruled like a lion, and he died like a dog.' 
{Lai. Christ.) 

Villani, Guelf though he was, is unable to 
condone his notorious faults : — 

' Questo papa* Bonifazio fu della cittk d'Alagna, 
assai gentile uomo di sua terra, figliuolo di messer 
Lifredi Guatani, e di sua nazione ghibellino, e 
mentre fu cardinale protettore di loro . . . ma poi 
che fu fatto papa molto si fece guelfo, e molto fece 
per lo re Carlo nella guerra di Cicilia.* (viii. 6.) — 
'Fu savissimo di scrittura e di senno naturale, e 
uomo molto aweduto e pratico, e di g^ande cono- 
scenza e memoria ; molto fu altiero, e superbo, e 
crudele contro a' suoi nimici e awersari, e fu di 
grande cuore, e molto temuto da tutta gente, e 
alz6 e aggrandi molto lo stato e ragioni di Santa 
Chiesa . . . Magnanimo e largo fu a gente che gli 
piacesse, e che fossono valorosi, vago molto della 
pompa mondana secondo suo stato, e fu molto 
pecunioso, non guardando n^ faccendosi grande 
n^ stretta coscienza d'ogni guadagno, per ag- 
grandire la Chiesa e' suoi nipoti . . . Fu piu 
mondano che non richiedea alia sua dignity e 
fatte avea assai delle cose a dispiacere di Dio.* 
(viii. 64.) 

The following scathing verses on his avarice 
and simony were addressed to Boniface by 
his contemporary Jacopone da Todi, a Fran- 
ciscan monk (died circ 1306), who was im- 
prisoned in consequence : — 

*0 Papa Bonifacio, 

molto ai jocato al mondo^ 
penso che jocundo 
non ten porai partire. 
Bl mando non he luato 
laaaar i sot aenrenti, 
che ala sua partita 
ae partano gaudenti ; 
non fara lege nova 
de fiartene exempto, 
ch^el non te dia el preaento, 
ch*el dona al so servire. 
♦ ♦ ♦ 

Par che la verrogna 
de drieto habi aetata; 
Tanima el corpo hai posto 
a levar tua casata; 
chi in arena mobele 
fa ^^nde edificata, 
sabtto e rninata, 
non It po falUre. 
« « * 

Qnando in la contrada 
te piace alcun castello, 
adesso mitti diacordia 
entro frate et fratello; 
a Tan seti el braso al coUo, 
a Taltro mostri el cohello ; 
sel noo consente al to appello 
menadlo del ferire. 

Se alcnno vescovello 
po covelle pagare 
mittiglt lo tiagello 
che 10 voi degradare; 
poi lo mandt al camarleogo 
ch*el si deba acordare 
che tanto pora dare 
che ttt lo lassi redire. 



Pensi per astatia 
lo mundo dominare; 
to che tu ordeni Pan anno 
Taltro voi guastare; 
al mnndo non he cavallo 
che se lassi iiifrenare 
ch*el possi cavalcare 
■ecundo el to volere. 

* * * 

O lingua maledecta 
ha dicere vilania, 
remproperar ^-ergognc 
con grande blasphemia; 
ne imperator ne rege, 
ne altro homo che -sia, 
da ti non se parthia 
senza cnidel ferire. 

* * * 

O pessima avaritia 
sete indapltcata 
bever tanta pecmiia 
e non easer satiata. 
non te pensavi, roisero, 
a cni rfiai congr^ata, 
che tal te Ta robata 
che non era in to pensete. 

* * * 

Non trovi chi recordi 
papa nallo passato 
ch in tanta vanagloria 
se sia delectato; 
per ch*el timor de Dio 
de retro hai cetato, 
signo he de deaperato 
o del falso sentire. Amen.* 

Bonifazio ^y a Bishop (identified by modem 
commentators with Bonifazio dei Fieschi of 
Genoa, Archbishop of Ravenna, 1274- 1295), 
whom D. places among the Gluttonous in Circle 
VI of Purgatory, describing him as ' Bonifazio 
Che pastur6 col tocco molte genti,' Purg. xxiv. 
29-30 [QoloBi]. Benvenuto says this expres- 
sicm is appropriate of the Archbishop of Ra- 
venna, whose see is a very extensive one : — 

' Archiepiscopus ravennas est magnus pastor, 
qui habet sub se multos episcopos suffraganeos ab 
Arimino usque Parmam.' 

With reference to the term rocco used by D. 
here of the pastoral staff, Lana says : — 

'Questo Bonifacio fu arcivescovo di Ravenna, 
lo quale non porta lo pastorale cos! ritorto come 
gli altri arcivescovi, ma h fatto di sopra al modo di 
rocco delli scacchi.' 

The ancient pastoral staff of the Archbishops 
of Ravenna, which is still preserved, bears at 
the top an ornament shaped like a chess ' rook/ 
answering to the description given by Lana. 
(See the illustration given by C. Ricci in La 
D, C. illustrata net luoghi e nelle persone^ 

p. 459-) 
Bonifazio dei Fieschi, who was a nephew 

of Innocent IV, was appointed Archbishop 

of Ravenna by Gregory X in 1274, during 

the second Council of Lyons ; he was seht 

to France by Honorius IV in 1285 to help 

Edward I of England in his efforts to bring 

about a reconciliation between Alphonso III of 

Aragon and Philip the Fair, and to negotiate 

for the release of Charles II of Naples; he 

died Feb. i, 129^. He is known to have been 



[93] 



BonifiEisiO 



Borgo 



immensely wealthy and to have possessed 
a great collection of plate and Hch embroideries) 
but there is no record of his having been 
addicted to gluttony. In a contemporary 
account he is described as ' magnus prolocutor 
et partem ecclesiasticam firmiter tenens ' ; and 
another says of him: 'acquisivit et auxit et 
augmentavit multa bona et jurisdictionem et 
honores ecclesie.' (See C. Ricci, LulHmo 
rifugio di D., pp. 120 if.) 

&onifazio 3], Fazio or Bonifazio de' Mori 
Ubaldini of Signa, a lawyer who was Gonfalo- 
niere di Giustizia in Florence in 1316, and 
several times Prior. He was sent as ambas- 
sador to Clement V in 1310 for the pur- 
pose of organiting the opposition to the Em- 
peror Henry VII when he came into Italy ; 
and his name figures in consequence on the 
list of those condemned by the Emperor in 
1313. He is probably the mdividual referred 
to as quel da Signa^ whom Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of MaiTs) couples with Baldo d'Agu- 
glione, Par. xvi. 56. [Aguglione.] 

Dino Compagni, who calls him Faxio da 
Signa (ii. 23), states that he and Baldo were 
renegade Bianchi, and took an active part 
in helping the Neri to expel their old allies 
from Florence in 1301. Some think D. meant 
Pino da Signa, whom Compagni (i. 14) men- 
tions together with Baldo, amongst those who 
conspired against Giano della Bella in 1294. 

Boniflsuio di Monferrato. [Monfer- 
rato.] 

Bononia, Bologna, V. E. i. 1 5**> »*. [Bo- 
logna.] 

Bononienses, the Bolognese, V. E. i. 
9*3-4, 154, 27 ; ii. 1241. [Bolognesi.] 

Bononiensis, Bolognese ; vulgare Bononi- 
ense, the Bolognese dialect, V. E. i. 153^, 
[Bologpiesi.] 

Bonorum^ De Pine* [Plaibos, De,] 

Bonsignori, Niccol6 de'. [li'iooold 1.] 

Bonturo, Bonturo Dati, head of the popu- 
lar party in Lucca at the beginning of Cent, 
xiv ; mentioned ironically by one of the devils 
in Bolgia 5 of Malebolge as being the only man 
in Lucca who was not a barrator (he having 
been in reality an ' archbarrator,' as Benvenuto 
calls him). Inf. xxi. 41. [Barattleri.] 

B. appears to have carried on his nefarious 
traffic on so large a scale that nearly all the 
offices in Lucca were manipulated by him. 
Benvenuto says that once, when he was on a 
mission to Boniface VIII, the Pope, by way of 
remonstrance at some piece of double-dealing, 
shook him by the arm, whereupon B. ex- 
laimed : ' Holy Father, you have shaken the 
half of Lucca ' : — 

'Bonturus fuit archibaratarius, qui sagaciter 
ducebat et versabat illud commune totum, et dabat 



offici& quibus volebat; similiter ezcludebat quos 
volebat. Unde dum semel ivisset legatus ad 
papam Bonifacium, Boniiacius, magnus marescalcus 
hominum, qui cognoscebat laqueos ejus, cepit eum 
per brachium, et vibravit Cui ille respondit : tu 
quassasti dimidiam Lucam.* 

In 13 14 his insolent reply to the demand of 
the Pisans for the restitution of the castle of 
Asdano, viz. that the Lucchese kept this castle 
as a mirror for the Pisan ladies (Villani, viL 
122), led to a fierce war between Pisa and 
Lucca, which terminated disastrously for the 
latter. The Lucchese in consequence expelled 
Bonturo from Lucca, and he was obliged to 
take refuge in Florence, where he died. The 
Pisans, after their triumph, wrote the following 
lines m blood upon tne gate of Lucca in 
mockery of Bonturo : — 

* Or ti apecchia, Bontar Dati, 
Ch* e* Lacchesi hai consigliati! 
Lo die di San Prediano 
Alle poite dt Laoca fa *1 piaana* 

Boote], Bo6tes (or Areas), son of HelicS or 
Callisto by Jupiter. Juno having in jealousy 
metamorphosed Callisto into a she-bear, she 
was one day pursued by her son Areas while 
hunting ; when he was on the point of killing 
her Jupiter transformed them both into Con- 
stellations, Callisto becoming the Great Bear, 
Areas the Little Bear or Bo5tes. D., referring 
to Bootes as il fi^lio d^ElicCy speaks of the 
North as the region which is covered every 
day by HelicS and her son, i. e. by the Great 
and Little Bear, Par. xxxi. 31-3 [Elioe] ; the 
two Bears are spoken of as FOrsey Purg. iv. 65 ; 
Par. ii. 9 [OraaJ ; the Little Bear is alluded to. 
Par. xiii. 10 [Como]. 

Borea, Boreas, the N. wmd, Par. xxviii. 81 ; 
D. here speaks of it as blowing 'from that 
cheek whence it is most gentle,' and clearing 
away the fog. Brunetto Latino in his Trisor 
(i. 107), after naming the four points of the 
compass from which the winds blow, says : — 

' £t ce sont Ii quatre vent principal dou monde, 
et chascuns d'euiz en a .ii. autres entor lui qui 
sont aussi comme bastart.' 

Speaking of the ' bastard ' or side-winds of 
the N. wind, he says : — 

*■ Li principaus vens qui vient de la tramontane 
done nues et froidure, et cil qui Ii est encoste, 
vers couchant, done noif et grelle . . . mais Ii 
autres qui est vers levant rastrait pluies et nues,'-^ 

i.e. the direct N. wind brings clouds and 
cold, the N.W. wind brings snow and hail, 
while the N.E. keeps off rain and clouds. It 
is evident, therefore, that D. is speaking of the 
N.E. wind. 

Lucan's mention of Boreas {Phars, ix. 480), 
quoted, Mon. iL 4*1. 

Borgo, the Boigo sant' Apostolo, one of the 
ancient quarters of Florence, situated close to 
the Amo, between the Ponte Vecchio and the 



[94] 



Borgo san Felice 



Branca d'Oria 



Ponte S. Trinitk ; mentioned by Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars), who says that in his 
day the Gualterotti and Importuni lived there, 
and that the quarter would have been more 
peaceful had they not had new neighbours, 
Far. xvi. 133-5. The * nuovi vicini ' were the 
Buondelmonti, who came into Florence in 
1 135, and subsequently (in 121 5) gave rise to 
the feuds which led to the introduction of the 
Gueif and Ghibelline factions into Florence. 
[Buondehnonti : Fiorensa.] Villani says : — 

* In borgo santo Apostolo erano grandi Gualte- 
rotti e Importuni, che oggi son popolani ; i 
Bondelmonti erano nobili e antichi cittadini in 
contadOf e Montebuoni fu loro castello, e piii altri 
in Valdigreve ; prima si puosono Oltramo, e poi 
tomarono in Borgo/ (iv. 13.) 

Borgo san Felice. [Burgum 8. Feliois.] 

Bomeily Gerardus de. [Gerardus de 
Bomeil.] 

BomiOy Bom, name of a forest, on the 
borders of the Limousin and P^rigord, in the 
midst of which, on the shore of a small lake, 
not hif from the village of Bellegarde, was 
situated the castle where the famous trouba- 
dour, Bertran de Bom, was bom (circ. 11 40), 
Inf. xxviii. 134. 

Bomio, Bertram daL [Bertram dal 
Bomio.] 

Borsiere, Guglielmo, a Florentine, said 
to have been a pursemaker, placed by D. in 
Hound 3 of Circle VII of Hell among those 
guilty of unnatural offences ; he is mentioned 
by Jacopo Rusticucci, who asks D. for news of 
Florence, saying that Guglielmo, who had but 
recently joined them, gave them a grievous 
report of it. Inf. xvi. 67-72. [Sodomiti.] 

Benvenuto says that Guglielmo (who, as is 
evident from w» 70-1, must have died shortly 
before 1300), becoming tired of pursemaking, 
Idft his trade and took to a social life, spending 
his time in travelling about and visiting noble- 
men's houses. He also tells the story, which 
is the subject of one of the tales of the Deca-- 
merone (i. 8), of how he cured a certain Messer 
Kmiino Grimaldi of Genoa of his miserly ways. 
Boccaccio (in his Comento) says of him : — 

'Questi fu cavalier di corte, uomo costumato 

molto e di laudevol maniera ; ed era il sue 

esercizio, e degli altri suoi pari, il trattar paci tra' 

grandi e gentili uomini, trattar matrimonii e 

parentadi, e talora con piacevoli e oneste novella 

recreare gli animi dc' faticati, e confortargli alle 

cose onorevoli ; il che i moderni non fanno, anzi 

quanto piii sono scellerati e spiacevoli, e con 

bnitte operazioni e parole, piii piacciono e meglio 

possono essere proweduti.' 

Boso. [BUOBO.] 

Bostichi, ancient noble Florentine family, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been of importance in his 



day, Par. xvi. 93. Villani states that they 
lived near the Mercato Nuovo (iv. ij) and 
were Guelfs (v, 39 ; vi. 33) ; they fledf from 
Florence with the rest of the party in 1260 
after the Ghibelline victory at Montaperti (vi. 
79), and subsequently sided, some with the 
Bianchi, some with the Neri (viii. 39). Accord- 
ing to Dino Compagni (ii. 20) the Bostichi 
Neri were guilty of the wildest excesses in 
Florence after the return of Corso Donati in 
Nov. 1301. The Ottimo Comento speaks of 
them as having fallen into decay : — 

*■ Sono al presente di poco valore, e di poca 
dignitade.' 

Brabante^ Brabant, ancient duchy, now 
one of the provinces of Belgium ; mentioned 
in connexion with the second wife of Philip 
III of France, whom D. calls la donna di 
Brabante^ Purg. vi. 23. Mary, daughter of 
Henry III, Duke of Brabant, married Philip 
III as his second wife in 1274. [Filippo^ : 
Table viii]. She is said to have accused 
Pierre de la Brosse, Philip's chamberlain, of 
an attempt upon her chastity, in consequence 
of which he was put to death. D. appears to 
have believed that Pierre was innocent, and 
he urges Mary to repent of having caused his 
death, while she yet had time {^, 22-4). 
Mary died, Jan. 12, 1 321, in the same year as 
D., and may not improbably have read this 
warning. [Broooia.] 

Margaret of Brabant, to whom three letters, 
said to have been* written by D., were addressea 
by the Countess of Battifolle, was the wife of 
the Emperor Henry VII of Luxembui^. The 
letters, which are undoubtedly spurious, are 
printed by Giuliani. 

Branca d'Oria, member of the famous 
Ghibelline house of Doria at Genoa, who, with 
the aid of his nephew, treacherously murdered 
(circ. 1290) his father-in-law, Michael Zanche, 
governor of Logodoro in Sardinia, at a banquet 
to which he had invited him. 

D. places his soul in Tolomea, the third 
division of Circle IX of Hell, among the 
Traitors, although he was not yet dead, Inf. 
xxxiii. 137, 140; un tal^ v. 155. [Tolomea.] 
Frate Alberigo having pointed out to D. the 
shade of Branca d'Oria, D. objects that the 
latter is yet alive {w, 134-41) ; A. replies 
that Branca*s soul descended to Hell, even 
before that of his victim, Michael Zanche (who 
was among the Barrators in Malebolge, Inf. 
xxii. 88), his body on earth being inhabited by 
a fiend (z/2/. 142-47). [Alberigo, Frate: 
Michel Zanohe.] 

Bamabb, the son of Branca d'Oria (not 
Branca himself, as Dino Compagni erroneously 
states), received the Emperor Henry VII 
when he visited Genoa in 131 1. 

There is a tradition, mentioned by Papanti 
(Dante secondo le tradizioni)^ that Branca and 



[95] 



Branda, Fonte 



Brettinoro 



his friends revenged themselves upon D. for 
this condemnation of him, by causing D. to be 
ill-received when he visited Genoa. 

Branda, Fonte, celebrated fountain at 
Siena (mention of which occurs as early as 
1081), situated at the foot of the hill upon 
which the church of San Domenico stands, so 
called from the Brandi family, to whom the 
site at one time belonged ; commonly supposed 
to be the fountain referred to by Maestro 
Adamo (in Bolgia 10 of Malebolge), Inf. xxx. 
yS. It appears, however, that there was 
another fountain of the same name (now dried 
up, but the existence of which is attested by 
its mention in ancient documents) in the neigh- 
bourhood of Romena, close to the scene of 
Maestro Adamo's crime and punishment, 
which may be the one alluded to. All the old 
commentators take the reference to be to the 
Fonte Branda at Siena, but this may be 
merely because it was better known. [Adamo, 
Maestro.] 

Brandimborgo, Ugo di. [tJgo di Bran- 
dlmborgo.] 

Brandino Padovano. [ndebrandinus 
PadiianuB.] 

Brandizio, Brundusium (Brindisi), town 
on the Adriatic in Apulia (the Roman Cala- 
bria), the termination of the Via Appia, and 
the usual port of embarkation in ancient times 
for Greece and the East ; Virgil died here on 
his return from Greece, Sep. 26, B.C. 19. 

Addressing D. (in Antepurgatory), Virgil 
says of his own body, 'Napoli Tha, e da 
Brandizio h tolto,' Purg. iii. 27 ; the allusion is 
to the transference of V.'s body from Brundu- 
sium to Naples by order of Augustus, and to 
the old epitaph recorded by Suetonius : — 

' Mantua me genait^ Calabri rapnere, tenet none 
Parthenope; ceani pascua, mra, duces* — 

i. e. I was bom at Mantua, died at Calabrian 
Brundusium, and was buried at Naples; 
I wrote the Eclogues^ the Georgics, and the 
Aetieid, [Auguato ^ : Virgilio!] 

Brenno, Brennus, leader of the Senonian 
Gauls, who in B.C 390 crossed the Apennines, 
defeated the Romans at the Allia, and took 
Rome; after besieging the Capitol for six 
months he quitted the city upon receiving 
1,000 pounds of gold as a ransom for the 
Capitol, and returned safe home with his booty. 
According to later tradition (followed by Livy, 
v. 48-9), at the moment when the gold was 
being weighed, and Brennus, declaring the 
Roman weights to be false, had thrown his 
sword into the scale, Camillus and a Roman 
army appeared, fell upon the Gauls and 
slaughtered them. 

The Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) mentions the defeat of Brennus 
among the exploits of the Roman Eagle, Par. 



vi. 44 [Aqtdla^]; the story of the attack of 
the Gauls on the Capitol, and their repulse by 
Manlius, is referred to, Conv. iv. 5i«<>-* ; ana 
told on the authority of Livy (v. 47) and Viigil 
(Aen, viii. 652-6). Mon. ii. 4*2-« [CamlUo: 
GaUi2: ManUus]. 

Brennus. [Brenno.] 

Brenta, river of Upper Italy, which rises 
in the Tyrolese 'Alps above Trent, flows S.E. 
and then S. past Bassano, and after being 
joined by the Bacchiglione just below Padua, 
falls into the Venetian Lagoons by two mouths 
(the southernmost, near Brondolo, being now 
the outlet of the Brenta canal). 

D. mentions the-B. in connexion with the 
embankments built by the Paduans as a pro- 
tection against its floods, Inf. xv. 7-9 [Chiar- 
entana] ; Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus) 
mentions it as one of the boundaries of the 
March of Treviso, Par. ix. 27 [Maroa Trivi- 
edana]. 

Brescia, town in Lombardy about 16 miles 
W. of the Lago di Garda ; mentioned by Viigil, 
in his account of the founding of Mantua, in con- 
nexion with a place on the lake where the three 
dioceses of Trent, Brescia, and Verona meet, 
Inf. XX. 68 [Benaoo] ; a neighbour of Mantua, 
Cremona, and Verona (from which it is dis- 
tant about 38, 30, and 40 miles respectively), 
V. E. i. 15^11 ; one of the Guelfic cities which 
opposed the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. vii. 6. 

Bresciani, inhabitants of Brescia, Inf. xx. 
71 ; Brixianiy V. E. i. 1481 ; Brixiensesy V. E. 
i. 14^^ ; Peschiera well placed to hold them 
and the Bergamasks in check, In£ xx. 70-1 
[Fesohiera] ; their dialect, together with those 
of the Veronese, Vicentines, Paduans, and 
Trevisans, condemned as harsh, especially iQ 
a woman's mouth, one of their peculiarities 
being a fondness for consonantal endings in^ 
V. E. i. 1420-35. 

Brettinoro, now Bertinoro, small town in 
the Emilia, between Forli and Cesena ; it was 
the native place of Guido del Duca (Puig. 
xiv. 81) and Arrigo Mainardi (Purg. xiv. 97). 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
mentions it in aUusion to the expulsion of the 
Ghibellines in 1295, probably with especial 
reference to the Mainardi family, Purg. xiv. 
1 1 2- 1 4. After being for a time under the lord- 
ship of the Malatesti of Rimini, the town 
passed towards the end of Cent, xiii into 
the hands of the Ordelaffi of Forll, in whose 
possession it was at the date of the Vision. 
According to the Ottimo Comento, whose 
account is repeated by Benvenuto, it was in 
its best days renowned for the hospitality of 
its nobles : — 

* Intr* all' altre laudabili costume de* nobili di 
Brettinoro era il convivcre, e che non volcano che 
uomo vendereccio vi tenesse osteUo ; ma una 



[96] 



Briareo 



Brigata Spendereocia 



colonna di pietra era in mezzo il castello, alia 
quale, come entrava dentro il forestiere, era 
menato, ed a una delle campanelle convenia 
mettere il cavallo e cappello ; e come la fronte li 
dava, cosi era menato alia casa per lo gentile uomo 
al quale era attribuita quella campanella, ed onorato 
secondo suo grado. La quale colonna e campanella 
furono trovate per torre materia di scandolo intr* 
alii detti gentili, che ciascuno prima correva a 
menarsi a casa il forestiere, siccome oggi quasi si 
ftigge.' 

Briareo, Briareus or Aegaeon, son of 
Uranus and Gaea, one of the giants who warred 
against Olympus. He was slain by Jupiter 
with a thunderbolt and buried under Mt. Etna. 
Virgil represents him with a hundred arms and 
fifty heaas : — 

* Aegaeon . * . centam cni brachia dtcnnt 
CentouuKiae manas, qain(^aaginta oribos ignem 
Pectoribttaqae arsisse, Jovis cam fnllnina contra 
Tot paribos streperet dipeii, tot strinreret enset.* 

(Aen, X. s^S-^-) 

D. calls him h ismisuraio B,, a recollection 
of the 'immensus Briareus* of Statius (Theb. 
IL 596), and places him with Antaeus, Ephi- 
altes and Nimrod, as one of the warders at 
the mouth of Cu-cle IX of Hell, Inf. xxxi. 98 
[Qiganti] ; he is represented, transfixed by 
the bolt of Jupiter, among the examples of 
ddeated pride in Circle I of Purgatory, Purg. 
xiL 28-30. [SuperbL] 

Brigata, II, Nino il Brigata, grandson of 
Count Ugolino della Gherardesca of Pisa, 
whose imprisonment and death he shared in 
ia88 in the Tower of Famine at Pisa, Inf. 
zxxiii. 89; he and his uncle Uguccione, and 
his younj^ brother Anselmuccio, referred to 
by Ugohno (in Antenora) as // tre^ v. yi 
[XTgolliiOy Conte]. Nino was the son of 
Guelfo, eldest son of Ugolino, and Elena, 
daughter of Enzio, King of Sardinia, the natural 
son of Frederick II [Table xxx]. D, repre- 
sents both the two sons of Ugolino, and his 
two grandsons, as being of tender age {*eth 
novella,' v. BS). Nino cannot have been very 
young, for he is said to have been married, 
and not long before his death the Ghibellines 
had wished to associate him with his grand- 
father in the government of Pisa ; he is men- 
tioned in a document (dated 1272) relating 
to the claims of himself and his brothers (but 
without mention of Anselmuccio, the youngest, 
who was probably not bom at the time) to 
their mother's rights in Sardinia. D. in the 
Cofrvivio (iv. i^i"2) uses the phrase *etk 
novella' as the equivalent of ' gioventute,' 
which he elsewhere (iv. 24ii'"37) defines as the 
period between twenty-five and forty-five; so 
that the expression as applied to Ugolino's 
sons and grandsons is not so incongruous as it 
at first appears. [Anselmuocio.] 



young men which flourished for a short time 
during the second half of Cent, xiii ; alluded 
to by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Malebolge) 
as il brigata^ Inf. xxix. 130 ; he mentions four 
of its most conspicuous members by name, 
viz. Stricca, z/. 125; Niccol6, v, 127; Caccia 
d'Asciano, v. 131 ; and * TAbbagliato,' v. 132; 
a fifth member, Lano, is mentioned, Inf. xiii. 
120. [Abbagliato: Cacoia d'Asoiaao: 
Lano: Niocold^: Strioca.] 

Benvenuto gives a long account of this 
'brigade,' which he says was composed of 
twelve members, all wealthy young men, who 
were bent upon doing something to make 
themselves talked about. Accordingly they 
each contributed a large sum to a common 
fund, of which each member was bound to 
spend lavishly, under pain of expulsion from 
the society. They then hired a magnificent 
palace, where they met once or twice in the 
month, and gave sumptuous banquets, enter- 
taining and loading with gifts any persons of 
distinction who happened to come to Siena. 
They prided themselves on having all sorts 
of strange and rare dishes ; and one of their 
freaks was to fling the gold and silver utensils 
and table ornaments out of the window as 
soon as the banquet was over. In this way 
they ran through their means in less than two 
years, and became the laughing-stock of all 
the world, some of them being reduced to 
live on charity. Benvenuto adds that two sets 
of poems were composed on them, one de- 
scribing their magnificent beginning, the other 
their miserable ending. The poems referred 
to by Benvenuto are probably those of Folgore 
da San Gemignano (himself supposed to have 
been a member of the * brigade ') and Cenc 
dalla Chitarra of Arezzo, the former of whom 
addressed to the * brigata nobile e cortese' 
a series of twelve sonnets, one for each month 
of the year, in celebration of their merry life, 
while the latter wrote a series in parody of 
the other, giving a picture of the miserable 
condition to which they were reduced by their 
folly ; specimens of both are given by Nan- 
nucci {Lett liaL, i. 341-50). The following is 
Folgore's opening sonnet, in which we get 
the names of six other members of the * brigade,' 
making up, with the five mentioned by D., 
and Folgore himself, the complete number of 
twelve : — 

* Alia briji^ta nobile e cortese, 

B a tntte quelle parte dove sono, 
Con allegreBa stando senipre, dono 
Cani, accelli, e denari per ispese. 

Ronxin portanti, qnaglie a volo prese, 
Bracchi, levrier corner, vcltri abbandooo : 



Brigata Spendereocia], the < Spendthrift 
Brigade ' of Siena, a company of extravagant 



In questo regno Niccold corono, 
>ich^ elU ^ il fior della dttii Sane — 
ingoccio, Atain di Togno, ed Ancaiano, 
ETBartolo, e Mugaro. e Painotto, 
Ihe paiono fi?liuoli del re Bano ; 



Che paiono figlin 

Prodi e corteai pii^ che Lancilotto ; 
Se bisognasae, con le lance in mano 

Parian tomeamenti a Camelotta* 



[97] 



H 



BriBBO 



Bruggia 



BrisBO, Bryson, ancient Greek philosopher, 
mentioned by Aristotle as having attempted 
to square the circle, a problem which appa- 
rently he tried to solve dishonestly by non- 
geometrical methods (Soph, Elench, i. lo ; 
Anal, Post i. 8). 

St Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) mentions B., together with Parmenides 
and Melissus, as examples of bad reasoners, 
who attempt to find the truth without havinp^ 
first mastered the art of reasoning, Par. xiii. 

135. 

Briada. Brescia, V. E. i. \^^ ; Epist. vii. 6. 
[Bresoia.] 

Brixiani, Brescians, V. E. i. \^^ ; Brix- 
tenses^ V. £. i. 14^^ [Bresoiani] 

Briadenses. [Briziajii.] 

Broccia, Pier dalla, Pierre de la Brosse, 
according to tradition, a surgeon of low birth, 
but actually a gentleman of Touraine of 
honourable extraction, who was favourite and 
chamberlain of Philip III of France. He had 
already held the office of chamberlain to 
Philip's father, Louis IX, whom he accom- 
panied on his last expedition to the East, 
which ended in the King*s death at Tunis in 
1270. On the sudden death in 1276 of the 
heir to the throne, Louis, Philip's son by his 
first wife, Isabella of Aragon, an accusation 
was brought against the Queen, Mary of 
Brabant, of havmg poisoned Louis, in order 
to secure the succession of her own son, among 
her accusers being Pierre de la Brosse. 

<L'an de grace mil deux cens soixante seize, 
avint que Loys le premier fils le roy Phelippe 
mouru et fu empoisonn^, ainsi comme aucuns 
dient. Le roy en fu en souspe^on, et ceste 
souspepon mist en son cuer Pierre de la Broce, 
son maistre chambellenc : car il maintenoit et 
disoit en derrenier que ce avoit fait la royne, et 
que elle feroit, se elle povoit, mourir les autres, 
pour ce que le royaume peust venir aux enfans 
qui estoient de son corps.' {Grandes Chroniques dt 
FroHCi : Phelippe III. ch. xxii.) 

Not long afterwards Pierre was suddenly 
arrested by order of the King at Vincennes, 
and imprisoned at Janville, in the Beauvaisis. 
From thence he was removed to Paris, where 
he was condemned and sentenced to death 
before an assembly of the nobles, and hanged 
by the common hangman, in the presence of 
the Dukes of Burgundy and Brabant, and of 
the Count of Artois, June 30, 1278. The 
suddenness and ignommy of his execution 
appear to have caused great wonder and con- 
stemation, especially as the charge on which 
he was condemned was not made known. 
According to the popular account he had been 
accused by the Queen of an attempt upon her 
chastity. The truth seems to be that he was 
hanged upon a charge of treasonable cor- 
respondence with Alphonso X, King of Castile, 



with whom Philip was at war, the intercepted 
letters on which the charge was based having, 
it is alleged, been forged at the instance of 
the Queen. It is at any rate certain that Pierre 
was an object of envy and hatred to the great 
nobles of Philip's court, and it is likely enough 
that the^ made common cause with the Queen 
in bringmg about his fall. 

D. places Pierre de la Brosse in Ante- 

?urgatory among those who put off repentance, 
urg. vi. 22 [Antipiirgatorio] ; and evidently 
regarded him as innocent, for he speaks of his 
spirit as having been divided from his body 
'through hate and envy, not for fault com- 
mitted' (w, 19-21) ; at the same time he implies 
that Mary of Brabant was guilty of his death, 
since he warns her to repent of her crime ere it 
is too late (she being still alive at the time he 
wrote), lest she should be consigned to a worse 
>lace than Pierre, namely to Hell {tw, 22-4) 
[Brabante]. Benvenuto states that D. satis- 
led himself of Pierre's innocence while he was 
in Paris: — 

'Dantes, qui fuit Parisius, post exilium suum, 
explorata diligenter veritate hujus rei, dignum 
duxit, ipsum ponere salvum in purgatorio, et 
reddere sibi bonam famam, sicut fecerat Petro de 
Vineis in inferno.' 

Bromius, 'the noisy god,' surname of 
Bacchus ; mentioned, in connexion with King 
Midas, Eel. ii. 53. [Bacoo : Mida.] 

Bruggia, Bruges, capital of Western Flan- 
ders, about 25 miles N. W. of Ghent, and about 
ten from the coast ; mentioned, together with 
Wissant, in connexion with the embankments 
built by the Flemings to keep back the sea, 
B. roughly indicating the eastern limit of the 
Flemish sea-board, Wissant the western. Inf. 
XV. 4 [Quizzante] ; coupled by Hugh Capet 
(in Circle V of Purgatory) with Douay, Ghent, 
and Lille, to indicate Flanders, Purg. xx. 46. 

The reference here is to the events which 
took place in Flanders between 1297 and 1304, 
in which those towns played a conspicuous 
part. 

In 1297 Guy, Count of Flanders, having by his 
dealings with Edward I of England excited the 
suspicions of Philip IV of France, was decoyed by 
the latter under a lying pretext to Corbeil, where 
be was kept prisoner until he had sworn to 
renounce all communication with Edward. No 
sooner, however, did Guy regain bis liberty than 
he broke his oath. Philip thereupon proceeded 
to make war upon him, and sent his brother, 
Charles of Valois, into Flanders to reduce the 
country. Guy, having been abandoned by his 
ally, the King of England, who through the 
mediation of Boniface VIII had made peace with 
Philip (March, 199I), was compelled to come to 
terms with Charles. It was agreed that he should 
go to Paris with his two sons to sue for the king's 
pardon, a safe-conduct for his return being 
promised him in the event of peace not being con- 



[98] 



BrunelleBohi, Agnello 



Brunetto Latino 



eluded between them within the year. Philip, how- 
ever, declared that in offering these terms Charles 
bad exceeded his authority, and treacherously 
imprisoned Guy and his two sons. Treating 
Flanders as a subject state, he visited the country 
in person and was well received by a portion of 
the population. But the cruelty and oppression 
of Chatillon, the French Governor, drove the lower 
classes to arms; they rose in every part of the 
country, and with an army, which consisted mostly 
of peasants and mechanics, they totally defeated 
the French at Courtrai (the ' Battle of the Spurs'), 
March ai, i3o|. In this battle, in which they lost 
the flower of their nobility, the Comtc d'Artois 
among them, the French met with the vengeance 
to which D. alludes, Purg. xx. 47. After this 
defeat Philip made peace with Flanders, released 
his prisoners, and surrendered all the country N. 
of the Lys to Robert de Bethune (eldest son of 
Guy, who had died in captivity), the southern 
portion bein g annexed to France. (See Philalethes; 
and VUlani, xix, zx, zxxii, xxxvii, Iv-lviii, Ixxvi- 
hodz.) 

Bnmelleschi, Agnello. [AgnM.] 

Bmnetto Latino, Florentine Guelf, son 
of Buonaccorso Latino, bom in Florence circ 
12 10, died 1294 ; he was a notary (whence the 
tide of * Ser * given him by D., Inf. xv. 30, loi), 
and is commonly supposed (from a misunder- 
standing of Inf. XV. 83-5) to have been D.'s 
master, which in the ordinary sense of the 
word he cannot have been, since he was about 
fifty-five when D. was bom. It is uncertain 
at what period he began to take part in public 
affairs in Florence ; he held an official position 
m 1253, and in the next year he attested, in 
his capacity of notary, two public documents 
(April 20, and Aug. 25), which are still pre- 
served, and one of which is drawn up in his 
own handwriting. In 1260 he was sent on an 
embassy to Alphonso X of Castile (one of the 
candidates for the imperial crown) in order 
to induce him to assist the Guelfs against 
Manfred and the Ghibellines. While he was 
on his way back, he learnt from a student 
who had come from Bologna, the news of the 
decisive victory of the Ghibellines over the 
Florentine Guelfs at Montaperti (Sep. 4, 1260), 
and the consequent expulsion of the latter from 
bis native city : — 

* Bsao Comune sagio 
Mi fece auo message 

Air alto re di Spagfna, 
Ch* or ^ re de la Magna 

B la corona atende, 
Se Dio no ^Hel contende . . . 

B io presi conpagna 
E andat in Ispagna 

B feci rambasciata 
Che mi foe comandata: 

B poi sansa sogiomo 
Ripresi mio ritomo, 

Tanto che nel paese 
Di terra Navarreae, 

Venendo per la calle 
Del pian di Roncisvalle, 

Incontrai ano scolaio 
Sn'n na mmletto baio 



Che venia da Bologna . . 
Io lo pur domandai 

Novelle di Toecana 
In dolze lin^a e piana, 

Ed e* cortcsemente, 
Mi dtsse inmantenente, 

Ch* e' Guelfi di Piorensa 
Per mala prove<lenxa 

E per forza di guerra 
Eran fnor de la terra, 

E *1 dannagio era forte 
Di pregione e di morte.* 

{TesoreHo^ it ii-5a) 

On the receipt of this disastrous news B. aban- 
doned his intention of returning to Italy, and 
took refuge in France. He appears first to have 
gone to Montpellier ( Tesoretto, xxi. 3) ; he was 
m Paris in Sep. 1263, and at Bar-sur-Aube in 
April, 1264, as we know from notarial docu- 
ments in his handwriting under those dates 
(see Rassegna Italiana^ March, 1885, and 
Athenaeum^ Nov. 6, 13, 20, 1897). "While in 
France he compiled his encyclopaedic work, 
the Livre dou Tresor^ as he himself records : — 
' Mainfroiz . . . tint le roiaume de Puille et de 
Secile centre Dieu et centre raison, si comme cil 
qui dou tout fu contraires k sainte Eglise. £t por 
ce fist il maintes guerres et diverses persecutions 
contre toz les Ytaliens qui se tenoient devers 
sainte Eglise, meismement contre la guelfe partie 
de Florence, tant que il furent chaci^ hors de la 
vile, et lor choses en furent mises k feu et k ilamme, 
et k destruction ; et avec els en fu chaci^ maistres 
Bruncz Latin ; et si estoit il par cele guerre 
essilliez en France quant il fist cest livre.' ^resor^ 

i'99.) 

After Manfred's defeat and death at the 
battle of Benevento (Feb. 26, 126^), and the 
consequent discomfiture of the Ghibellines of 
Tuscany, Brunetto returned to Florence and 
resumed his share in public affairs. In 1269 
at Florence and in 1270 at Pisa he acted as 
notary to Guy de Mondfort, Charles of Anjou's 
vicar in Tuscany ; in 1273 he was secretary 
to the Florentine government (*scriba con- 
siliorum Communis Fiorentiae '), and in 1275 
he was president ('console') of the notarial 
guild; he was one of the commissioners and 
guarantors of the ephemeral peace patched 
up between the Guelfs and Ghibellines in 
Florence in 1280 by the Cardinal Latino; in 
1284 (Oct. 13) he was one of the two syndics 
of the Florentine government for the conclusion 
of an offensive and defensive alliance with 
Genoa and Lucca against the Pisans, who in 
the previous August had been totally defeated 
by the Genoese in the great naval battle at 
Meloria; in 1287 (Aug. 15 to Oct. 15) he 
served the office of prior ; and in 1289 he was 
appointed one of the public orators of Florence ; 
he died in Florence, aged over eighty, in 1294. 
His influence and authority with the Florentines 
are attested by the fact that his name appears 
in no less than thirty-five public documents 
(between Oct. 21, 1282 and July 22, 1292) as 
having been consulted by the government on 
various important matters, and for the most 



[W] 



H3 



Bmnetto Latino 



Bninetto Latino 



part it is recorded that his advice was followed. 
(Sec Thor Sundby, Vita ed Opere di B. /.., 
trans, by Renier, with appeildices by Del Lungo 
and Mussafia.) 

Bmnetto was buried in the church of Santa 
Maria Maggiore at Florence. His portrait, 
according to Vasari (in his Vita di Giotto)^ is 
one of those associated with that of D. in the 
fresco attributed to Giotto in the Bargello : — 

'Giotto . . . ritrasse nella cappella del palagio 
del Podestk di Firenze Dante Alighieri, coetaneo 
ed amico suo grandissimo . . . Nella medesima 
cappeUa h. il ritratto, similmente di mano del 
medesimo, di ser Bmnetto Latini maestro di 
Dante, e di messer Corso Donati gran cittadino di 
que' tempt' 

Villani) in recording Brunetto's death, 
speaks of him as having been the first to 
introduce the systematic study of oratory and 
political science into Florence : — 

' Nel anno 1994 morl in Firenze uno valente 
cittadino il quale ebbe nome ser Bmnetto Latini, 
il quale fu gran filosofo, e fii sommo maestro in 
rettorica, tanto in bene sapere dire come in bene 
dittare. £ fu quegli die spuose la Rtiiorica di 
Tullio, e fece il buono e utile libro detto TesorOf e 
il TesorttiOy e la Chiavt del TesorOj e piii altri libri 
in filosofia, e de' vizi e di virtii, e fu dittatore del 
nostro comune. Fu mondano uomo, ma di lui 
mvemofatta menzione, perocch' egli fu cominciatore 
e maestro in digrossare i Fiorentini, e farli scorti 
in bene parlare, e in sapere guidare e regg^re la 
nostra repubblica secondo la politica.' (viii. 10.) 

Brunetto's two best known works are the 
Livre dou Tresor (in which are comprised 
several of the treatises referred to by Villani), 
a sort of Encyclopaedia of histor^r, natural 
science, ethics, rhetoric, and politics, in French 
prose (written between 1262 and 1266) [Te- 
W0T0\ ; and the Tesoretto^ a didactic poem, 
written (in 1262 or 1263) in a popular stvle in 
Italian heptasyllabic couplets. To the latter, 
in which the favourite device of an allegorical 
joumev is employed, D. was doubtless in- 
debted for many suggestions. 

D. places Brunetto Latino in Round 3 of 
Circle VII of Hell, among those guilty of 
unnatural offences, ser Brunetto, Inf. xv. 30, 
loi ; Brunetto Latino, v, 32 ; un, v, 23 ; 
quegliy V. 31 ; lui, w. 34, 44; ei, v, 46; lui, 

^' 50; </r^> ^'55; ^^h ^' 80; ^gii$ ^- 103 

[Sodomitil. As D. and Virgil proceed along 
the embankment on their way through Circle 
VII they see a crowd of souls advancing 
towards them on the plain below, who look 
hard at them (Inf. xv. 16-21); one of them 
(Brunetto), recognizing D., gives an exclama- 
tion of surprise and takes hold of the skirt of 
his robe (w, 22-4) ; D. looks at him closely 
and in turn recognizing him, leans down and 
addresses him by name (vv, 25-30) ; B. L. 
proposes to turn back and accompany D. for 
a Vnile (w» 31-3), to which D. gladly assents. 



with the approval of V. (w, 34-42) ; not 
venturing to descend alongside of B. L^ he 
walks parallel with him keeping his head bent 
down towards him (w. 43-5) ; B. L. asks D. 
what brings him to Hell before he is dead, 
and who his guide is (w, 46-8) ; D. having 
replied, B. L. tells him that if he ' follows his 
star' he will become famous {w. 49-57)1 and 
adds that if he himself had lived he might 
have helped D. in his task (w, 58-60); he 
then foretells how the Florentines will repay 
the good D. does them (in opposing the entry 
of Charles of Valois) by persecuting him {w, 
61-9), and how later both Bianchi and Neri 
will court him (an apparently unfulfilled pro- 
phecy), but in vain (w, 70-8); D. replies, 
expressing his reverence and gratitude for 
B. L.'s teaching (w, 79-87), and declares that 
he will bear in mind his and other (L e. those 
of Ciacco and of Farinata) predictions as to 
his own future in order that Beatrice may 
expound theni, but that meanwhile he is pre- 
pared for evil fortune if it be in store for nim 
(w, 88-96) ; after a word of approval from V. 
(w. 97-9) D. asks B. L. as to his companions 
\w. 100-2) ; the latter replies that they were 
all * clerks and great men of letters, and of 
great fame,' some of whom he names (w. 
103-14) ; then seeing another company ap- 
proaching, he takes leave of D. recommending 
his Trdsor to him, and speeds back to rejoin 
his companions {w, 1 1 5-24). 

It is not known on what grounds D. con- 
demned Brunetto to this particular division of 
Hell ; possibly, as in the case of Priscian, he is 
introduced merely as the representative of 
a class (' letterati grand!,' v, 107), which was 
undoubtedly especially addicted in those times 
to the vice in question. Benvenuto testifies 
that it was prevalent to a terrible degree 
in Bologna while he was lecturing on the 
Divina Commedia there in 1375* to such a 
degree, indeed, that he felt himself bound, in 
spite of the odium and personal risk which he 
incurred by so doing, to bring the matter to 
the notice of the Papal Legate [Aocorto» 
Franceeco d': Prisoiano]. Some think 
Villani's expression 'fu mondano uomo,' as 
well as the phrase in the TesorettOy 'siamo 
tenuti Un poco mondanetti ' (xxi. 22-3), point 
to the supposition that Brunetto had an evil 
reputation in this particular respect It is 
noticeable, on the other hand, that vice of this 
nature is especially reprobated in the Trisor; — 

* Chast^e est bele chose, porce que ele se delite 
es convenables choses, au tens, au leu, li la quantitd 
et II la guise qu*il convient ; mais li deliz dou 
siecle desevrez de nature est desmesureement 
blasmfible plus que avoltire, ce est gesir avec le 
maale * ^ii. 30) ... * Deliz par male nature est gesir 
avec les maales, et telz autres deshonorables 
choses * (ii. 37) ... * De luxure vienent avugletd 
de cuer, non fermet^ amor de soi meisme, halne 



[100] 



Brunetus FlorentinuB 



Bruto 



de Dieu, volenti de cest siecle et despit de I'autre, 
fomicacion, avoutire, et pechi^ contre nature' 
(iL III) — 

as well as in the Tesoretto : — 

* Ben h gran vitnperio 
Commettere avolterio . . . 

Ma tra qnesti peccati 
Son vie pta condannati 

Qae' cne son aoddomiti. 
Den come son periti 

Que* che contra natora 
Brigan cotal loasura 1 * (xxl. 3i5-a6i) 

Others contend that the term 'mondano' 
means nothing more than ' worldly ' as opposed 
to ' sphitual/ (See Scherillo, Brunei to jCatim, 
in Akuni capitoli della biografia di Dante^ 
pp. 1 16-321.) 

The question has been raised as to the cor- 
rect form of Brunetto's surname, Latini or 
Latino \ the former is most commonly used, 
but Brunetto himself (on occasion at least) 
preferred Latino, as appears from the Tesoretto, 
where the phrase ' io Brunetto Latino ' occurs 
twice (i. 70 ; xx. 5), this form being assured in 
both cases by the rime. Latino is the form 
invariably used by Bono Giamboni in his 
translation of the Trisor, in which the name 
appears in the French equivalent Brunez 
Latins (i. e. Brunettus Latinus, in Italian, 
Brunetto Latino) ; as well as by Boccaccio in 
hi^ Comento, On the other hand it is certain 
that the form Latini vrviS also used, both by 
Brunetto himself and by his contemporaries. 
(See Academy, July 17, 1886 ; Feb. 9, 1895.) 

In his estimate of the Tuscans and their 
dialects, D. blames Brunetto, together with 
Bonagiunta of Lucca, Gallo of Pisa, and Mino 
Mocato of Siena, for having written in his own 
local dialect, V. E. i. 138-13. 

Brunetus Florentinus, Brunetto Latino, 
V. E. i. 13^0-". [Brunetto]. 

Bruto ^9 Lucius Junius Brutus, son of 
Marcus Junius and of Tarquinia, sister of 
Tarquinius Superbus. His elder brother was 
murdered by Tarouinius, and Lucius only 
escaped his brothers fate by feigning idiotcy, 
whence he was sumamed Brutus. After the 
rape of Lucretia by Sextus Tarouinius, and 
Yktr consequent suicide [IiUcreBiaJ, B. roused 
the Romans to expel the Tarquins ; and upon 
their banishment he was elected first consul 
with Tarc[uinius Collatinus. While consul he 
proved his unflinching patriotism by putting 
to death his two sons, who had attempted 
to restore the Tarquins. He fell in battle 
shortly after, fighting against Aruns, son of 
Tarquinius. 

D. places B. in Limbo among the great 
heroes of antiquity, describing him as quel 
Bruto che caccid Targuino, Inf. iv. 127 
[Idxnbo] ; he is mentioned, as first Consul 
and foimder of the Roman Republic, Conv. iv. 
^99-iuo . as having sacrificed his sons on the 
altar of duty, Conv. iv. 51^1-J^; D. refers to 



Livy's account (ii. 4) of the latter incident, and 
quotes Aen, vi. 821-2, Mon. ii. 5I12-20. 

Bruto 3, Marcus Junius Brutus, the so-called 
tyrannicide. When he was only eight years 
old his father was slain in Gaul by command 
of Pompey, but nevertheless, having been 
trained by his uncle Cato in the i)rinaples of 
the aristocratic party, when the dvil war broke 
out (b.c. 49) he joined Pompey. After the 
battle of Pharsalia (B. a 48) he was pardoned 
by Caesar, and was admitted by him into con- 
fidence and favour, being made governor of 
Cisalpine Gaul (b.c. 46), and praetor (B.C.44), 
and being, further, promised the governorship 
of Macedonia. But in spite of all his obliga- 
tions to Caesar, he was persuaded by Cassius 
to murder him under the delusive idea of 
again establishing the republic. After Caesar's 
death, B. remained for a time in Italy, and 
then took possession of the province of Mace- 
donia. He was joined by Cassius, who com- 
manded in Syria, and their united forces were 
opposed to Octavian (afterwards Augustus) 
and Antony. Two battles were fought in the 
neighbourhood of Philippi ^B.C- 42), in the 
former of which B. was victorious, though 
Cassius was defeated ; but in the latter B. also 
was defeated, whereupon he put an end to his 
own life. [Caesio.] 

D. places Brutus with Cassius and Judas 
Iscariot in Giudecca, the last division of Circle 
IX of Hell, the nethermost pit, in the jaws 
of Lucifer, Inf. xxxiv. 65. [Giudeooa: Iiuol- 
fero] ; the Emperor Justiniap (in the Heaven 
of Mercury) mentions him in connexion with 
his defeat by Augustus at Philippi, Par. vi. 74. 
[Aquilai.] 

At first sight it appears inconsistent that D., 

the sworn enemy of despotism, who sets Cato, 

though he committed suicide rather than fall into 

Caesar's hands, as guardian of the gate of Purgatory, 

should condemn Brutus and Cassius, the last 

defenders of the liberty of Rome, to the lowest 

pit of Hell, as equally guilty with Judas. The 

explanation lies in the principle, maintained by D. 

in the Dt M<marchia and elsewhere, that the 

institution of the Roman Empire was ordained by 

Divine Providence for the well-being of mankind, 

just as was that of the Papal office. 

'0|ma fait horaini dnplici directivo, secandnm dnplfcem 
finem: scilicet Sammo Pontifice, qai wcandain revelata 
hamanaxn genva perdnceret ad vitam artemam ; et Im. 
peratore, qni aecandum philoaophica docmnenta genos 
namanum ad temporalem felicitatem dirigeret * (iii. 16'^'-'^). 

Consequently he regards the murderers of 
Caesar, not as the defenders of liberty, but as 
traitors against the Empire, of which he held 
Caesar to be the first representative. (Hence 
Caesar is placed, not among the tyrants in Hell 
with Alexander the Great, but in Limbo with 
Aeneas, the ultimate founder, according to D.*s 
theory, of the Roman Empire.) Just as Judas, 
the betrayer of Christ, is the prototype of those 
who betray the highest spiritual authority, so 
Brutus and Cassius, the betrayers of Caesar, are 



[101] 



BrntoB 



Buiamonte, Oiovaimi 



the prototypes of those who betray the highest 
civil authority. 

Brutus, Lucius Junius Brutus, Mon. ii. s^^^. 
[Bruto 1.] 

Bucciola Tommaso. [Faenaa, Tom- 
maso da.] 

Bucciola, Ugolino, Ugolino Bucciola or 
Buzzola, son of Frate Alberigo (Inf. xxxiii. 1 18), 
was a member of the Manfredi family of 
Faenza ; he was bom probably between 1240 
and 1250; he was a Guelf, and in 1279 was 
one of the principal sureties in the peace 
between the Geremei and the Lambertazzi; 
in 1282 he was elected Podestk of Bagna- 
cavallo; three years later he was concerned, 
together with his father Alberigo and others 
of the Manfredi family, in certain violent 
doings at the castle of Sezate ; in 1292 (he 
having married meanwhile), and again in 129$ 
and 1296, he was engaged in party quarrels, 
which resulted in his having to leave Faenza, 
and retire to Ravenna, where he died, Jan. 8, 
1 30 1. (See Torraca, Fatti e scritH di U. 
Buzzolay Rome, 1893.) 

D. mentions Ugolino, together with Tom- 
maso da Faenza (who, according to some 
accounts, was his brother), as having rejected 
the local dialect in their poems, V.E. i. 14^^-20, 

Two sonnets of Ugolino's of little merit 
have been preserved (one addressed to Onesto 
Bolognese), which are printed by Torraca. 
His contemporary, Francesco da Barberino 
( 1 264-1 348), who knew him personally, speaks 
of him m his Documenti iTAmore as having 
written a didactic poem De salutandi modis in 
the Faentine dialect * in ydiomate Faventino- 
rum, rimis omatissimis atque subtilibus.' 

Bucoiica, the Bucolics or Eclogues of 
Virgil ; referred to as / Bucolici Carmi, Purg. 
xxii. 57; Bucoiicay Mon. i. 11^; D. quotes 
and comments on EcL iv. 6, Mon. i. i i*"io j 
three lines from the same Eclogue (iv. 5-7) 
are translated, Purg. xxii. 70-3 ; and referred 
to, Epist. vii. I [Astraea] ; Virgil is spoken of 
as the author of the Eclogues ' il Cantor de' 
Bucolici Carmi,* Purg. xxii. 57. [Virgillo.] 

Bucolici Carmlf the Eclogues of Virgil, 
Purg. xxii. 57. [BucoUca.] 

Buemme, Bohemia, in the Middle Ages an 
independent kingdom, under the Premsyl 
dynasty from 11 97 to 1306, and then under the 
Luxemburg dynasty (founded by John of Lux- 
emburg, son of the Emperor Henry VH) till 
1437. [Table ii.] 

Wenceslas IV is referred to by the Eagle 
in the Heaven of Jupiter as guei di Buemme, 
Par. xix. 125 [Vinoislao] ^ Bohemia itself is 
alluded to by the Eagle (m reference to the 
cruel invasion of the countoyin 1304 by Albert 
of Hapsburg, who attempted to force Wen- 
ceslas IV to submit to the exclusion of his 



own son Wenceslas from the throne of Hun- 
gary in favour of Charles M artel's son, Charles 
Robert) as i7 re^na di Praga^ Par. xix. 117 
[Alberto Tedesoo : Fraga] ; and by Sordello 
(in Antepurgatory), in connexion with Ottocar 
II, as la terra dove Facqua nasce, Che Afulia 
in Albia, e Albia in mar ne porta (i.e. the 
country where the Moldau rises), Purg. vii. 
98-9. [Albia: Multa: Ottaohero.] 

Buggea^ Bougia or Bougie, town in N. 
Africa, in Algeria, on the ^f of the same 
name. In the Middle Ages it was a very im- 
portant commercial port, its chief article of 
export being wax and wax-candles, whence 
the latter came to be known as bou^s. In 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it carried 
on a brisk trade with Italy, and Italian mer- 
chants (chiefly Genoese and Pisan) had nume- 
rous buildings of their own in the city, as is 
evident from the repeated mention of ^li 
fondachi di Buggea ' in a treaty concluded in 
1264 between the Pisans and the Emir of Tunis 
(printed by Monaci, Crest, Ital,^ pp. 166-8). 

Bougie is situated about 100 miles £. of 
Algiers, and is on almost exactly the same 
meridian as Marseilles ; hence the troubadour 
Folquet of Marseilles (in the Heaven of Venus), 
wishing to indicate his birthplace, says it is 
a place where the sun rises and sets at almost 
the same hour as it does at Bougie, Par. ix. 
91-3. [Foloo: MarsUia.] 

Buiamonte, Griovanni], Florentine usurer 
of the Bicchi family, said by the old commenta- 
tors to be the individual referred to (by Rinaldo 
degli Scrovigni) as Ml cavalier sovrano Che 
recherk la tasca con tre becchi,' Inf. xvii. 72-3 ; 
Rinaldo informs D. that the advent of Buia- 
monte is eagerly awaited by the Florentine 
usurers who are with himself in Round 3 of 
Circle VII of Hell (w, 71-3) [Rinaldo: 
Usurai]. D. condemns B. and Vitaliano of 
Padua to Hell by anticipation, they both 
having been alive at the date of the Vision 
(1300). Several of the old commentators say 
that the ' tre becchi ' are three goatSy giving 
B.'s arms as on a field or three goats sable, 
e. g. the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Portava per arme il campo giallo et tre becchi 
neri Tuno sopra Taltro, come stanno i Leopard! 
che sono neir arme del re d'Inghilterra.' 

Lana, Buti, and others, on the other hand, 
explain the ' tre becchi ' as three beaks^ giving 
the arms as on a field azure three kites' or 
eagles' beaks or, 'tre becchi di nibbio gialli 
nel campo azzurro.* The latter is the correct 
description as appears from Vernon's note : — 

' Ld. Vernon gives a reproduction of the shield 
taken from the Archives of Florence. The becchi 
upon it are eagles' beaks ; two above and one 
underneath. The family of the Buiamonti had 
the lordship of Torre Becchi, a strong place in the 
territory of Florence. Buiamonte di messer Rota, 



[102] 



Bulgari 



Buonoonte 



a distinguished Guelf, with his three sons, took 
part in the disastrous battle of Montaperti. 
Giovanni Buiamonte is supposed to have been 
another son of the above. He was Gonfaloniere 
of Justice in 1993, and his palace was destroyed 
in the great fire of 1304, which was kindled by the 
treachery of Neri degli Abati.' 

Bulgari], Ghibelline family of Bertinoro, 
thought by some to be alluded to, Purg. xiv. 

"3. 

Btilicamey hot sulphurous spring near Vi* 
terbo, to the stream of which D. compares Phle- 

![ethon, one of the rivers of Hell, Inf. xiv. 79 
Flegetonta]. Like similar establishments in 
all times, the hot-spring of Bulicame was the 
resort of prostitutes (*le peccatrici'), who 
being compelled to reside in a special Quarter 
had the water supplied to baths in their houses 
(doubtless for the use of their clients) by 
means of conduits leading from the spring. 
Benvenuto says : — 

' Debes scire quod apud civitatem Viterbii est 
quaedam mirabilis aqua calida, rubea, sulphurea, 
profunda, de cujus lecto exit quidam rivulus 
parvus, quern meretrices habitantes in ilia planicie 
dividunt inter se; nam in qualibet domuncula 
meretricis est balneum ex illo rivulo ordinatum; 
ergo bene est comparatio propria in rubore, in 
colore, et in foetore.* 

Fazio degli Uberti states that the spring at 
Bulicame was hot enough to cook a sheep 
while a man walked a quarter of a mile, and 
adds that the bath was a sovereign remedy for 
the stone : — 

*Io nol credea, perch^ Tavessi ndito, 
Senia provar, die *1 bulicame fosse 
Aoceao d*nn bollor tanto infinho. 
Ma gettato no mooton dentro si cosae, 
In men che an uomo andasse nn qaarto miglio, 
Ch^altro non ne vedea che proprio Tossa. 
Un bagno v* ha, che passa ogai consiglio 
Contra 4 nial della pietra.* 

{Diiiamondo^ tii. 10.) 

In Cent, xv the place seems to have been 
abandoned altogether to loose women, as 
appears from a municipal edict of Viterbo 
dated 1469 :— < 

' Nessuna meretrice ardisca n^ presuma da hora 
nanze bagnarse in alcun bagno dove sieno consuete 
bagnarae le cittadine et donne viterbese, ma si 
▼ogliono bagnarse, vadino dicte meretrici nel 
tMgno del bulicame.' 

According to Villani the hot-springs were 
known to the Romans : — 

' La dttii di Viterbo fu (atta per li Romani . . . 
gli Romani vi mandavano gl'infermi per cagione 
de' bagni ch*escono del bulicame.' (i. 51O 

Barlow describes the ruins of a large estab- 
Ibhment, half-way between Bulicame and 
Viterbo, known as the Bagno di ser Paolo 
Benigno, to which the water of Bulicame was 
conveyed by conduits, and which has been com- 
monly identified with the baths alluded to by D. 
{Coniributians to the Study 0/ ike D.C.^ p. 129.) 



The use of the word bulicame^ Inf. xii. 117, 
128, was doubtless suggested to D. by the 
association of Viterbo, a reference to which 
occurs in the same passage {yu, 118-20). 
[Viterbo.] 

Buona— [Bona—] 

Buonconte, Buonconte da Montefeltro, son 
of the famous Ghibelline captain, Guido da 
Montefeltro ; placed by D. in Antepurgatory 
among those who delayed their repentance to 
the last, Purg. v. 88 ; un altro, v. 85 ; lui^ v. 
91 ; egii^ V, 94 ; il secondo (spirito)^ v. 132. 
[Antipurgatorio.] 

In June 1287 Buonconte helped the Ghibel- 
lines to expel the Guelfs from Arezzo, an 
event which was the beginning of the war 
between Florence and Arezzo (Vill. vii. 115) ; 
in 1288 he was in command of the Aretines 
when they defeated the Sienese at Pieve del 
Toppo (Vill. vii. 120) [Toppo, II] ; and in 
1289 he was appointed captain of the Aretines 
and led them against the Guelfs of Florence, 
by whom they were totally defeated (June li) 
at Campaldino, among the slain being Buon- 
conte himself, whose body, however, was never 
discovered on the field of battle (Vill. vii. 131). 
[Campaldino.] 

In Antepurgatory several spirits pray D. for 
his good offices, one of whom names itself as 
Buonconte of Montefeltro (Purg. v. 85-8) ; he 
laments that neither his wife Joan, nor his 
other relatives (meaning probably his daughter, 
who married one of the Conti Guidi, his 
brother Federico, who was Podestk of Arezzo 
in 1300, and was killed at Urbino in 1322, or 
his father's cousin Galasso da Montefeltro, 
who was Podestk of Arezzo in 1290 and 1297) 
remembered him in their prayers {yv, 88-90) ; 
in answer to D.'s inquiry as to how it happened 
that his body was never found at Campaldino 
and its burial-place never known {vv, 91-3), 
B. replies that having been wounaed in the 
throat, he fled across the plain to the point 
(just above Bibbiena) where the Archiano 
falls into the Amo, and that there he fell down 
and died, with the name of the Virgin Mary 
on his lips {yv, 94-102) ; he then relates how 
the angel of God took his soul, and how the 
devil, in fury at being baulked of his prey at the 
last moment, through B.'s tardy repentance, 
wreaked his vengeance upon the body, causing 
a storm of rain to fall, which flooded the Ar- 
chiano, so that the corpse was swept down into 
the Amo, where it was rolled along the bottom 
and at last covered up by the gravel of the 
river {w, 103-29). [Arohiano : Qiovanna^] 

Benvenuto relates that Buonconte, having 
been sent by the Bishop of Arezzo to recon- 
noitre the enemy's position before the battle, 
returned with the report that it would be highly 
imprudent to risk an engagement. The Bishop 
thereupon taunted him with being an unworthy 



[108] 



Buondelmonte 



Buondelmonti 



scion of the house of Montefeltro ; to which B. 
replied that if the Bishop daited follow where 
he led, he would never return alive ; and so it 
happened that both were killed. 

Sacchetti introduces a reminiscence of Buon- 
conte's death at Campaldino into his Novel- 
Here (clxxix), in which he tells a story of how 
a daughter of B. and a daughter of Count 
Ugolino of Pisa, each of whom had married 
one of the Conti Guidi, taunted each other, 
the one with the death of Ugolino in prison by 
starvation, the other with the circumstances of 
Buonconte*s defeat by the Guelfs. 

Buondelmonte, Buondelmonte de' Buon- 
delmonti of Florence, whose breach of faith 
with a lady of the Amidei family, whom he had 
promised to marry, led to his murder by the 
outraged Amidei at the foot of the statue of 
Mars on the Ponte Vecchio in 1215 ; Caccia- 

giida (in the Heaven of Mars) apostrophizes 
., and reproaches him with his breach of 
troth, and with its fatal consequences, Par. xvi. 
140-1. [Buondelmonti.] 

Buondelmonti, the leaders of the Guelf 
party in Florence {see below\ whose faniily left 
the country and took up their residence in 
Florence in 1 135, on account of the destruction 
of their castle of Montebuono in the Valdigreve 
dose to Florence, in the process of the expan- 
sion of the city. Villani says : — 

'Negli anni di Cristo 1135 essendo in pi^ il 
castello di Montebuono, il quale era molto forte e 
era di que' della casa de' Bondelmonti, i quali 
erano cattani antichi gentili uomini di contado, e 
per lo nome del detto loro castello avea nome la 
casa Bondelmonti; e per la fortezza di quello, e 
che la strada vi correa appi^ coglievano pedaggio, 
per la qual cosa a' Fiorentini non piacea ne 
voleano si fatta fortezza presso alio cittil, si v' 
andarono ad oste del mese di Giugno ed ebbonlo, 
a patti che 'I castello si disfacesse, e Taltre pos- 
sessioni rimanessero a'detti cattani, e tornassero 
ad abitare in Firenze. £ cosl coininci6 il comune 
di Firenze a distendersi, e colla forza piii che con 
ragione, crescendo il contado e sottomettendosi 
alia giuridizione ogni nobile di contado, e dis- 
faccendo le fortezze/ (iy. 36.) 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) laments 
the extension of Florence, which brought the 
Buondelmonti, amongst others, into the dty. 
Par. xvi. 66 [Valdigreve] ; and says that the 
Borgo sant* Apostolo, the quarter of Florence 
in which they dwelt, would have been more 
peaceful had they never entered it {yu. 134-5) 
[Borgo] ; he then apostrophizes Buondel- 
monte, one of the fiemiily, whose murder by the 
Amidei ^ve rise to the Guelf and Ghjbelline 
factions m Florence, and laments that he had 
not rather been drowned in the Ema when the 
family originally came into the city (z/z/. 140-4) 
[Ema]; he adds, however, that it was meet 
that the statue of Mars, at the foot of which B. 



was killed, should claim its victim {yu. i45-7)« 
[Marts ^] 

Buondelmonte de' Buondelmonti (Par.'xvL 
140-7) was murdered by the Amidei in 121 5 at 
the insti^tion of Mosca de* Lamberti, in revenge 
for an msult to their family, Buondelmonte 
having, it appears, promised to marry a lady 
of the Amidei, and having capridously thrown 
her over for one of the Donati. In consequence 
of this murder a bitter feud arose between the 
partizans of the Buondelmonti and those of the 
Uberti (a member of whose family had been 
implicated in the murder), which resulted in 
the introduction into Florence of the Guelf and 
Ghibelline factions, the former being headed 
by the Buondelmonti, the latter by the UbertL 
[Amidei: Ghibellini: Mosoa: Uberti*] 

The following account of the murder, and of 
the inddent which led to it, is given by 
Villani :— 

' Negli anni di Cristo iaz5 essendo podestii di 
Firenze messer Gherardo Orlandi, avendo uno 
messer Bondelmonte de' Bondelmonti, nobile 
cittadino di Firenze, promesso a torre per moglie 
una donzella di casa gli Amidei, onorevoli e nobili 
cittadini; e poi cavalcando per la citt& il detto 
messer Bondelmonte, ch'era molto leggiadro e 
bello cavaliere, una dona di casa i Donati il chiam6, 
biasimandolo della donna ch'egli avea promessa, 
come non era bella n^ soffidente a lui, e dicendo : 
io v'avea guardata questa mia figliuola — la quale 
gli mostr6, e era bellissima; incontanente per 
tubsidio diaboli preso di lei, la promise e ispos6 a 
moglie; per la qual cosa i parenti della prima 
donna promessa raunati insieme, e dogliendosi 
di ci6 che messer Bondelmonte aveva loro fatto 
di vergogna, si presono il maladetto isdegno, cade 
la cittk di Firenze fu guasta e partita; che di 
piti casati de' nobili si cong^uraro insieme, di 
fare vergogna al detto messer Bonddmonte, per 
vendetta di quelle ingiurie. £ stando tra loro a 
consiglio in che modo il dovessero ofiendere, o di 
batterlo o di fedirlo, il Mosca de' Lamberti disse 
la mala parola : Cosa (atta, capo ha ; cio^ che fosse 
morto, e cosl fu fatto ; che la mattina di Pasqua di 
Risurresso, si raunaro in casa gli Amidei di santo 
Stefano, e vegnendo d'oltramo il detto messere 
Bondelmonte vestito nobilmente di nuovo di roba 
tutta bianoa, e in su uno palafreno bianco, giugnendo 
appi^ del ponte Vecchio da lato di qua, appunto 
appi^ del pilastro ov'era la 'nsegna di Marti, il 
detto messere Bondelmonte fu atterrato del cavallo 
per lo Schiatta degli Uberti, e per lo Mosca 
Lamberti e Lambertuccio degli Amidei assalito 
e fedito, e per Oderigo Fifanti gli furono segate le 
vene e tratto a fine ; e ebbevi con loro uno de' 
conti da Gangalandi. Per la qual cosa la dttil 
corse ad arme e romore ; e questa morte di messer 
Bondelmonte fu la cagione e cominciamento delle 
maledette parti guelfa e ghibellina in Firenze, con 
tuttoch^ dinanzi assai erano le sette tra' nobili 
dttadini e le dette parti, per cagione delle brighe 
e questioni dalla Chiesa alio 'mperio; ma per la 
morte del detto messere Bondelmonte, tutti i 
legnaggi de' nobili c altri cittadini di Firenze se 
ne partiro, e chi tonne co' Bondelmonti che presono 



[104] 



Buoso 



BuoBo Donati 



It parte guelfa e fiironne capo, e chi con gli Uberti 
che furono capo de' Ghibellini, onde alia nostra 
dttji segui molto di male e ruina, come innanzi 
&ra menzione, e mai non si crede ch*abbia fine, 
le Iddio nol termina. £ bene mostra che '1 nemico 
dell' umana generazione per le peccata de* Fio- 
rentini avesse podere nell' idolo di Marti, ch' e' 
Fiorentini pagani anticamente adoravano, che 
tppi^ della sua figura si commise si fatto micidio, 
onde tanto male ^ seguito alia cittk di Firenze.' 
(v. 38.) 

This incident, which forms the subject of 
one of the tales of the Pecorone of Giovanni 
Fiorentino (viii. i), is also recorded by Dino 
Compag^, but with some difference of detail : — 

' Doppo molti antichi mali per le discordie de' 

stioi cittadini riceuti, una ne fu generata nella 

<ietta cittk, la quale divise tutti i suoi cittadini in 

tal mode, che le due parti s'appellorno nimici per 

clua nuovi nomi, cio^ Guelfi e Ghibellini. £ di 

ci6 fu cagione, in Firenze, che uno nobile giovane 

cittadino, chiamato Buondelmonte de' Buondel- 

ZBonti, aveva promesso torre per sua donna una 

fi^liuola di m. Oderigo Giantrufetti. Passando 

dipoi uno giorno da casa i Donati, una gentile 

donna chiamata madonna Aldruda, donna di m. 

Forteguerra Donati, che aveva dua figliuole molte 

belle ; stando a* balconi del suo palagio, lo vidde 

passare, e chiamoUo, e mostr6gli una delle dette 

figliuole, e dissegli : chi hai tu tolta per moglie ? 

io ti serfoavo questa. La quale guardando molto 

^li piacque, e rispose : Non posso altro oramai. 

.A. cui madonna Aldruda disse : Si, puoi, ch^ la 

pena pa^erd io per te. A cui Buondelmonte 

rispose : £ io la voglio. E tolsela per moglie, 

lasciando quella che aveva tolta e giurata. Onde 

m. Oderigo, dolendosene co' parenti e amici suoi, 

cieliberorono di vendicarsi, e di batterlo e fargli 

'ver^gogna. II che sentendo gli Uberti, nobilissima 

fkmiglia e potente, e suoi parepti, dissono voleano 

fusse morto : ch^ cosl fia grande I'odio della morte 

come delle ferite ; cosa fatta capo ha. £ ordi- 

nomo ucciderlo il di menasse la donna; e cosi 

feciono. Onde di tal morte i cittadini se ne 

divisono, e trassonsi insieme i parentadi e Tamistli 

d'amendua le parte, per modo che la detta divi- 

sione mai non finl/ (i. a.) 

Buoso, one of five Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 
4>5) placed by D. among the Robbers in 
Bolgia 7 of Curcic VIII of HeU (Malebolge), 
In£. XXV. 140 [I«adri]. Nothing is known of 
B., the commentators not being agreed even 
as to his name. Lana and Pietro di Dante 
call him Buoso degli Abati, while Benvenuto 
identifies him with Buoso Donati, who is men- 
tioned, Inf. XXX. 44 [Buoso Donati]. B. is 
one of three spirits seen by D. to undergo 
transformation (Inf. xxv. 35-141) ; B., who is 
originaUy in human shape (i/. 86), exchanges 
forms with Francesco Guercio de' Cavalcanti 
{yu. 103-41), who appears, to begin with, in 
the shape of a serpent (z/. 83). The third spirit 
is that of Agnello Brunelleschi (z/. 68) [AgnM : 
Cavaloaiitiy F. O. de' : Puooio Bcianoato]. 



Buoso Donati, one of the Donati family 
of Florence (mentioned in the 'estimo' of 1269, 
a document containing a list of the compensa- 
tions granted to Guelf families in Florence for 
damage done by the Ghibellines in 1260 after 
the battle of Montaperti, and in the peace 
proposals of Cardinal Latino in 1280), said by 
Benvenuto and others to be the Buoso who is 
placed among the Robbers in Malebolge, Inf. 
xxv. 140 [Buoso : Donati] ; he is mentioned by 
his full name in connexion with the fraud of 
the mimic Gianni Schicchi de' Cavalcanti, who, 
after his death, in collusion with his son Simone, 
personated him on his supposed death-bed, and 
dictated a will in favour of Simone ; Gianni took 
care, however, to insert several clauses con- 
taining bequests to himself, by way of com- 
mission on the transaction, amongst others 
being that of a favourite and very handsome 
mare (or she-mule) of Buoso's, to which D. 
alludes as la donna della torma^ * the lady of 
the stud,' Inf. xxx. 42-5. 

It appears that before his death Buoso had 
expressed a desire to make amends to some of 
the persons he had robbed ; Simone, in alarm 
lest his father should have given effect to this 
resolve in his will, consulted Gianni Schicchi, 
who hit upon the above-mentioned device for 
securing tne property to Simone rCavaloanti» 
Qianni Sohiochi de']. Pietro di Dante says 
that Buoso was smothered by Simone (whom 
he calls his nephew), and Gianni Schicchi. The 
circumstances of the fraud are described in 
detail by the Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

'Dicesi che, essendo messer Buoso Donati 
aggravato d'una infermitli mortale, volea fare 
testamento, per6 che gli parea avere a rendere 
assai dell' altrui. Simone suo figliuolo U tenea a 
parole, per ch' egli nol facesse ; et tanto il tenne 
a parole ch'elli morl. Morto che fu, Simone il 
tenea celato, et avea paura ch' elli non avessi fatto 
testamento mentre ch' egli era sano ; et ogni 
vicino dicea ch'egli Tavea fatto. Simone, non 
sappiendo pigliare consiglio, si dolse con Gianni 
Sticchi et chiesegli consiglio. Sapea Gianni 
contrafiare ogni uomo, et colla voce et cogli atti, 
e massimamente messer Buoso, ch'era uso con 
lui. Disse a Simone : Fa venire uno notajo, et 
di' che messer Buoso voglia fare testamento ; io 
enterrd nel letto suo, et cacceremo lui dirietro, et 
io mi fascer6 bene, e metterommi la cappellina sua 
in capo, et far6 il testamento come tu vorrai ; ^ 
vero che io ne voglio guadagnare. Simone fu 
in Concordia con lui ; Gianni entra nel letto, e 
mostrasi appenato, et contrafi^ la voce di messer 
Buoso che parea tutto lui, e comincia a testare 
et dire : Io lascio soldi .xx. all' opera di santa 
Reparata, et lire cinque a' Frati Minori, et cinque 
a' Predicatori, et cosi viene distribuendo per 
Dio, ma pochissimi danari. A Simone giovava del 
fatto : £t lascio, soggiunse, cinquecento fiorini a 
Gianni Sticchi. Dice Simone a messer Buoso : 
Questo non bisogna mettere in testamento ; io 
gliel dar6 come voi lascerete. — Simone, lascerai 
fare del mio a mio senno ; io ti lascio si bene, che 



[105] 



Buoso da Duera 



Cacoiagaida 



tu dei esser contento. Simone per paura si stava 
cheto. Questi segue : £t lascio a Gianni Sticchi 
la mula mia ; che avea messer Buoso la migliore 
mula di Toscana. Oh, messer Buoso, dicea Simone, 
di cotesta mula si cura egli poco et poco 1' avea 
cara ; io so ci6 che Gianni Sticchi vuole meglio di 
te. Simone si comincia adirare et a consumarsi ; 
ma per paura si stava. Gianni Sticchi segne : Et 
lascio a Gianni Sticchi fiorini cento, che io debbo 
avere da tale mio vicino ; et nel rimanente lascio 
Simone mia reda universale con questa clausula, 
ch' egli dovesse mettere ad esecuzione ogni lascio 
fra quindici dl, se non, che tutto il reditaggio 
venisse a* Frati Minori del convento di Santa 
Croce ; et fatto il testamento, ogni uomo si parti. 
Gianni esce del letto, et rimettonvi messer Buoso, 
et lievono il pianto, et dicono ch'eglf ^ morto/ 

Buoso da Duera], a Ghibelline of Cremona, 
where he and the Marquis Pallavicino were 
heads of the party; he was expelled from 
Cremona in 1267, and in spite of repeated 
attempts did not succeed in re-establishing 
himself there until 1282. D. places him in 
Antenora, the second division of Circle IX of 
Hell, among those who were traitors to their 
country, referring to him as quel da Duera, 
Inf. xxxii. 116; un altro, v. 106; guei, v. 114; 
tf/, V, 115 [Antenora]. While D., with his 
hand twisted in the hair of Bocca degli Abati, 
is trying in vain to force him to tell his name, 
one of the companions of the latter in the ice, 
disturbed by his yells, shouts to him to know 
what is the matter, calling him by his name, so 
that D. learns what he wanted (Inf. xxxii. 103- 
11); Bocca, furious at having his name revealed, 
revenges himself by revealing to D. the identity 
of his companion, explaining that it is Buoso of 
Duera, who is there bewailing the money of the 
French {w. 11 2-1 7). 

When Charles of Anjou entered Italy in 1265 
on his way to encounter Manfred and take 
possession of the kingdom of Naples, the 
French troops under Guy de Montfort, accom- 
panied by Charles' wife, Beatrice of Provence, 
advanced through Lombardy, and made their 
way into Parma, unmolested by the force of 
Cremonese and other Ghibellines of Lombardy, 
with which the Marquis Pallavicino had been 
ordered by Manfred to block their passage. 
This neglect of Manfred's instructions was due 
to some act of treachery, not clearly specified. 



on the part of the Cremonese leader, Buoso da 
Duera, who was believed to have been bribed 
by the French — by Charles' wife, accordii^ to 
Benvenuto (' Uxor Caroli veniens cum Guidone 
de Monforte portabat secum magnam pectt- 
niam, cum qua venenavit avaram mentem 
Bosii.') In revenge for this treachery the 
whole of the Duera line in Cremona was ex- 
terminated by the Cremonese. Villani says : — 

' II conte Guido di Monforte colla cavaleria che 
*1 conte Carlo gli lascid a guidare, e colla contessa 
moglie del detto Carlo, e co' suoi cavalieri, si 
partirono di Francia del mese di Giugno del detto 
anno (1965) . . . e coll* aiuto de' Milanesi, si misono 
a passare la Lombardia tutti in arme, e cavalcando 
schierati, e con molto afianno di Piemonte infino 
a Parma, perocch^ '1 marchese Pallavicino parente 
di Manfredi, colla forza de' Chermonesi e dell' 
altre cittk ghibelline di Lombardia ch'erano in 
lega con Manfredi, era a guardare i passi con piCi 
di tremila cavalieri, che Tedeschi e che Lombard! ; 
alia fine come piacque a Dio . . . i Franceschi 
passarono sanza contasto di battaglia, e arrivarono 
alia dtt^ di Parma. Bene si disse che uno messer 
Buoso della casa di que' da Duera di Chennona, 
per danari ah' ebbe da' Franceschi, mise consiglio 
per modo, che I'oste di Manfredi non fosse al con- 
tasto al passo, com' erano ordinati, onde poi il 
popolo di Chermona a furore distnissono il detto 
legnaggio di quegli da Duera.' (viL 4.) 

Sismondi thinks it doubtful, as a matter of 
history, whether Buoso was actually guilty of 
the treachery imputed to him by D. It appears 
that he was stationed to guard the passage of 
the Oglio, but owing to the advance of Obizzo 
da Este with a strong force to the support of 
the French, abandoned his position and took 
shelter in Cremona. The opposite bank of the 
river being thus in the hands of their allies, 
Charles' troops were able to effect their crossing 
without difficulty. Buoso's failure to oppose 
their passage, coupled with the fact that he 
was notoriously avaricious, probably gave rise 
to the suggestion that he had been bribed by 
the French to retire. 

Burgum S. Felicis, Borgo San Felice, 
quarter of Bologna; its dialect different from 
that of the Strada Maggiore in the same city, 
V. E. i. 9«-*. [BologrneaL] 

Buzzola. [Buooiola.] 



c 



Caccia d' Asciano, Caccia dei Cacciaconti, 
whose family was a branch of the Scialenghi, 
a member of the * Spendthrift Brigade' of Siena ; 
mentioned by Capocchio (in Bolgia 10 of Circle 
VIII of Hell) among other Sienese spendthrifts 
as having recklessly squandered his means, Inf. 



xxix. 131. [Asoiano : Brigata Spendereooia : 
Capooohio.] 

Cacdaguida, the great-great-grandfather 
of D., of whose life nothing is known beyond 
what D. himself tells us ; viz. that he was bora 
in Fkirence (Par. xv. 130-3) in the Sesto di 



[106] 



Cacciaguida 



nimico, Venedico 



Porta san Piero (Par. xvi. 40-2) about the year 
1090 (w, 34-9) ; that he belonged (possibly) to 
the Elisei, one of the old Florentine families 
which boasted Roman descent (Par. xv. 136; 
xvi. 40) ; that he was baptized in the Baptistery 
of San Giovanni in Florence (Par. xv. 134-5) ; 
that he had two brothers, Moronto and Eliseo 
(v. 136) ; that his wife came from the valley of 
the Po, and that from her, through his son, D. 
got his surname of Alighieri (w. 91-4, 137-fi) ; 
that he followed the Emperor Conrad III on 
the Second Crusade, and was knighted by him 
(w. 139-44) ; and finally that he fell fighting 
against the infidel about the year 1147 (tjv. 
145-8). His existence is attested by the men- 
tion of his name in a document (still preserved 
in Florence), dated Dec. 9, 1189, in which his 
two sons (* Preitenittus et Alaghieri fratres, filii 
olim Cacciaguide ') bind themselves to remove 
a fig-tree which was growing against the wall 
of the Church of San Martino. (See FruUani 
e Gargani, Delia Casa di Danle^ p. 29.) 
[Table xxii.] 

D. places Cacciaguida in the Heaven of Mars 
among those who fought for the faith (Spirit i 
Militanti)y Par. xv. 135 ; his spirit is spoken 
of as cLstro^ v. 20 ; gemmay z/. 22 ; lume, w. 31, 
53 ; spirtOf v. 38 ; luce^ Par. xvi. 30 ; xvii. 28, 
131 ; santa lampa^ Par. xvii. 5 ; anima santa^ 
V. 10 1 ; specchio beatOj Par. xviii. 2 ; fulgor 
santOy V. 25 ; <f , v, 28 ; cUma^ v. 50 ; he is 
addressed by D. as vivo topcusio^ Par. xv. 85 ; 
voi^ Par. XVI. 16, 17, 18; padre miOy Par. xvi. 
16 ; xvii. 106 ; cara mia primisia, Par. xvi. 22 ; 
cara piota mia^ Par. xviL 13 ; and referred to 
by him as amor patemo^ Par. xvii. 35 ; il mio 
tesarOy z^. 121 ; he addresses D. as sanguis 
meusj Par. xv. 28 ; figlio^ Par. xv. 52 ; xvii. 94 ; 
fronda mia, Par. xv. 88, speaking of himself as 
la tua radicey v, 89 ; and refers to him as il mio 
seme^ Par. xv. 48. 

Among the spirits in the Heaven of Mars 
one (that of Cacciaguida) makes itself known 
to D. as an ancestor of his (Par. xv. 19-90) ; 
after referring to his son Alighiero, through 
whom D. got his surname, and begging D.'s 
prayers for him (w. 91-6), C. pronounces a 
eulogy on the virtues of the old citizens of the 
Florence of his day (w. 97-129) ; he then gives 
details of his own life from his birth in Florence 
to his death in the Holy Land {yu, 130-48) (see 
a^ave) ; after a reference to the date of his 
birth and to the situation of the house in which 
he was bom (Par. xvi. 34-45) (see below) , 
be again discourses on the former state of 
Florence, mentioning the names of some forty 
fiunilies (ttu. 46-154); then, in reply to D.'s 
questions as to his own future, he foretells his 
exile (Par. xvii. 46-60), and his association at 
fost with the exiled Bianchi and Ghibellines, 
and his subsequent withdrawal from them (w. 
61-9), and refuge with one of the Scaligers 
(w. 70-99); and lastly, having pointed out 



the souls of other warriors who are there with 
him, he leaves D. and returns to his station 
(Par. xviii. 28-51) [Aligbierl: Currado^ : 
Iiombardo: Marte, Cielo di]. 

There is considerable difference of opinion as 
to the precise date of Cacciaguida's birth, the 
indications given by D. (Par. xvi. 34-9) being 
variously interpreted. Cacciaguida says that from 
the Incarnation of Christ down to the day of his 
own birth the planet Mars had returned to the 
sign Leo 580 times (or 553 times, according as 
trenta or tre be read in v. 38), i. e. had made that 
number of revolutions in its orbit The questions 
involved are twofold — (a) as to the reading, irenia 
or tr* ; (6) as to whether the period of the revolu- 
tion of Mars is to be estimated at about two years, 
as given by Brunetto Latino {Tresor, i. iii) and 
implied by D. in the Convivio (iL 15"*), or at the 
correct period, as given by Alfraganus, of 687 days 
approximately (actually, according to Witte, 686 
days, 99 hrs., 34 min.). If we read trenta (with 
the majority) and take the period of Mars at the 
estimate of Alfraganus, we get (due regard being 
had to leap-years) the year 1091 as the date of 
Cacciaguida's birth. If, on the other hand, we 
read tre, and put the period of Mars at two years, 
we get the year 1106. In the former case 
Cacciaguida would have been 56, in the latter 41, 
at the time when he joined Conrad III on the 
Second Crusade (1147) and met his death (Par. 
XV. 139-48). Several of the old commentators 
(Anonimo Fiorentino, Buti, Landino, &c), reading 
trenta and computing the period of Mars at two 
years, bring the date of Cacciaguida's birth to 
1 160, i. e. thirteen years after his death ! while 
Benvenuto, who avoids this error, brings it to 
1054, which on his own showing (since he gives 
Z154 as the date of the Crusade) would make 
Cacciaguida a Crusader at the age of 100 1 

Cacciaguida indicates (Par. xvi. 40-9) the 
situation of the house in which he and his 
ancestors lived in Florence, as being ' in the place 
where the last sextary is first attained by him 
who runs in the yearly horse-race,' i. e. on the 
boundary of the district known later as the Sesto 
di Porta san Piero. The house of the Elisei (Vill. 
iv. II) stood not far from the junction of the 
Mercato Vecchio and the Corso, apparently just 
at the angle formed on the N. side of the present 
Via de' Speziali by its intersection with the Via 
de' Calzaioli (see Philalethes' plan of old Florence, 
and that of modem Florence in Baedeker's N, 
Italy), The Sesto di Porta san Piero appears, as 
Witte observes, to have been the last of the city 
divisions to be traversed by the competitors in the 
* annual gioco,* who entered the city probably at 
the Porta san Pancrazio, close to where the 
Palazzo Strozzi now stands, crossed the Mercato 
Vecchio, and finished in the Corso which was 
thence so called. [Fiorenza.] 

CaccianimicOy Venedico, VeneticoCacda- 
nemici dell' Orso, of Bologna, son of Alberto 
de' Caccianemici, who was head of the Geremei 
or Guetf party of Bologna from 1260 till 1297. 
Venetico was a man of violent temperament, 
as appears from the fact that in 1268, at his 



[107] 



Caocianimico, •Venedico 



Caco 



father's instigation, he murdered his cousin 
Guido Paltena, and in 1286 he was accused of 
having harboured a malefactor in his house at 
Bologna ; he was at various times Podestk of 
Pistoja, Modena, Imola, and Milan (in 1286), 
and was, with his father, an active opponent of 
the Lambertazzi or Ghibelline party of Bologna. 
He was a staunch ally of the Marquis of Este, 
and his support of the policy of the latter with 
regard to Bologna appears to have led to his 
expulsion from his native city in 1289. He 
had two sons, one of whom, Lambertino, 
married in 1305 Costanza of Este, daughter of 
the Marquis Azzo VI 11. (See Gozzadini, Le 
Torri gentilizie di Bologna^ pp. 212 if.) 

D., who appears to have been personally 
acquainted with C, places him among the 
Pandars and Seducers m Bolgia i of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xviii. 50; uno (pecca- 
tore\ V, 40 ; costui^ v, 42 ; quel frustato^ v. 46 ; 
egliy 7/. 52 ; /7, v. 64 ; ruffian^ v. 66 [Seduttori] ; 
as D. passes through the Bolgia he catches 
sight of a form (that of Caccianimico) which 
is familiar to him (Inf. xviii. 40-2); with 
Virgil's consent he stops to look more closely 
at him (w, 43-5) ; C. thereupon tries to conceal 
his identity by holding his face down, but D. 
recognizes him, and addressing him by name, 
asks what brought him there {w. 46-51); C. 
unwillingly replies that it was he who brought 
Ghisolabella to do the will of the Marquis 
{w. 52-7) ; he then tells D. that he is by no 
means the only Bolognese in that part of Hell, 
for there are as many pandars from Bologna 
there with him as would equal the whole 
existing population of the city (vv. 58-61) ; he 
adds that avarice was at the bottom of it all 
{tjv, 62-3); at this point a demon comes up 
and slashes him, telling him to get on, as there 
are no women for hire there {tjv, 64-6) [Bolo- 
gneai: Ghisolabella]. 

The Ghisolabella mentioned by Caccianimico 
as having been handed over by him to the evil 
passions of Uie Marquis of Este was his own 
sister, who in or before 1270 was married to 
Niccol6 da Fontana of Ferrara. The Marquis 
in question is said by Lana and Buti to have 
been Obizzo II (i 264-1293), while Benvenuto 
and others say it was his son, Azzo VIII 
(1 293- 1 308); as far as dates are concerned, 
the former seems the more likely, for the 
incident probably took place before Ghisola- 
bella's marriage, i.e. before the year 1270. 
Benvenuto, who describes C. as *vir nobilis, 
liberalis, et placabilis, (jui tempore suo fuit 
valde potens in Bononia favore march ionis 
Estensis,' says that he lent himself to this 
intrigue in order to further ingratiate himself 
with the Marquis:— 

' Habuit unam sororem pulcerrimam, quam con- 
duxit ad serviendum marchioni Azoni de sua pulcra 
persona, ut fortius promereretur gratiam ejus.' 
He adds, however, that there was more than 



one version of the affair (as D. himself implies. 
Inf. xviii. 57)— according to one, Ghisolabella 
was seduced without her brother's knowledge ; 
according to another, Azzo introduced himself 
in disguise into the house of Caccianimico and 
having explained what his errand was, suc- 
ceeded in his design, C. not being in a position 
to resist him. 

The following detailed account, g^ven by the 
Anonimo Fiorentino, probably represents the 
popular version of the story : — 

' Fu costui messer Venedico de' Caccianimid da 
Bologna ; e fu provig^onato uno tempo del marchese 
Azzo da Estiy signore di Ferrara. Avea messer 
Venedico una sua sorella, bellissima donna, detta 
madonna Ghisola, et antonomastice, per ecceUenzia, 
per6 che avanzava in bellezza tutte le donne 
bolognesi a quello tempo, fu chiamata la Ghisola 
bella. II marchese Azzo, udendo parlare della 
bellezza di costei, et avendola alcuna volta veduta 
per Tamistli di messer Venedico, ultimamente, 
sotto questa fidanza, si parti da Ferrara scono- 
sciuto, et una sera di notte picchi6 all' usdo di 
messer Venedico : messer Venedico si maravigli6, 
et disse che la sua venuta non potea essere senza 
gran fatto. II Marchese, sotto gran fidanza, et 
perch^ conoscea I'animo di messer Venedico, gli 
disse ch'egli volea meglio alia sua sirocchia, a 
madonna Ghisola, che a tutto il mondo; et ch' 
egli sapea ch* ell* era in quella casa: et pertanto, 
dopo molti prieghi, messer Venedico consent! et 
discese alia volont^ del Marchese: partissi della 
casa, et lascid lui dentro ; onde 11 Marchese, giunto 
a costei, doppo alcuna contesa, ebbe a fare di leL' 

The commentator adds : — 

' Poi in processo di tempo la novella si sparse : 
et perch^ parea forte a credere che messer 
Venedico avesse consentito questo della sirocchia, 
chi dicea la novella et apponevala a uno, et chi 
a un' altro ; di che ora messer Venedico chiarisce 
a Dante, et dice qhe, come che questa novella si 
dica, io fui quelli che condussi costei a fare la 
volontk del Marchese.' 

CacOy Cacus, son of Vulcan, a fire-breathing 
monster who lived in a cave on Mt. Aventine, 
and preyed upon the inhabitants of the district. 
He stole from Hercules, while he was asleep, 
some of the cattle which the latter had taken 
from Geryon in Spain, and, to prevent their 
being tracked, dragged them into his cave by 
their tails; but their whereabouts being dis- 
covered by their bellowing as the rest of the 
herd passed by the cave, Hercules attacked 
Cacus and (according to Virgil, Aen. viii. 193- 
267) strangled him. 

D., who represents Cacus as a Centaur, 
places him among the Robbers in Bolgia 7 ot 
Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxv. 25 ; 
un Centauroy v, 17 ; eg/if v. 20; et\ v. 34 
[I«adri] ; on the disappearance of Vanni Fucci, 
D. sees a Centaur approach and furiously cry 
out after V.F. (Inf, xxv. 16-8) ; the Centaur's 
back} from croup to neck, is covered with 
snakes,, while on the nape of his neck is 



[108] 



Cadmo 



Caelo, De 



perched a fiery dragon (t/r/. 19-24); Virgil 
tells D. that this is Cacus, whose den was in 
Mt. Aventitie, and was often swamped in blood 
(w. 25-7) ; he then refers to his theft of the 
cattle from Hercules, and to his death beneath 
the club of the latter, and explains that he is 
not placed in Circle VI I with the other Centaurs 
because, unlike them, he employed fraud in his 
theft (w. 28-33) [CentaurlJ. 

With regard to the mode of Cacus' death D. 
follows, hot Virgil, but Livy : * cum Herculem 
vadentem ad speluncam Cacus vi prohibere 
conatus esset, ictus clava morte occubuit ' (i. 7). 
His representation of C. as a Centaur was 
doubtless due to a misunderstanding of Virgil's 
description, from which several details of his 
account are borrowed : — 

*Hie apelanca fnlt^ vasto snbmota recessu, 
SemihoniinU Cact facfes quam dira tenebat, 
Solia ioacoeasam radiia: aemperqne recenti 
Caede tepebat humna, toribusqiie adfixa snperbis 
Ora vinun trisd pendebant paJlida tabo. 
Hnk monstro Vulcanos erat pater : illius atroa 
Ore vomens ignea magna ae mole ferebat* 

{Aen. viii. iqiy-^.) 

Cadmo, Cadmus, founder of Thebes, son of 
Agenor, King of Phoenicia, and brother of 
Europa [Soropa^]. He married Harmonia, 
daughter of Mars and Venus [Armonia], by 
whom he became the father of Autonoe, AgavS, 
Semel^ Iho, and Polydorus [Ino: Semeld]. 
As a penalty for having slain a dragon sacred 
to Mars, C. was transformed into a serpent, 
Harmonia, at her own request, sharing his 
fate. 

D. alludes to this transformation. Inf. xxv. 
97-8; he refers to Ovid's account of it, from 
which several touches in his own description 
(w. 103-38) are borrowed ; — 

[Cadmus is changed into a serpent] 

'Ut aerpena, in longam tenditar alvnm; 
Dnrataeqne ctiti sqaamas increscere sentit, 
Nigraqne caenileis variari corpora gnttis; 
In pectoaque cadit pronos; commtaaaque in nnom 
Pkolatim tereti ainoantur acomine crura . . . 

Lingua repente 
In partes est 6ssa duas, nee verba volenti 
Sumdunt ; quotiesque aliquoa parat edere questns, 
SibilaL' 

[Harmonia, in answer to her prayer, shares his 
fate.] 

* " Cadme, quid hoc? ubi pes ? ubi sunt humericiue roanasque ? 
Gt color, et fades, et, dnm loquor, omnia? cur non 
lie quoque, cadestes, in eandem vertttts anguem?** 
DizenU ; iUe suae lambebat conju^s ora ; 
Inque dnos caros, vduti cog^nosceret, ibat; 
Bt dabat amplezus, assueta!que colla petebat . . . 

at ilia 
Lobriea permulcet cristati colla draconis, 
Rc subito duo sunt ; junctoque volumine serpunt.* 

{Moam, iv. 575-9. 58501 59* ff*) 

D. seems also to have had in mind Ovid's 
account of the transformation by Ceres of 
a boy into a lizard : — 

* Loqnentem 
Com liqutdo mixta perfadit Diva polenta. 
Combibit da maculas; et, qua modo brachia ^[essit, 
Crura rerit; cauda est mutatis addita inembns* 
Inque brevem forroaro, ne sit vis magna nocendi, 
CoDtrahitur ; parvaque minor mensura lacerta esL* 

{Mflam. V. 453-8.) 



Caelesti Hierarcbia, De, treatise On the 
Celestial Hierarchy^ reputed to be the work of 
Dionysius the Areopagite; his doctrine that 
every essence and virtue proceeds from the 
First Cause, and is reflected, as it were, from 
the higher to the lower Intelligences, Epist. 
X. 21 [Dioniaio^]. Fraticelli quotes the follow- 
ing passage:— 

' Conclusum igitur a nobis, quomodo ilia quidem 
antiquissima,quae Deo praesto, est intelligentiarum 
distributio, ab ipsamet primitus initiante illumina- 
tione consecrata, immediate illi intendendo, secre- 
tion simul et manifestiori divini Principatus illus- 
tratione purgetur et illuminetur atque perficiatur.' 

Caelo, De^, Aristotle*s treatise (in four 
books) On the Heavens ; quoted by D. under 
two titles, Di Cielo e Mondo, Conv. ii. 3*^9» •!, 
434, 513; iii. 5^*, 9III; iv. 922®; De Caelo et 
Mundo, A. T. §§ 12^, 13"; and De Caelo^ 
Epist. X. 27; A. T. § 21^. It may be noted 
that D. appears at times to be quoting rather 
from the De Caelo et Mundo of Albertus Magnus 
(which is a commentary on Aristotle's treatise) 
than from the De Caelo itself. Alexander of 
Aphrodisias (circ A. D. 200) held that the latter 
should be entitled De Mundo rather than De 
Caelo ; and this was the title apparently which 
it bore in the Greek texts, tor St. Thomas 
Aquinas says of it ' Apud Graecos intitulatur 
De Mundo, The Arabian and Latin translators 
combined the two, and called the treatise De 
Caelo et MundOj under which title it is usually 
quoted in the Middle Ages. 

D. quotes from it Aristotle's erroneous opinion 
that there were only eight Heavens, the eighth 
and outer one being that of the Fixed Stars, 
also that the Heaven of the Sun was next to 
that of the Moon, Conv. ii. 3i»-30 (Cael, ii. 10, 
12) ; his observation of the occultation of Mars 
by the Moon, Conv. ii. 369-65 (Cael. ii. 12) ; his 
opinion that the Empyrean is the abode of 
blessed spirits, Conv. ii. 43<>-* (Cael. i. 3, 9) ; 
that the celestial Intelligences e(]ual in number 
the celestial revolutions, Conv. li. 5^2-17 (Cael. 
i. 8) ; his rejection of the Platonic theory that 
the Earth revolves on its own axis, Conv. iii. 
563-8 (Cael. ii. 8, 12, 14); his opinion that the 
stars have no change save that of local motion, 
Conv. iii. 9109-11 (Cael. ii. 8) ; that the juris- 
diction of Nature has fixed limits, Conv. iv. 
^21-7 (Cael. i. 2, 7) ; that the material of the 
Heavens increases in perfection with its remote- 
ness from the Earth, Epist. x. 27 (Cael. i. 2) ; 
that bodies are * heavy ' or * light ' in respect of 
motion, A. T. § 12*2-4 (Cael. iv. i) ; that God 
and Nature always work for the best, A. T. 
§ 1339-41 (Cael. i. 4) ; that to inquire into the 
reasons for God's laws is presumptuous and 
foolish, they being beyond our understanding, 
A. T. § 2i6« (Cael. ii. 5). [AristotUe.] 

D. was also indebted to the De Caelo (ii. 13) 
for the Pythagorean theory as to the constitu- 
tion of the universe, with the cential place 



[109] 



CaelOf De 



Caino 



occupied by fire, round which revolve the Earth 
and a 'counter-Earth' (antictona), Conv. iii. 
529-41. [Antictona: Pittagora.] 

Caeio, De^], treatise of Albertus Magnus, 
otherwise known as De Cae/o et Mundoy a com- 
mentary upon the Aristotelian treatise of the 
same name \CBelOt />e^] ; from here D. got 
the opinions of Aristotle and Ptolemy as to the 
number and order of the several heavens, 
Conv. ii. 336-45 (see .Romania, xxiv. 408-11). 
[Alberto ^] 

Caelo et Mundo, De. [Caeio, De,] 

Caelum Empj^reum^the Empyrean, Epist 
X. 24, 26. [Cielo Empireo.] 

Caelum Stellatum, the Heaven of the 
Fixed Stars, A. T. § 2i9. [Cielo Stellate.] 

Caesar ^9 Julius Caesar, Mon. ii. 5^^^ ; Epist. 
vii. 1 , 4 [Cesare^] ; Augustus, Mon. ii. 9^^^^ 1249 
[AuguBto^] ; Tiberius, Mon. ii. 13*''; Epist. v. 
10 [Tiberio]. 

Caesar 2y appellative of the Roman Em- 
perors ; of Nero, Mon. iii. i3**-53 [Kerone] ; 
nence of the sovereigns of the Holy Roman 
Empire; of Frederick II, V. E. i. 1221 ; of 



Henry VII, Epist. v. 2; vi. 5,^«. ; of the 

I. iii. 16^^ ; Epist. v. 
3,5,9; vii. I [Cesare*]. 



— — ^ _^ J _ , 

Emperor in general, Mon. 



CaesareuSy pertaining to the Holy Roman 
Empire, imperial, Epist. x. /fV. 

Cagioai, Libra dL [CmusIs, De,] 

Cag^anOy small river of Upper Italy in 
Venetia, now known as the Botteniga, which 
unites with the Sile at Treviso; Cunizza (in 
the Heaven of Venus) alludes to Treviso as 
the place dove Sile e Cagnan 3^ accompagna, 
Par. ix. 49 ; the two rivers are mentioned to- 
gether to indicate Treviso, Conv. iv. 14^^^"^^. 
[Qherardo da Camznino : Trevigi.] 

Cagnazzo, ' Dogface,' one of the ten demons 
in Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) 
deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, 
Inf. xxi. 119; xxii. 106; quei, v, 120; when 
Ciampolo oners to summon some of his fellow 
Barrators if the demons will retire (Inf. xxii. 
97-105), C. suggests that it is a trick of the 
former in order to get away from them 
(w, 106-8) ; persuaded, however, by Alichino 
they prepare to move off, C. being the first to go 
(zAi/. ii9h-2o) [Alichino: Ciampolo]. Phila- 
lethes renders the name ' Reckelschnauzer.' 

CaiaphaSy the high-priest, Mon. ii. I3^^ 
[CaifiEts.] 

Caietaniy inhabitants of Gaeta ; their dialect 
distinct from that of the Neapolitans, V. E. i. 
93»-*i. [Gaeta.] 

Caifas], Caiaphas, the high-priest, placed 
together with his father-in-law Annas, among 
the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII of 



Hell (Malebolge)^ un crocifisso in terra. Inf. 
xxiii. Ill; quel confitto, v, 115; ei, v. 119; 
colui cKera disteso in croce, v, 125 [Anna^: 
Ipooriti] ; D. has just begun to address the 
two Frati Gaudenti, Catalano and Loderingo, 
when suddenly he catches sight of a figure 
crucified on the ground, which writhes and 
sighs as he looks at it (Inf. xxiii. 109-13); 
Catalano explains to him that this is Caiaphas, 
who gave tne advice to the Pharisees (John 
xi. 50) that it was expedient that one man 
should die for the people (w, 11 4-1 7); and 
points out that he is so placed that all the 
other hypocrites pass over his prostrate naked 
body (w, 118-20) ; he adds that his father-in- 
law Annas, and all the rest of the Council of 
the Jews who condemned Christ are punished 
there in the same way (w. 12 1-3 J ; D. mean- 
while notices that Vu^il is gazing m wonder at 
the crucified figure (the significance of which 
would, of course, be unknown to him) (w» 
124-6). 

Caiaphas is mentioned with Pilate in con- 
nexion with the judgement of Christ, Mon. ii. 
1 3^1. [PUato.] 

Caina, name given by D. to the first of the 
four divisions of Circle IX of Hell, where 
Traitors are punished, Inf. v. 107 (var. Cain)\ 
xxxii. ;8 [Inferno]. In this division, which is 
namea after Cain, the murderer of his brother, 
are placed those who have been traitors to 
their own kindred. Inf. xxxii. 16-69 [Tradi« 
tori]. Examples : Alessandro and Napoleone 
degh Alberti [Alberti] ; Mordred [Morda- 
rette] ; Focaccia dei Cancellieri [Fooaooia] ; 
Sassolo Mascheroui [MaBoheronij ; Camidone 
dei Pazzi (and Carlino dei Pazzi) [Camidone : 
Carlino]. 

Caino, Cain, eldest son of Adam and Eve, 
the murderer' of his brother Abel ; mentioned 
in connexion with the old popular belief that 
the ' man in the Moon ' was Cain with a bundle 
of thorns (probably with reference to his un- 
acceptable offering), Caino e le spine (i. e. the 
Moon), Inf. xx. 126; the spots on the Moon 
which gave rise to this popular superstition 
about Cain, Par. ii. 49-51. [I«una.] 

The following passage from the Tuscan ver- 
sion of the story gives the Italian form of the 
tradition — Cain attempts to excuse hiniself for 
the murder of Abel : — 

'Caino cerc6 di scusarsi, ma allora Iddio Ii 
rispose : Abele sara con me in Parndiso, e tu in 
pena della tu' colpa sarai confinato nella luna, e 
condannato a portare eternamente addosso un 
fasdo di spine. Appena dette queste parole da 
Dio, si lev6 un fortissimo vento e trasportd Caino 
in corpo e anima nella luna, e d allora in poi si 
vede sempre la su* faccia maledetta, e il fardello di 
spine che k obbligato a reggere insino alia fin del 
mondo, indizio della vita disperata che Ii tocca 
trascinare.' (See St. Prato, Caino e le spine 
secando Dante e la tradiMione popolart) 



[HO] 



Caiphas 



Callaroga 



A similar belief was current in England, as 
appears from the Testament of Cresseid (by 
Robert Henry son, formerly attributed to 
Chaucer) in the description of Lady Cynthia 
(the Moon) : — 

* Hir gjte was gray, and full of spottis blak ; 
And on hir breist ane churl paintit fal evin, 
Bdrand ane bunch of thornis on his bak, 
QuhiUc for hb thift micbt dim na nar thr hevin.* 

There are several references to this belief in 
Shakespeare (Tempest , ii. 3; Mids, Night's 
Dream^ iii. i ; v. i). According to the old 
German popular tale the man in the Moon 
was set there as a punishment for gathering 
sticks on Sunday. 

Cain is introduced as an example of Envy 
in Circle II of Purgatory, where his voice is 
heard crying Anciaerammi qualunque n^afh 
frende^ ' Every one that findeth me shall slay 
me* (Gen, iv. 14), Pui^g. xiv. 133. [In- 
vldiosi.] 

Some MSB. read Cain or Caino instead of 
Caina, Inf. v. 107; the former seems pre- 
ferable, if only on the ground that with Caina 
we should expect the article, as in Inf. xxxii. 
58 (cf. FAntenora^ Inf. xxxii. 88; questa To- 
iameay Inf. xxxiii. 124; la Giudecca^ Inf. 
xzxiv. 117). (Sec Moore, Text, Crit,^ pp. 38-9 

CaiphaA. [Caiaphas.] 

Calabrese, inhabitant of Calabria (the 
province which forms the 'toe' of Italy), 
Calabrian ; il Calabrese abate^ i. e. the abbot 
Joachim, Par. xii. 140. [Qioaoohino ^.] 

Calabri, Calabrians; distinction between 
their dialect and that of the inhabitants of 
Ancona, V. E. i. lo**. 

Calaroga. [Callaroga.] 

Calboli, name of an illustrious Guelf family 
of Forll; mentioned by Guido del Duca (in 
Circle II of Purgatory), Purg. xiv. 89; he 
refers to two members of this house, viz. 
Rinieri da Calboli, w, 89-90 [Binier^], and 
bis grandson, Fulcieri, w, 58-66 [Pulcieri]. 
The castle of Calboli, whence the family de- 
rived their name, was situated in the upper 
i^ey of the Montone, near Rocca S. Ca- 
sciano. It was destroyed by Guido da Monte- 
feltro in 1277. 

Calboli, Fulcieri da. [Fulcieri.] 

Calboli, Rinieri da. [lUnieri] 

Calcabrina, one of the ten demons in 
Bolgia 5 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge) 
deputed by Malacoda to escort D. and Virgil, 
Inf. xxi. 118; xxii. 133. Furious at having 
been duped by Ciampolo, C. vents his rage by 
flying at his fellow-demon Alichino, by whose 
advice the demons had retired, and had thus 
given their victim the chance to escape (Inf. 
xxii. 133-8) ; the two grapple together and 



both fail into the boiling pitch {^, 1^9-41), 
whence they are fished out by four of their com- 
panions (z/z/. 145-30). [Alichino: Ciampolo.] 
Philalethes renders the name * FrostetreteL* 

Calcanta, Calchas, son of Thestor, the 
soothsayer who accompanied the Greeks to 
Troy; D. associates him with Eurypylus as 
havmg foretold the time of the sailing of the 
Greek fleet from Aulis, where it was detained 
by Artemis, and refers to Virgil's account, Inf. 
XX. 1 10-14 [Aulide] :— 

'Snspensi Eurypylnm scitantem oracula Phoebt 
Mittinuis, iaque adytis hacc tristia dicta reportat: 
Sanguine placastis ventos, et virgine caesa, 

glanm primoni Iliacas, Danai, venistis a(! oraa; 
anguine quaerendi reditua, animaque litandnm 
Argolica; — volgi quae vox ut venit ad aores, 
Omtipnere animi, gelidasqne per ima cucurrit 
Ossa tremor, cui fata parent quein poscat Apollo. 
Hie Ithacus vatem magno Calchanta tumultu 
Protrahit in niedios; quae sint ea nnmina divom 
Flagitat* (^«if . iL 1 14-134.) 

Virgil, as a matter of fact, makes no men- 
tion of the circumstance referred to by D., 
who has perhaps here confused two separate 
incidents [Euripilo]. 

Note, — D. uses the form Calcanta here in 
rime (: canta : quanta) for Calcante, (See 
Nannucci, Teorica dei Nomi^ pp. 237-8.) 

Calcidonio, native of Chalcedon, a Greek 
city of Bithynia, on the coast of the Propontis, 
at the entrance of the Bosphorus, nearly oppo- 
site to Byzantium; epithet applied to Xeno- 
crates. Con v. iv. (P>^, [Senocrate.] 

Calfucci, ancient noble family at Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as being descended from the Donati, 
who are hence described as ' Lo ceppo di che 
nacquero i Calfucci,' Par. xvi. 106 [Donati]. 
According to Villani the Calfucci (who, with 
theUccellini and Bellincioni, the other branches 
of the Donati, were Guelfs) were extinct in 
D.'s time :— 

* Nel quartiere di Porta san Piero . . . erano i 
Donati owero Calfucci, che tutti fuit>no uno 
legnaggio, ma i Calfucci vennono meno.' (iv. 11.) 

The Ottimo Comento says : — 

'Calfucci, Donati, ed Uccellini furono d'uno 
ceppo: li Donati spensero li detti loro consorti 
Calfucci, si che oggi nuUo, od uno solo se ne 
mentova, o pochissimi.' 

CalistOy Calixtus I, Bishop of Rome (217- 
222) during the reigns of the Emperors Ma- 
crinus and Elagabalus. D. follows the tradition 
that he was martyred, and includes him, 
together with Sixtus I, Pius I, and Urban I, 
among those of his immediate successors men- 
tioned by St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed 
Stars) as having, like himself, shed their blood 
for the Church, Par. xxvii. 44. 

Callaroga, the ancient Calagurris (famous 
as the birdiplace of Quintilian and Prudentius), 



[111] 



Calliope 



Cammino, Gherardo da 



now Calahorra, city in Old Castile, between 
Logrono and Tudela, two miles from the Ebro ; 
mentioned by St. Bonaventura (in the Heaven 
of the Sun) as the birthplace of St. Dominic, 
whence he calls it la foriunata Callaroga^ 
Par. xii. 52; he describes it as being in the 
kingdom of Castile and Leon, a country not 
far from the Atlantic, w, 49-54. [Atlantioo : 
Castiglia.] 

Calliopd, CaUiopg, Muse of Epic Poetrv ; 
invoked by D. at the commencement of the 
PurgatoriOy Purg. i. 9. At the commencement 
of the Inferno he invoked the Muses in general 
(Inf. ii. 7) ; at the commencement of the Para- 
diso he invokes Apollo (Par. i. i^) [Farnaso], 
and claims to be under the inspiration of 
Minerva and the nine Muses as well (Par. 
ii. 8-9). [Muse.] 

Note,— Y or the accent Calliopl (some read 
Calliofea) compare Climenl (Par. xvii. i). 
Eunoi (Purg. xxviii. 131 ; xxxiii. 127), Gelboe 
(Purg. xii. 41). Giosui (Pur^. xx. ill ; Par. ix. 
125; xviii. iZ)^Lei} (Inf. xiv. 131, 136; Purg. 
xxvi. 108 ; &C.), Moisi (InL iv. 57 ; Purg. xxxii. 
80 ; &c.), Noi (Inf. iv. 56 ; Par. xii. 17), Semeli 
(Inf. XXX. 2 ; Par. xxi. 6). 

Calliopea. [Calliopd.] 

Calliopeus, of Calliope ; C. sermo^ a po- 
etical composition in a lofty style, Epist. iv. 2. 

Callisto], the nymph Callisto, otherwise 
known as Helic^ the mother of Bo5tes ; she 
was transformed into the constellation of the 
Great Bear, her son becoming the Little Bear, 
Purg. XXV. 131 ; Par. xxxi. 32. [Boote : 
Xnice.] 

Calpe], Mt. Calp^, the modem Gibraltar ; 
alluded to by Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle 
VIII of Hell) as one of the 'Columns of 
Hercules,' Inf. xxvi. 108. [Coloxme di Eroole.] 

Camaldoli], monastery perched high among 
the mountains, in a thick pine forest, in the 
Casentino, about 30 miles from Florence, 
founded in 1012 by St. Komualdus for his 
Order of Reformed Benedictines. The origin 
of the name is said to be Campus Maldoli^ 
from a certain Count Maldolus, who presented 
the site to St. Romualdus. It is alluded to by 
Buonconte da Montefeltro (in Antepurgatory) 
as rErmOy Purg. v. 96. [ErxnOy Ux Ro- 
moaldc] 

Camicion de' Pazzi, Alberto (or Uberto) 
Camicione, one of the Pazzi of Valdamo, of 
whom nothing is known save that he treacher- 
ously killed his kinsman Ubertino. [FaoBi.] 

Benvenuto says : — 

*• Iste fuit quidam miles de Pazzis nobilibus de 
Valle Ami, vocatus dominus Ubertus Camisonus, 
qui occidit proditorie dominum Ubertinum con- 
sanguineum suum.' 



The Anonimo Fiorentino : — 

' Questo Camisciohe fu de' P&zzi di Valdftr^o ; 
et andando un di a diletto messer Ubertino de' 
Pazzi ed egli, perocch^ avevono certe fortezze 
comuni come consorti, Camisdone pensa di 
pigliarle per s^, morto messer Ubertino : cod 
cavalcando gli corse addosso con uno coltello, et 
diegli piCi colpi, et finalmente Tuccise.' 

D. places C. in Caina, the first division of 
Circle IX of Hell, among those who have been 
traitors to their own kindred. Inf. xxxii. 68 ; 
uny V, 52 [Caina] ; he is described as having 
lost both his ears through the cold of the ice 
in which he is placed (w, 52-3) ; he addresses 
D., and after naming several of those who are 
with him, tells his own name, adding that he 
awaits the arrival of his kinsman Carlino de' 
Pazzi, the heinousness of whose crime will 
make his own appear trivial in comparison 
(w, 54-69) [Carlino de' Faaai]. 

Camilla. [Canunilla.] 

Camillo, M. Furius Camillus, one of the 
great heroes of the Roman republic; he was 
six times consular tribune and five times 
dictator. During his first dictatorship (396) 
he gained an important victory over the Fafis- 
cans and Fidenates, took Veii, and entered 
Rome in triumph. Five years later (391 )f 
however, he was accused of having made an 
unfair distribution of the plunder from Veii» 
and went into voluntary exile at Ardea ; but 
in the next year (390), the Gauls having taken 
Rome and besieged the Capitol, the Romans 
recalled C, who having been made dictator 
in his absence, hastily collected an army, 
attacked the Gauls, and completely defeated 
them. He died of the pestilence in 365. 

The story of C.'s liberation of Rome from 
the Gauls, and his voluntary return into exile 
after his victory, is referred to, Conv. iv. 
5IM-9; and given on the authority of Livy 
(V. 46) and Virgil (Aen. vi. 825), Mon. 11. 
5100-11. [Brenno : Oalli 2.] 

Camillas. [Camillo.] 
Camino. [Cammino.] 

Cammilla, Camilla, daughter of King Me- 
tabus of the Volscian town of Privemum ; 
she assisted Tumus, King of the Rutulians, 
against Aeneas, and after slaying a number of 
the Trojans, was at length killed by Anins 
(Aen. xi. 768-831). 

D. mentions her, with Tumus, Nisus, and 
Euryalus, as having died for Italy, Inf. i. 107 ; 
and places her in Limbo, among the heroes of 
antiquity, in company with Penthesilea (Aen^ 
xi. 662), Latinus, and Livinia, Inf. iv. 124-6. 
[Iiimbo.] 

Cammino, Gherardo da, gentleman of 
Treviso, of which he was lord, under the title 
of Captain- General, from 1283 until his death 
in 1306, when he was succeeded by his son 



[112] 



Cammino, Gherardo da 



Campagnatico 



Riccardo (Par. ix. 50-1) ; he is mentioned by 
Marco Lombardo (in Circle III of Purgatory), 
who, in speaking of the degenerate state into 
which Lombardy had fallen after the wars 
between Frederick II and the Church, says 
that there yet survive three old men whose 
lives are a reproach to the younger generation, 
viz. Currado da Palazzo, Guido da Castello, 
and'il buon Gherardo,' Purg. xvi. 12 1-6; D. 
then asks of what Gherardo Marco is speaking 
{w, 133-5); whereupon Marco expresses 
astonishment that D. should never have heard 
of G., whose name must have been well known 
throughout Tuscany (7n/, 136-8), and adds 
that he knows him by no other name than 
that of ' il buon Gherardo,' unless it be as the 
father of Gaia (whose reputation was just the 
opposite of that of her father) {w. 139-40). 
[PederiooS: Oaia.] 

In his discussion as to the nature of nobility 
m the Convivio D. singles out Gherardo as an 
illustrious instance of true nobility : — 

'Pogniaxno che Gherardo da Cammino fosse 
state nepote del piii vile villano che mai bevesse 
del Sile o del Cagnano, e la obblivione ancora non 
fosse del suo avolo venuta; chi sarii oso di dire 
che Gherardo da Cainmino fosse vile uomo ? e chi 
non parlerk meco, dicendo quello essere stato 
nobUe ? Certo nullo, quanto vuole sia presuntuoso, 
perocch^ egli fu, e fia sempre la sua memoria.* 
(iv. 14"*-".) 

That Gherardo's name was familiar in Tus- 
cany is evident from the fact, pointed out by 
Del Lungo, that he is mentioned in one of the 
Cento Novelie Antiche (Nov. xv. ed. Bor- 
ghini) as having shortly before his death 
(which occurred ' dopo ventidue anni di gius- 
tissiroo govemo'on March 26, 1306) lent to 
Corse Donati, who was later on (in 1308) 
Podestk of Treviso, a sum of * quattro mila lib. 
per aiuto alia sua guerra.' The Ottimo 
Comento remarks that G. 'si dilett6 non in 
una, ma in tutte cose di valore,' and Ben- 
venuto says of him : — 

' Iste fuit nobilis miles de Tarvisio, de nobilissima 
dome illorum de Cainino, qui saepe habuerunt 
principatum illius civitatis. Hie fuit vir totus 
benignus, humanus, curialis, liberalis, et amicus 
bononun : ideo antonomastice dictus est bonus.' 

According to Philalethes, Gherardo was so 
highly respected that in 1294 two brothers of 
the House of £ste sought knighthood at his 
hands. 

Of the Cammino family Barozzi (in Dante 
€ il suo SecolOf pp. 803-4) says : — 

' Erano i da Camino una delle piii potent! fa- 
miglie della Marca Trivigiana, che ritiensi abbiano 
cangiato il primitivo cognome di Montanara in 
quello da Camino, per un castello di questo nome 
ditto fabbricare da Guecello Montanara nel 1089 ; 
non si hanno per6 document! certi intomo a questa 
IkmigUa se non nella seconda metk del secolo xii. 
Gherardo figlio di Biaquino e d'India da Campo- 



sampiero fu il piii illustre personaggio della sua 
stirpe. ... £ agevole il retinere che Dante lo abbia 
conosciuto di persona, tanto piii che Gherardo fu 
protettore dei letterati e dei poetL* 

Cammino, Riccardo da], son of Ghe- 
rardo da Cammino (the preceding), whom he 
succeeded in the lordship of Treviso in 1306; 
he married Giovanna, daughter of Nino Vis- 
conti of Pisa, and was (according to the most 
trustworthy accounts) murdered in 13 12 by 
a half-witted servitor, while playing at chess 
in his own palace with Alteniero degli Azzoni, 
who had planned the assassination in order 
to avenge the honour of his wife whom Ric- 
cardo had seduced [Giovanna ^ : Table xxz]. 
Barozzi (in Dante e il suo Secolo, p. 805) 
says : — 

* A Gherardo successe nel govemo di Treviso il 
di lui figlio primogenilo Riccardo, che per la sua 
superbia ed arroganza venne in odio ai Trivigiani. 
Fu in allora che Altinieri degli Azzoni, uno dei 
principal! della citta, mosso dal desiderio di re- 
stituire la liberty alia patria, e forse anche da 
particolari motivi di vendetta, unilosi col conte 
Rambaldo di Collalto, con Guido Tempesta, con 
Pietro Bonaparte e con Tolberto Calza, deliber6 
di ammazzare Riccardo. Nel giorno cinque di 
aprile del 1319 mentre quest! giuocava agli scacchi, 
un sicario compro dallo Azzoni gl! s! accost6 
arditamente e lo percosse con un' anna tagliente 
sopra il capo. L'omicida fu tosto ucciso, forse a 
seppellire per sempre il nome dei congiurat! ; ma 
Riccardo morendo sospettd gl! autori del colpo . . . 
Altiniero dopo aver aiutato ! Trivigiani a scuotere 
il giogo di Guecello da Camino fratello e succes- 
sors di Riccardo nel govemo della citta, fu eletto 
podestii d! Padova che difese eroicamente contro 
le genti di Cane della Scala, sconfiggendole nel 
19 di luglio 1320. . . . Dopo lunghe e fortunose 
vicende incontrd anch' egli una morte violenta, 
ucciso nel letto, su cu! giaceva fcrito, da Guglielmo 
da Camposampiero (a member of the family to 
which Riccardo's paternal grandmother belonged).' 

The Ottimo Comento says that Riccardo 
was murdered with the connivance of Can 
Grande della Scala (Ml fece uccidere messer 
Cane della Scala per mano d'uno villano col 
trattato di certi gentiluomini del paese'). 
According to Benvenuto his death was con- 
trived by his own brother Guecello, who suc- 
ceeded him in the lordship of Treviso. 

Riccardo^s assassination is foreshadowed by 
Cunizza (in the Heaven of Venus), who says 
of him ' Tal signoreggia e va con la testa alta, 
Che gik per lui carpir si fa la ragna,' Par. ix. 
50-1. [Cunlzsa.] 

Camonica, Val. [Valoamonioa.] 

Campagnatico, village and castle, belong- 
ing to the Ghibelline Counts Aldobrandeschi, 
situated on a hill in the valley of the Ombrone, 
not far from Grosseto in the Sienese Ma- 
remma ; it was in the possession of the Aldo- 
brandeschi from Cent, x until the end of 



[113] 



Campaldino 



Campo di Siena 



Cent, xiii, when it passed into the hands of 
the Sienese. 

Omberto Aldobrandeschi (in Circle I of 
Purgatory) refers to it as the place where he 
was murdered (in 1259) by the Sienese, Purg. 
xi. 65-6. [Aldobrandesohi : Omberto.] 

Campaldino, small plain in the Casentino, 
in the Upper Valdamo, between Poppi and 
Bibbiena, the scene of the battle, fought June 1 1 , 
1289, between the Florentine Guelfs and the 
Ghibellines of Arezzo, in which the latter were 
totally defeated, Buonconte da Montefeltro, 
one of their leaders, being slain on the field. 

In his interview with Buonconte (in Ante- 
purgatory) D. questions him as to what became 
of his body, which was never discovered on 
the battle-field of Campaldino, Purg. v. 91-3. 
[Buonconte.] 

'Come piacque a Dio i Fiorentini ebbgno la 
vittoria, e gli Aretini furono rotti e sconfitti, e 
furono morti piii di millesettecento tra a cavallo 
e a pi^, e presi piii di duemila. . . . Intra* morti 
rimase messer Guiglielmino degli Ubertini vescovo 
d'Arezzo, il quale fu uno grande guerriere, e 
messer Guiglielmino de' Pazzi di Valdafno e' suoi 
nipoti . . . e moriwi Bonconte figliuolo del conte 
Guido da Montefeltro, e tre degli Uberti, e uno 
degli Abati, e piii altri usciti di Firenze . . . Alia 
detta sconfitta rimasono molti capitani e valenti 
uomini di parte ghibellina, e nemici del comune di 
Firenze, e funne abbattuto I'orgoglio e superbia 
non solamente degli Aretini, ma di tutta parte 
ghibellina e d'imperio/ (Villani, vii. 131.) 

Among the leaders on the Guelf side were 
Vieri de' Cerchi and Corso Donati (at that 
time Podestk of Pistoja), who were destined 
later to become the heads respectively of 
the Bianchi and Neri parties m Florence 

IBifiuichi]. It was largely owing to the gal- 
antry of Corso that the day was won for the 
Florentines. In command of the Aretine 
reserve was the Conte Guido Novello, Podestk 
of Arezzo, and head of the Ghibelline party, 
who distinguished himself by running away. 

This engagement was also known as the 
battle of Certomondo, from the name of a 
Franciscan monastery (founded by the Conti 
Guidi in 1262) not far from the place where it 
was fought : — 

* Si schierarono e afTrontarono le due osti . . . 
nel piano a pi^ di Poppi nclla contrada detta 
Certomondo, che cosi si chiama il luogo, e una 
chiesa de* frati minori che v*^ presso, e in uno 
piano che si chiama Campaldino; e ci6 fu un 
sabato mattina a dl i z del mese di Giugno.' (Vill. 
vil 131.) 

The later biographers of D. assert that he 
himself was present at this battle, fighting on 
the side of the Guelfs. The only authority for 
this statement is the Vita di Dante of Leonardo 
Bruni, in which he quotes a fragment of a 
letter supposed to have been written by D. 
referring to his experiences in the battle : — 



' Dieci anni erano gia passati dalla battaglia di 
Campaldino, nella quale la parte ghibellina fu 
quasi al tutto morta e disfatta ; dove mi trovai non 
fanciullo neir armi, e dove ebbi temenza molta, e 
nella fine grandissima allegrezza per li varii casi 
di quella battaglia.' 

It is significant, however, that no mention 
of the fact is made by Villani (vii. 131), or 
Dino Compagni (i. 10), or Benvenuto da 
Imola, all of whom give detailed accounts of 
the battle. It is remarkable also, as Bartoll 
points out (Lett, Ital,, v. 3), that in answer to the 
bidding of one of the spirits in Antepurgatory, 
*' Guarda se alcun di noi unque vedesti ' (Purg. 
V. 49), D. replies : * Perch^ ne* vostri visi guati 
Non riconosco alcun ' (w, 58-9) ; and yet 
Buonconte, whom he could hardly have failed to 
recognize if he had been present at the battle 
of Campaldino, was amongst those into whose 
faces he was gazing. Those who hold that 
D. took part in the battle see a reference to it, 
Inf. xxii. 4-5. 

Matteo Pahnieri, in his Vita Civile (Lib. iy. 
ad fin.), relates a marvellous incident which is 
alleged to have happened to D. at Campaldino. 

Campi, village in Tuscany, on the Bisenzio, 
about nine miles N.W. of Florence ; mentioned, 
together with Certaldo and Figline, by Caccia- 
guida (in the Heaven of Mars), who laments 
that owing to the immigration into Florence 
of the inhabitants of these places the character 
of the Florentines had become debased, Par. 
xvi. 49-51. 

Casini points out that there is probably a 
special significance in D.'s mention of these 
places : — 

* Cam pi in Val di Bisenzio, Certaldo nella 
Valdelsa, Figline nel Valdamo superiore sono tre 
borgate del territorio fiorentino, di qualche im- 
portanza al tempo di Dante, ma oscure nel se- 
colo di Cacciaguida : il che accresce il significato 
dispregiativo delle parole con le quali I'antico 
cittadino lamenta Tinurbarsi delle famiglie conta- 
dine. N^ la scelta di queste borgate ^ senza 
ragione : poichd Dante, scrivendo questo verso, 
ricordava certo che da Figline erano venuti quei 
fratelli Franzesi, usurai c mali consiglieri del re di 
Francia, tornati in Firenze con Carlo di Valois, 
e quel Baldo Fini dottore di legge che i Neri 
mandarono nel 131 1 a sommuovere il re di Francia 
contro rimperatore Arrigo VII : ricordava che da 
Certaldo era quel giudice Jacopo d'lldebrandino, 
che fu dei Priori nel 1289 e poi piii tardi uno dei 
faccendieri di parte Nera, e di quelli che ebbero 
voce d*aver **distrutto" Firenze.' 

Campidoglio, modem name of the Capitol 
of Rome ; applied by an anachronism by D. to 
the ancient Capitol, in connexion with the 
siege by the Gauls under Brennus in 390, 
Conv. iv. 5i«2. [CapitoUum: Qalli^.] 

Campo di Siena, the principal piazza in 
Siena, formerly known as the Campo or the 
Piazza del Campo, now called the Piazza 



[114] 



Campo Pioeno 



Can Grande della ScaUt 



Vittorio Emanuele ; mentioned by Oderisi (in 
Circle I of Purgatory) in connexion with Pro- 
venzano Salvani, Purg. xi. 134. [Frovensan 
Salvani: Siena.] 

Campo Piceno, (apparently) a plain in 
Tuscany in the neighbourhood of Pescia, be- 
tween Serravalle and Montecatini ; Vanni 
Fucci (in Bolgia 7 of Circle VIII of Hell), 
prophesying the defeat of the Bianchi by Moro- 
ello Malaspina (' il vapor di Valdimagra '), says 
the battle will take place on the * Picene plain,' 
Inf. xxiv. 148. 

There is some doubt as to what particular 
engagement is here referred to, as neither 
Villani nor Dino Compagni makes mention of 
any battle on the Campo Piceno. The allusion 
is probably to the siege and capture, in 1 302, 
of the stronghold of Serravalle by the Floren- 
tine Neri and Lucchese, under Moroello Mala- 
spina, in the course of their attack upon Pistoja. 
(Villajii, viii. 52.) Some think the reference is 
to the siege and final reduction, in 1305-6, of 
Pistoja itself, on which occasion also the 
Florentines and Lucchese were led by Moro- 
ello. Ever since the expulsion of the Bianchi 
from Florence in 1301, Pistoja had remained 
the only stronghold in Tuscany of themselves 
and the Ghibellines ; after its capture, April 10, 
1306, the fortifications were razed, and the 
territory divided between Florence and Lucca 
(Vill. viii. Si) [Malaspina, Moroello]. 

It is not clear why the Campo Piceno, which 
evidently denotes a district in the neighbourhood 
of Pistoja, was so called. It is at some distance 
from the ancient Picenum, which was a district on 
the Adriatic coast The wrongful application of 
the name probably arose from a misunderstanding 
of a passage in Sallust, in whose account of the 
defeat of Catiline it is stated, as Butler and others 
have pointed out, that when Metellus Celer, who 
vras commanding *in agro Piceno/ heard of 
Catiline's move Mn agnim Pistoriensem,' he 
succeeded by rapid marches in blocking the 
mountain route from Pistoja into Gaul : — 

* Reli<]oo8 Catilina per montes asperos magnis itineribos 
in arnim Pistoriensem abducit, eo consilio, uti per tramites 
oocnite perfiigeret in Galliam Transalpinam. At Q. Metellus 
Celer cum trums legtonibus in a^o Piceno praeaidebat. ex 
difficaltate remm eadem ilia rxistnmans. quae sapra dizi- 
mna, Oitilinam agitare. Igitur nbi iter ejus ex perfngia 
cognorit, caatra propere movit ac snb ipsis radicibus mon- 
tiam couedit, qoa illi deacensos erat in Ualliam properanti.* 

Villani, who expressly refers to Sallust as his 
authority, says that Catiline, on leaving Fiesole, 
' arrivd di Ik ov* ^ oggi la citta di Pistoja nel luogo 
detto Campo a Piceno, ci6 fu di sotto ov' ^ oggi il 
castello di Piteccio ' (i. 33) ; and later, that ' alia 
fine deir aspra battaglia Catellina fu in quello 
luogo di Piceno sconfitto e morto con tutta sua 
gente.' The same confusion appears in the com- 
mentators on D. ; e. g. Benvenuto says : — 

* Picenom appellatna est ager apnd Pistorium, in qno olim 
fait debellatas Catilina, at patet apad Sallnstiam ; ' 

and John of Serravalle : — 

' lUe campoa qai est prope Pistorium In quo devictos fuit 
Catbeliina vocatnr Piccnns a Sallustia* 



Can Grande della Scala, Can Francesco 
della Scala, called Can Grande, third son of 
Alberto deUa Scala (lord of Verona, 1277- 
1301), was bom on March 9, 129^ ; he married 
Joan, daughter of Conrad of Antioch ; and 
died at Treviso, July 22, 1329. In 1308 he was 
associated with his brother Alboino in the 
lordship of Verona, and was made joint Vicar 
Imperial with him by the Emperor Henry VII ; 
on the death of Alboino (Oct. 131 1) he became 
sole lord of Verona, a position which he main- 
tained until his death. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) fore- 
tells to D. that he shall see Can Grande at the 
court of * il gran Lombardo * (i. e., according to 
the most probable interpretation, Bartolommeo, 
Cane's eldest brother). Par. xvii. 70-6 ; after 
referring to the fact that Cane was bom under 
the influence of the planet Mars, which gave 
promise of his future warlike character (w. 
76-8), and stating that he was at that time 
(i.e. in 1300, the assumed date of the Vision) 
unknown, owing to his being only nine years 
old (w. 79-81), C. forecasts his future great- 
ness and magnificence, and his signal services 
to the Emperor Henry VII and the Ghibelline 
cause, and bids D. repose his hopes in him 
(7/7/. 82-8) ; he then, in conclusion, makes a 
vague reference to Cane's future achievements, 
and suddenly breaks off (z/r/. 89-93). [Lom- 
bardo 1 : Scala^ Bella : Table xxviii.] 

Can Grande is identified by many with the 
' Veltro* of Inf. i. 101 ; and the *Cinquecento 
diece e cinque' of Purg. xxxiii. 43 [Veltpo: 
DXV] ; he is mentioned at the close of the 
treatise De Aqua et Terra (which is dated 
from Verona in 1320, a year before D.'s death, 
at a time when Cane was Imperial Vicar), 
A. T. § 243. 

Of Cane's character D. speaks in terms of 
high praise in the D, C, mentioning his war- 
like exploits (* notabili fien Topere sue,' Par. 
xvii. 78), his indifference to money or to toil 
('sua virtute In non curar d'argento n^ 
d'affanni,' ttu, 83-4), and his ma^ificent 
bounty (* Le sue magnificenze conosciute Sa- 
ranno,' w, 85-6). To him he dedicated the 
ParadisOy in a lengthy letter addressed, 
' Magnifico atoue victorioso domino, domino 
Cani Grandi ae Scala, sacratissimi Caesarei 
principatus in urbe Verona et civitate Vicentia 
Vicario Generali,* in which the title and subject 
of the Divina Commedia are discussed. The 
letter opens with a eulogy of Can Grande's 
magnificence and bounty, of which D. says he 
himself partook, and which he acknowledges 
to have surpassed even the extravagant reports 
he had heard of it : — 

' Inclyta vestrae magnificentiae laus, quam fama 
vigil volitando disseminat, sic distrahit in diversa 
diversos, ut hos in spem suae prosperitatis attollat, 
hos exterminii dejiciat in terrorem. Hoc quidem 
praeconium, facta modemonim cxsuperans, tan- 



[115] 



I 2 



Can Grande della Scala 



Canavese 



quam veri existentia latius, arbitrabar aliquando 
superfluuixi. Venim ne diutuma me nimis incerti- 
tude suspenderetf velut Austri regina Hjerusalem 
petiit, velut Pallas petiit Helicona, Veronam pctii 
fidis oculis discursurus audita. Ibique magnalia 
vestra vidi, vidi beneficia simul et tetigi ; et quem- 
admodum prius dictonim suspicabar excessum, sic 
posterius ipsa facta excessiva cognovi.' (Epist. 

X. I.) 

Can Grande, who had been present when 
Henry VII received the iron crown at Milan 
(Jan. 6, 131 1), was on the point of embarking 
at Genoa to assist at the coronation in Rome, 
when the news of Alboino's death reached him 
(Oct.), and he returned at once to Verona to 
assume the lordship. One of his first acts was 
to rescue Brescia, which had submitted to the 
Emperor a few months before, from the hands 
of the Guelfs; and thenceforward until his 
death he played the leading part in the affairs 
of Lombardy. 

The following is a summary of the most im- 
portant events in his career :— 

1308-131 1. Joint lord of Verona with Alboino. — 
131 1. Vicar Imperial in Verona (Vill. ix. 90) ; 
(Oct) Sole lord of Verona ; (Dec) Rescues Brescia 
from the Guelfs (Vill. ix. 3a); helps to take Vicenza 
from the Paduans. — 131a. Vicar Imperial in Vi- 
cenza. — 1314. ;Sep.) Repels Paduan attack on 
Vicenza (Vill. ix. 63^; i.Oct.) makes peace with 
Padua and is confirmed in lordship of Vicenza. — 
13 1 5. Attacks Cremona, Parma, and Reggio, in 
alliance with Passerino de' Bonaccorsi, lord of 
Mantua and Modena. — 1316. Dante perhaps at 
Verona. — 131 7. (May) With help of Uguccione 
della Faggiuola repels fresh attack of Paduans on 
Vicenza; (Dec.) appointed Vicar Imperial in Verona 
and Vicenza by Frederick of Austria ; besieges 
Padua (VilL ix. 89). — 1318. (April) Takes Cremona 
(Vill. ix. 91) ; (Dec 16) elected Captain General 
of Ghibelline league in Lombardy at Soncino. — 
1319. (Aug.) Besieges Padua (Vill. ix. 100). — 
1330. (Aug. a5) Repulsed by Paduans, Uguccione 
della Faggiuola being killed (Vill. ix. lai). — 1330. 
(Sep.) Takes part with Passerino de' Bonaccorsi 
in siege of Reggio (Vill. ix. 167). — 1334. (June) 
Attacked in Padua by German forces of Otho of 
Austria, whom he repels (Vill. ix. 355). — 1337. 
Besieges Padua (Vill. x. 4a).— 1338. Captures 
Mantua ; (Sep. fl8) at invitation of Paduan 
Ghibellines becomes lord of Padua (Vill. x. loi). — 
1339. (July 18) Takes Treviso, where he dies 
(July aa) ; buried at Verona (Vill. x. 137). 

Can Grande is described in the Veronese 
Chronicle as being tall, handsome, of soldierly 
bearing, and gracious in manner and speech : — 

' Fuit staturae magnae et pulchrae, et omnibus 
spectabilis et gratiosus in actis, similiter et loquela, 
et bellicosus in armis/ 

Albertino Mussato, on the other hand, who 
was taken prisoner during the unsuccessful 
attempt of the Paduans upon Vicenza in 13 14, 
speaks of him as being harsh and vindictive, 
wanting in self-control, obstinately bent upon 



having his own way. and willing to be thought 
more ruthless than he really was : — 

* Erat vir ille acer et intractabilis, nuUos coerccns 
impetus, sed ad quaecunque ilium ira provocasset 
praeceps et inexorabilis, nee non habitu gestuque 
immanior videri malens, quam sua valuisset exer- 
cere severitas; nee plus quidquam pensi habens 
quam si eidem, quaecunque voluisset, licerenL' 

Villani says of him : — 

* Fu valente tiranno e signore dabbcne.' (xi. 95.) 
— * Fu il maggiore tiranno e '1 piii possente e ricco 
che fosse in Lombardia da Azzolino di Romano 
infino allora, e chi dice di piii.' (x. 137.) 

Boccaccio, who makes him the subject of 
one of the stories in the Decamerone (i. 7), 
speaks of him as being second only to the 
Emperor Frederick II : — 

' Messer Cane della Scala, alquale in assai cose 
fu fiavorevole la fortuna, fu uno de' piii notabilt e 
de' pill magnifici signori, che dallo imperadore 
Federigo secondo in qua si sapesse in Itaha.' 

Benvenuto tells a characteristic story of 
how as a boy he showed his contempt for 
riches : — 

*■ Dum pater ejus duxisset eum semel ad videndum 
magnum thesaurum. iste illico levatis pannis minzit 
super eum ; ex quo omnes spectantes judicaverunt 
de ejus futura magnificentia per istum contemptum 
pecuniarum.' 

The following account of Can Grande's court 
at Verona, given by Sagacio Mucio Gazata, 
a chronicler of Reggio, who was himself re- 
ceived there as a guest while in exile, is quoted 
by Sismondi : — 

' Different apartments, according to their con- 
dition, were assigned to the exiles in the Scala 
palace; each had his own servants, and a well- 
appointed table served in private. The various 
apartments were distinguished by appropriate 
devices and figures, such as Victory for soldiers, 
Hope for exiles, Muses for poets. Mercury for 
artists, and Paradise for preachers. During meals 
musicians, jesters, and jugglers performed in these 
rooms. The halls were decorated with pictures 
representing the vicissitudes of fortune. On 
occasion Cane invited certain of his guests to his 
own table, notably Guido da CastcUo, who on 
account of his singleraindedness was known as the 
Simple Lombard, and the poet Dante Alighieri.' 

The sarcophagus and equestrian statue of 
Can Grande are still to b« seen among the 
famous tombs of the Scaligers at Verona. 

Canavese, district of Upper Italy, which 
lies between the Dora Riparia and the Dora 
Baltea, and stretches from the slopes of the 
Pennine and Graian Alps down to the Po ; it 
formed part of the ancient marquisate of 
Montferrat, and, according to Benvenuto, 
boasted of nearly 200 castles : — 

'Contrata est contermina Montiferrato, quae 
clauditur a duobus brachiis fluminis, quod dicitur 
Dura, a tertia parte clauditur Pado, a quarta ab 
Alpibus, et habet forte ducenta castella.' 



[116] 



Cancellieri 



Cancellieri 



Sordello (in Antepurgatory) mentions it, 
together with Montferrat, in connexion with 
William Longsword, Marquis of Montferrat 
and Canavese (1254-1292), Purg. vii. 136. 
[GuglielmoS : Monferrato.] 

Cancellieri], Guelf family of Pistoja, which, 

owing to a feud between two branches, known 

as the Cancellieri Bianchi and the Cancellieri 

Neri, gave rise to the factions of the Bianchi 

and Neri, first in Pistoja (in 1300) and later in 

Florence. Focaccia, a member of this family, 

who was one of those principally concerned in 

the original strife, is mentioned by Camicione 

de' Pazzi (in Caina) as a typical traitor. Inf. 

xxxii. 63. 

Villani gives the following account of the 
Cancellieri family and of the origin of the 
ieud : — 

* In questi tempi (1300) essendo la citti di 
Pistoia in felice e grande e buono stato secondo il 
suo essere, e intra gli altri cittadini v* avea uno 
lignaggio di nobili e possenti che si chiamavano i 
Cancellieri, non per6 di grande antichitk, nati 
d*uno ser Cancelliere, il quale fu mercatante e 
Suadagn6 moneta assai, e di due mogli ebbe piii 
figliuoli, i quali per la loro ricchezza tutti furono 
cavadieri, e uomini di valore e dabbene, e di loro 
nacquero molti figliuoli e nipoti, sicch^ in questo 
tempo erano piii di cento uomini d'arme, ricchi 
e possenti e di grande afiare« sicchd non solamente 
i maggiori di Pistoia, ma de' piii possenti legnaggi 
di Toscana. Nacque tra loro per la soperchia 
grassez z a, e per sussidio del diavolo, sdegno e 
nimista, tra *1 lato di quelli ch' erano nati d'una 
donna a quelli deir altra ; e Tuna parte si puose 
Dome i Cancellieri neri, e Taltra i bianchi ; e 
crebbe tanto che si fedirono insieme, non per6 di 
cosa inorma. £ fedito uno di que* del lato de' Can- 
cellieri bianchi, que* del lato de* Cancellieri neri 
per avere pace e concordia con loro, mandarono 
quegli ch* avea fatta 1* offesa alia misericord ia di 
eoloro che Taveano ricevuta, che ne prendessono 
i'ammenda e vendetta a loro volontk ; i quali del 
lato de* Cancellieri bianchi ingrati e superbi, non 
avendo in loro plet^ n^ caritli, la mano dal braccio 
tagliaro in su una mangiatoia a quegli ch'era 
venuto alia misericordia. Per lo. quale comincia- 
mento e peccato, non solamente si divise la casa 
de* Cancellieri, ma piii micidii ne nacquero tra 
loro, e tutta la citta di Pistoia se ne divise, che 
TuDo tenea coll* una parte, e I'altro coll' altra, e 
chiamavansi parte bianca e nera, dimenticata tra 
loro parte guelfa e ghibellina : e piii battaglie 
cittadine, con molti pericoli e micidii, ne nacquero 
e furono in Pistoia ; e non solamente in Pistoia, 
ma poi la citt^ di Firenze e tutta Italia contaminaro 
le dcttc parti.' (viii. 38.) 

The subjoined narrative is from the Istorie 
PistoUsi^ and is presumably the most authentic. 
It is noteworthy that neither in this account, 
nor in that of Villani given above, is there any 
mention of Focaccia, the hero of the story as 
told by Benvenuto da Imola [Bianohi]. He is, 
however, the chief actor in another disturbance 
which took place later in the same year, and 



which, according to the Pistojan chronicle, was 
the particular occurrence which led to the 
intervention of the Florentines, and to the sub- 
sequent introduction into Florence itself of the 
Bianchi and Neri feud. It is possible, therefore, 
that D.'s reference (Inf. xxxii. 63) may be to 
this latter incident, and not to the original 
quarrel between the two parties, as is generally 
supposed [Fooaooia]. 

'Narra si in questo libro la cagione, perche la 
cittii di Pistoia e '1 suo contado venne in divisione ; 
ciod I'uno cittadino con Taltro, e Tuno fratello 
con Taltro. £ per quella divisione si divise la 
citti di Firenze, c fecero di loro due parti : per 
modo che non fu ne maschio, ne femina, ne grande, 
ne piccolo, ne frate, ne prete, che diviso non fosse. 
Per la qual divisione si crearono in Pistoia due 
parti ; delle quali Tuna si chiam6 parte Bianca, e 
Taltra si chiamd parte Nera ; multiplicando tanto, 
che non romase persona ne in Citt^, ne in Contado, 
che non tenesse, 6 con I una parte, 6 con Taltra. . . . 
' Nel 1300 la detta Citta havea assai nobili, e 
possenti cittadini, in fra quali era una schiatta, di 
nobili, e possenti cittadini, e gentil* huomini, gli 
quali si chiamavano Canceglieri ; et havea quella 
schiatta in quel tempo diciotto cavaglieri a speroni 
doro, et erano si grandi, e di tanta potenza, che 
tutti gl' altri grandi soprastavano, e batteano : e 
per loro grandigia, e richezza, montarono in tanta 
superbia, che non era nessuno si grande ne in 
Citta, ne in Contado, che non tenessono al disotto ; 
molto villaneggiavano ogni persona, e molte sozze 
e rigide cose faceano; e molti ne faceano uccidere, 
e fedire, e per tema di loro nessuno ardia k 
lamentarsi. 

' Seguitoe, che certi giovani della detta casa, li 
quali teneano la parte Bianca ; et altri giovani 
della detta casa, li quali teneano la parte Nera : 
essendo ^ una cella, ove si vendea vino, et havendo 
beuto di soperchio, nacque scandolo in tra loro 
giocando; Onde vennero a parole, e percossonsi 
insieme, si che quello della parte Bianca soprasteo 
& quello della parte Nera: lo quale havea nome 
Dore di M. Guiglielmo, uno de maggiori di casa 
sua, ciod della parte Nera. Quello della parte 
Bianca, che I' havea battuto, havea nome Carlino 
di M. Gualfredi pure de maggiori della casa della 
parte Bianca. Onde vedendosi Dore essere battuto, 
et oltraggiato, et vitoperato dal consorto suo, e 
non potendosi quivi vendicare, peroch* erano piii 
fratelli ^ darli : partissi, e propuosesi di volersi 
vendicare, e quel medesimo di cio^ la sera ^ tardi 
stando Dore in posta, uno de fratelli del detto 
Carlino, ch* havea offeso lui, ch* havea nome 
M. Vanni di M. Gualfredi, et era giudice, passando 
It cavallo in quel luogo, dove Dore stava in posta : 
Dore lo chiamd, et egli non sapendq quello, ch*el 
fratello gl* havea fatto, andb ii lui, et volendoli 
Dore dare d*una spada in su la testa M. Vanni, 
per riparare lo colpo, par6 la mano ; onde Dore 
menando gli taglib il volto, e la mano per modo, 
che non ve li romase altro, ch'el dito grosso : di 
che M. Vanni si partio, et andonne ii casa sua : e 
quando lo padre, e' fratelli, e gl* altri consorti lo 
videro, cosi fedito, n' hebbero grande dolore : per6 
ch' egl* era, come detto ^, de migliori del lato suo : 
et anco perche colui, che 1* havea fedito era quello 



[117] 



Canoellieri, 



iade' 



Canzoniere 



medesimo in tra quelii del suo lato, di che tutti gV 
amici e parenti loro ne furono forte mal content!. 
Lo padre di M. Vanni, e' fratelli pensarono per 
vendetta uccidere Dore, e '1 padre, e fratelli, e 
consort! di quello lato : Ellino erano molto grand!, 
e molto imparentati, e coloro gli temeano assai, e 
tanta paura haveano di loro, che per temenza non 
usciano di casa. Onde vedendo il padre, e' fratelli, 
e consort! di Dore, che 1! convcnia cosi stare in 
casa, credendo uscire della briga, diliberarono di 
mettere Dore nelle man! del padre, e de* fratelli 
d! M. Vanni, che ne facessono loro piacere ; ere- 
dendo che con discrezione lo trattassono, come 
fratello, dopo questa deliberazione ordinarono 
tanto, che feciono pigHare Dore, e cos! preso lo 
mandarono k casa di M. Gualfredi, e de' fratelli di 
M. Vanni| e miserlo loro in mano : Costoro con^e 
spietat! e crudeli, non riguardando alia benignitk 
di coloro, che gli 1! haveano mandato, lo misono 
in una stalla di cavalli, e quiv! uno de' fratelli di 
M. Vauni 1! taglib queUa mano, con la quale egl! 
havea tagliato quella di M. Vanni, e diedili uu 
colpo nel viso in quel medesimo lato dove egl! 
havea fedito M. Vanni, e cosi fedito e dimozzicato 
lo rimandarono k casa del padre ; Quando lo padre, 
e! fratelli, e consort! del lato suo, et altr! suo! 
parenti lo videro cosi concio, furono troppo 
dolent! : e questo fue tenuto per ogni persona 
troppo rigida e crudele cosa, a mettere maoo ne) 
sangue loro medesimo, e spezialmente havendolo 
loro mandato alia misericordia : Questo fue lo 
cominciamento della divisione della Cittk e 
Contado di Pistoia ; onde seguirono uccisioni 
d'huomini, arsioni di case, di castella, e di ville. 

* La guerra si cominci6 aspra in tra quell! della 
casa de Canceglieri della parte Nera, e quell! 
della detta casa della parte Bianca, e disfidaronsi 
insieme, e tanto multiplied la guerra, che non 
rimase in Pistoia ne nel Cpntado persona, che 
non tenesse, 6 con Tuna parte, 6 con Taltra : e 
spesso per questa cagione combattea I'uno vicino 
con Taltro in Citta et iu Contado/ {Jst, Pist, ed. 

i578» pp. 1-3) 

In the Pecorone of Giovanni Fiorentino 
a girl is said to have been the cause of the 
quarrel:— 

' Per una fantesca che era assai bella e gratiosa 
nacque fra loro una maladetta divisione di parole 
e di alcuna ferita, di che sendosi divisi in due 
parti, Tuna si chiamava Cancellieri Bianchi, ci6 ^ 
quegli che discesero dalla prima moglie, et altri si 
chiamarono Cancellieri Neri, e quest! discesero 
dalla seconda.' {Giom, ziii. Nov, i.) 

Cancellieri, Focaccia de'. [Fooaooia.] 

CancrOy.Cancer (* the Crab *), constellation 
and fourth sign of the Zodiac, which the Sun 
enters at the summer solstice (about June 2i) 
[Zodiaoo]. Speaking of the brightness of the 
spirit of St. John, D. says that if a luminary of 
that brilliance were to shine in Cancer, it 
would be as light as day during a whole 
winter month, Par. xxv. loo-a. During the 
middle month of winter, when the Sun is in 
Capricorn, Cancer, being then exacdy opposite 
the Sun, is up t}iroughout the night, which, in 



the case D. supposes, would thus be turned 
into day, so that daylight would be continuous 
throughout the month. D.'s meaning is that 
the spirit of St. John shone with a brilliancy 
equal to that of the Sun. 

Cancer and Capricorn each of them distant 
somewhat more than 23 degrees (actually 
23° 28') from the Equator, Conv. iii. 5137-42, 

Cane della Scala. [Can Grande.] 

Canis Grandis de Scala, Can Grande, 
Epist. X. ///. ; A. T. § 243. [Can Grande.] 

Canne], Cannae, village in Apulia, famous 
as the scene of the defeat of the Romans by 
Hannibal during the Second Punic War, B.C. 
216. D. alludes to the battle of Cannae and 
to the heap of gold rings taken from the bodies 
of the dead Romans and produced in the 
senate-house at Carthage by Hannibal's envoy 
as proof of his victory, Inf. xxviii. 10-12 ; Conv. 
iv. 5IW-8J in the former passage (v, 12) D. 
mentions Livy as his authority, but from the 
context of the second passage it appears that 
he was indebted rather to Orosius (Hist. iv. 16, 
§§ 5» 6) than to Livy (xxiii. 11-12). [Iiivio : 
Orosio: Boipione^.] 

Cmnticum Cantlcorum, Canticles or the 
Song of Songs (m A. V. the Song of Solomon), 
Mon. iii. io«=* ; quoted, Purg. xxx. 11 (Cant, 
iv. 8) ; Conv. ii. 63*-7 (Cant. viii. 5) ; Conv. ii. 
IC175-8 (Cant. vi. 8-9: Vulg. vi. 7-8) ; Mon. 
iii. 379 (Cant. i. 3) ; Mon. Tii. losa-ei (Cant. 
viii. 5). — The Canticles is supposed to be sym- 
bolized by one of the four-and-twenty elders 
(representing the 24 books of the O. T. accord- 
ing to the reckoning of St.Jerome) in the mys- 
ti^ Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 83-4. [Bibbia : Prooessione.] 

Cantor, II, the Singer ; title by which D. 
refers to David, Par. xx. 38 ; xxv. 72 ; xxxii. 1 1 
[David] ; to Virgil, Purg. xxii. 57 [Virgilio]. 

Cangottiere], collection of D.'s lyrical 
poems, consisting of sonnets, cansanif ballate^ 
and sestine. A large proportion of these 
belon? to the Vita Nuova^ and a few to the 
Convtvio ; the rest appear to be independent 
pieces, though some tnink that the ' canzoni 
pietrose ' (viz. Canz. xii, Sest. ii, Canz. xv, and 
Sest. i), so called from the frequent recurrence 
in them of the word pietra (supposed, like the 
selvaggia of Cino da Pistoja and the lauro of 
Petrarca, to be a lady's name), form a special 
group. 

The Vita Nuova contains twenty-five son- 
nets (Son. i-xxv) two of which (Son. ii, iv) 
are irregular, while one (Son. xviii) has two 
versions of the first quatrain (V. N. §§ 3, 7, 8, 
9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27. 33, 35, 
36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42) ; ^y^ canzoni (Canz. 
i-v), of which two (Canz. iii, v) are imperfect 
(V. N. §§ 19, 23, 28, 32, 34) ; and one Indlata 
(Ball, i, V. N. § 12). \yiim Nuova.] 



[118] 



Canzoniete 



Caorsa 



The Cotruivio contains three camoni (Canz. 
vi-viii) with an accompanying commentary, 
out of fourteen which it was intended to con- 
tain. [CoiiWvlo.] 

In the De Vulgari Eloquentia D. quotes the 
first lines of nine of his poems, all of which are 
extant, except one, beginning ' Traggemi della 
mente Amor la stiva * (V. E. ii. ii^) which is 
not included in the existing collections, and so 
far has not been discovered in MSS.; of the 
eight others, two are given at length in the 
Vita Nuova (Canz. i, ii), and one in the 
Canvivio (Canz. vii) ; these eight poems occur 
as follows : — 

' Doglia mi reca ncllo core ardire ' (Canz. x ; 
V. E. ii. a»*). 

'Amor, che muovi tua virtii dal cielo' (Canz. ix; 
V. E. ii. 5» II"). 

'Amor, che nella mente mi ragiona ' (Canz. vii ; 
V. E. ii. 6" ; Conv. iii ; Purg. ii. iia). 

' Donne, ch* avete intelletto d amore * (Canz. i ; 
V. E. u. 8'». ia»» ; V. N. § 19). 

'Al poco giorno, ed al gran cerchio d'ombra' 
(Scat i ; V. E. ii. 10", 13'*). 

'Donna pietosa, e di novella etate' (Canz. ii; 
V. E.ii. II*'; V.N. §33). 

'Poscia ch* Amor del tutto m' ha lasciato' 
(Canz. xix ; V. E. iL la*^. 

* Amor, tu vedi ben che questa Donna ' (Sest. ii; 
V. E. ii. i^\ 

In the Epistolcie two poems are included : — 
a cansotUf beginning ' Amor, dacch^ convien 
pur ch' io mi doglia ' (Canz. xi), is appended 
to the letter addressed to Moroello Malaspina 
(Epist. iii) ; and a sonnet, beginning ' Io sono 
stato con Amore insieme' (Son. xxxvi), is 
appended to the letter addressed to Cino da 
Pistoja (Epist. iv). 

This gives a total, so far, of twenty-six son- 
nets, i.e. twenty-five (V. N.) and one (Epist. 
iv) ; thirteen camoni^ i.e. five (V. N.), three 
(Conv.), four (V. E.), and one (Epist. iii); 
two sestine (V. E.) ; and one ballata (V. N.). 

In addition to these, a considerable number 
of other lyrical poems is attributed to D., some 
of which are almost certainly not his. In the 
several editions of the Canzoniere the number 
varies according to the taste or caprice of the 
various editors, there being as yet no accepted 
critical test. Witte's collection includes in all 
eighty sonnets, twenty-six canzoni, and twelve 
balhUe, Fraticelli prints as genuine, forty- 
four sonnets, twenty-one canzoni, ten bailate, 
and three sestine ; as doubtful, five sonnets, 
one canzaney and two hallate ; and as spurious, 
thirty-four sonnets, thirteen (anzoni^ three 
biUlate^ and three madrigals. Giuliani prints 
as genuine, thirty- five sonnets, twenty-one 
canzonif seven ballcUe^ and one sestina\ as 
doubtful, eight sonnets, one canzone^ four 
ballaie^ and two sestine. In the Oxford Dante 
are printed fifty-one sonnets, twenty-one can- 
zani^ ten bMcUCy and four sestine^ eighty-six 



poems in all, the total being made up of the 
seventy-eight printed as genuine by Fraticelli, 
and the eight which he considers doubtful. 
[Table zxxii.] 

The tenzone or poetical correspondence 
between D. and Forese Donati, consisting of 
six sonnets (three addressed by D. to Forese, 
and three of Forese's in reply), though long 
considered of dubious authenticity, is now 
generally accepted by the best critics as 
genuine. These sonnets are not included in 
the Oxford Dante. [Forese]. 

Of D.'s lyric poems Villani says : — 
' Fece in sua giovanezza il libra della Vita ttova 
d'amore ; e poi quando fu in esilio fece da venti can- 
zoni morali e d'amore molto eccellenti.' (ix. 136.) 

Boccaccio says : — 

' Compose molte canzoni distese, sonetti, e 
ballate assai e d amore e morali, oltre a quelle 
che nella sua Vita Nuova appariscono.' 

Among those to whom D. addressed poems 
were his friends Guido Cavalcanti (Son. xxxii) 
and Cino da Pistoja (Son. xxxiv. xlvi). 

The first printed collection of D.'s lyric poems 
appears to have been that included in ' Sonetti 
e canzoni di divers! antichi autori toscani in 
dieci libri raccolte,' published at Florence in 
1527, the first four books of which contain forty- 
five sonnets, nineteen canzoni, eleven ballate^ 
and one sestina, attributed to D. Certain, 
however, of the canzoni and madrigali (as 
they are described) had already been printed 
at Milan in 15 18. Fifteen canzoni are printed 
at the end of the first edition of the Vita 
Nuova (Florence, 1576). 

Caorsa, Cahors, town in S. of France, on 
the river Lot, capital of the ancient Province 
of Quercy in Guyenne, chief town of mod. 
Department of Lot. It was famous in the 
Middle Ages as a great centre of usurers, 
whence the. term CcufrsinusX^csxat a common 
synonym for * usurer.* 

D. uses the terms Sodom and Cahors, to 
indicate Sodomites and Usurers, who are 
punished in Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, 
among the Violent, Inf. xi. 49-51 [Sodomiti : 
Usurai]. 

Boccaccio says that the practice of usury 
was so prevalent at Cahors that even the 
servant-maids used to lend their wages, and 
any trifling sum they received : — 

' Caorsa h una cittk in Praenza ... si del tutto 
data al prestare a usura, che in quella non h nh 
uomo n^ femmina, nh vecchio n^ giovane, nh 
piccolo n^ grande che a ci6 non intenda ; e non 
che altri, ma ancora le serve nti, non che il lor 
salario, ma se d'altra parte sei o otto denari 
venisser loro alle mani, tantosto gli dispongono e 
prestano ad alcun prezzo ; per la qual cosa h 
tanto questo lor miscrabile esercizio divulgato, e 
massimamente appo noi, che come I'uom dice 
d'alcuno, egli d Caorsino, cosi s'intende che egli 
sia usuraio.* 



[119] 



Caorsino 



Capaneo 



In the frequent edicts issued by various 
European sovereigns for the expulsion of 
usurers, the term 'Caorsini' (often coupled 
with *Lombardi*) constantly recurs. Du 
Cange quotes from an edict issued by Charles 
II of Anjou against the Jews, dated Dec. 8, 
1289:— 

' Praecipimus ut expulsio praedicta extendatur 
ad omnes Lombardos, Caturcinos, aliasque personas 
alienigenas, usuras publice exercentes '; 

and from another issued by Philip III of 
France : — 

'Extirpare volentes de finibus Regni nostri 
usurariam pravitatem, quam quosdam Lombardos 
et Caorsinos, aliosque complures alienigenas in 
eodem Regno publice intelleximus exercere . . . ' 

Matthew of Westminster writes (anno 
1232) :— 

' Rogerius London, episcopus . . . aegre sustinens 
usurarios Christianos quos Caursinos appellamus, 
in civitate sua habitare, et foenora sua, variato 
nomine palliantes, exercere, conabatur eos a 
dioecesi sua propulsare.' 

So Matthew Paris (anno 1235) : — 

' Invaluit his diebus adeo Caursinorum pestis 
abominanda, ut vix esset aliquis in tota Anglia, 
. . . qui retibus illorum jam non illaquearetur. 
Etiam ipse Rex debito inestimabili eis tenebatur 
obligatus. Circumveniebant enim in necessitatibus 
indigentes, usuram sub specie negotiationis palli- 
antes/ 

The word was still in use in the same sense 
in the next century, as appears from a statute 
of the church of Meaux (anno 1346), quoted by 
Du Cange : — 

' Inhibentes ne quis in domibus, vel in locis, aut 
in terris Ecclesianim Lombardos, aut alios advenas, 
qui vulgariter Caorcini dicuntur, usurarios mani- 
feste receptare praesumat/ 

All the old commentators (with the exception 
of the Anonimo Fiorentino, who says : * Caorsa 
h una terra in Lunigiana *) seem to have under- 
stood the reference as being to Cahors in 
Gu^enne. The suggested derivation of * Caor- 
sini * from the Corsini, the great Florentine 
bankers, is inadmissible, there being no evidence 
to show that the Corsini were known outside 
Florence, much less outside Italy, as early as 
the first half of Cent, xiii, during which period 
the term was in common use in England and 
France, as is shown above. (See Todeschini, 
Scritti su Z?., ii. 303-12.) 

Caorsino, inhabitant of Cahors ; St. Peter, 
in his denunciation (in the Heaven of Fixed 
Stars) of his successors in the See of Rome, 
referring to the extortions and avarice of John 
XXII (who was a native of Cahors), and of his 
predecessor, the Gascon Clement V, says * Del 
sangue nostro Caorsini e Guaschi S'apparec- 
chian di here,* Par. xxvii. 58-9 [Caoraa: 
Clements ^ : Giovanni XXII]. 



CaoSy Chaos, the vacant and infinite space, 
which, according to the ancient cosmogonies, 
existed previous to the creation of the world, 
and out of which the gods, men, and all things 
came into being. 

D. mentions Chaos in connexion with the 
theory of Empedocles, that the alternate 
supremacy of hate and love was the cause of 
periodic destruction and construction in the 
scheme of the universe, Inf. xii. 41-3 [Xhnpe- 
dooles]. 

Caosse. [Caos.] 

Capaneo, Capaneus, son of Hipponoiis, 
one of the seven kings who besieged Thebes ; 
he was struck by Zeus with a thimderbolt as 
he was scaling the walls of the city, because 
he had dared to defy the god. 

D. places C. among the Blasphemers in 
Round 3 of Circle VII of Hell, and represents 
him as defying the gods even in Hell, Inf. xiv. 
63 ; quel grande^ v. 46 ; quel tnedesmoy v. 49 ; 
/la, V, 50 ; run d^ sette regi CK assiser Tebe^ 
w, 68-9 ; luty V, 71 [Bestenuniatori] ; he is 
referred to (in connexion with Vanni Fucci, 
than whom D. says he saw no spirit in all 
Hell more rebellious against God, not even 
Capaneus) as quel che cadde a Tebe gi^ da^ 
muriy Inf. xxv. 15 ; and mentioned as the 
type of impious pride, Canz. xviii. 70. 

As D. and Virgil cross the plain of sand 
where the Violent are exposed to the rain of 
fire, D. sees a mighty spirit (that of C.) ' who 
seems not to care for the burning,' and asks 
V. who it is (Inf. xiv. 43-8) ; the spirit himself 
in reply exclaims that such as he was living 
such ne is dead (z/2/. 49-51) ; and that even if 
Jove were to weary out Vulcan and the Cyclops, 
as he did at the battle of Phlegra, and were to 
shoot at him with all his might, he would still 
care not (z/2/. 52-60) ; thereupon V. rebukes 
him, calling him by name (2/7/. 61-6), and then 
explains to D. who he was (yv, 67-72). 
[Flegra.] 

D. got the story of C. from Statins, from 
who!;e account he has borrowed several 
touches : — 

[The gods, anxious for the fate of Thebes, 
clamour to Jupiter to intervene ; he remains un- 
moved. The voice of Capaneus is heard impiously 
challenging the gods to come to the aid of the city, 
and taunting Jupiter in particular.] 

* Non tamen haec tarbant pacem Tovis ;^ ecce ({Uterant 
Tareia, com mediis Capaneus aaaitus in astris: 
Moflane pro trepidis, clamabat nnmina Thebts 
Statis? ooi infandae aegnes telmris alamnif 
Bacchas et Alcides? pudet instij^re minorei. 
Ta potins venias (qais enim concnirere nobis 
Dtg;ntor? en cineres Semeleaque bosta tenentnrX 
Nunc age, nunc totis in me conitere flammis, 

iuppiterl an pavidas tonitm torbare paellas 
^ortios et aoceri tarres excindere Caami ? 

[Jupiter, at the instance of the other gods, 
smites him with a thunderbolt ; he refuses to fall, 
and dies upright, leaning for support against the 
walls of the city. ] 



[120] 



Capeti 



Capocchio 



MnficmtLit dictis snperani dolor: ipsr farentem 
Risit et incasa sanctaram mote comanuD, 
Oaaenam spes hominam tumidae post praelia Phl^frae? 
'Tnne etiam feriendas ? ait. Premit undique lentam 
Tarfoa denm frendens et tela altricia poscit . . . 

in media vertigtne mundi 
Stare Timm tnsanasque vident depoocere pugnas . . . 

dicentem toto Jove fulmen adactum 
Oorripatt; primae fugere m nubila cristae, 
l£t clipei ni^r umbo cadit, jamqae omnia Incent 
Jifetnbra vin ... 

Stat tamen, extremom^ue in sidera versus anhelat, 
Pectoraqne invisis obiat famantia maris, 
"Ne caderet : sed membra virnm terrena reltnquant, 
Sxiutarque animus; panlum si tardius artas 
Cesslnent, potoit folmcn sperare secundum.* 

{TkebMd. z. 897-906, 907-11, 918 ff.) 

Capeti], the Capets, the third race of 
Trench kings ; alluded to by Hugh Capet (in 
dirde V <rf Purgatory) as *la mala pianta, 
dhe la terra cristiana tutta aduggia/ Purg. xx. 

43-4. 

In the year 1300 (the assumed date of the 

Vision) a Capet was on the throne of France 

(viz. Philip IV, who was also King-consort of 

Navarre), and another on the throne of Naples 

(vii. Charles II of Anjou, whose grandson, 

Charles Robert, was heir to the Hungarian 

throne). The first of the Capets known in 

history was Robert the Strong, a Saxon, who 

was Count of Paris in 861, Count of Anjou in 

864, and Duke of France in 866, in which 

year he died ; his great-grandson, Hugh Capet 

(Duke of France, 960), son of Hugh the Great 
Duke of France, d. 956), was elected King of 
France in 987, and thus supplanted the Car- 
lovingian dynasty. In the Capetian dynasty 
the French crown descended from father to 
son (from Hugh Capet down to Louis X, 
who was succ^ded oy his two brothers) for 
more than three hundred years. [Ciapetl^ : 
Table viii. A.] 

Capitolium, the Capitol of Rome ; besieged 
by the Gauls (under Brennus in 390) and 
saved by M. Manlius, who was aroused from 
sleep by the cackling of the sacred geese, 
Mon. ii. 4*'-*-^ ; referred to, by an anachronism, 
in connexion with the same incident, as 
Campidoglio^ Conv. iv. 5i6<H4 [Campidoglio : 
QaUiS: Manlius]. 

Capocchio, 'Blockhead,' name (or nick- 
name) of an alchemist placed by D. among 
the falsifiers in Bolgia 10 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxix. 136 ; xxx. 28 ; 
Faltro lebbrosOf xxix. 124 [Falsatori]. On 
their way through Bolgia 10 D. and Virgil see 
two spints (GrifTolino and Capocchio) seated 
back to bade supporting each other, and 
scratching the scabs from their flesh (Inf. 
xxix. 73-84) ; V. addresses one of them (Grif- 
folino) and asks if any ' Latins ' are among 
them {w. 85-90) ; G. replies that both he and 
his comrade are ' Latins,' and asks V. who he 
is {w. 91-3) ; V. tells him that he has brought 
D., who is alive, to show him Hell (w, 94-^) ; 
thereupon the two spints start apart and gaze 



at D. {w. 97-9) ; at V.'s suggestion D. then 
asks them who they are {vv, 100-8) ; G. 
states that he belonged to Arezzo, and was 
burnt at the instance of Albero of Siena, 
because in jest he had offered to teach him to 
fly, and had not done so ; he adds, however, 
that it was not on that account that he was in 
Hell, but because he had been an alchemist 
(w, 109-20) [Albero : Griffolino] ; D. then 
asks V. if any folk were ever so vain (empty- 
headed) as the Sienese {w. 121-3), to which 
the other spirit (Capocchio) replies, ironically 
mentioning as exceptions several notorious 
Sienese spendthrifts (w, 124-32) ; he after- 
wards names himself, mentioning that he had 
falsified metals by alchemy, and implies that 
D. had been acquainted with him {w, 133-9) ; 
later on two other spirits come rushing madly 
along, one of whom makes for C, gores him 
on the neck, and drags him to the ground 
(xxx. 25-30); G. informs D. that this is 
Gianni Schicchi, and that the other is Myrrha 
(w, 31-45) [G-ianni Sohioohi : Mirra]. 

C. was a Florentine (or, according to some, 
a Sienese) and was burnt at Siena in 1293 as 
an alchemist, as is proved by a document 
dated Aug. 3, 1293, preserved in the State 
Archives at Siena : — 

' Item pagati xxxviii soL dicta die in uno floreno 
de auro tribus ribaldis qui fecenint unam justitiam, 
ideo quod fecenint comburi Capocchium.' 

Benvenuto tells a story of how one Good 
Friday C. depicted on his finger-nails the whole 
story of the Passion, and then, on being sur- 
prised by D., licked it oflf again ; for which 
D. reproved him, it seeming to him as mar- 
vellous a feat as that of the man who made 
a copy of the whole Iliad minute enough to be 
contained in a nutshell, or that of another 
man who made imitation ants in ivory : — 

* Iste fuit quidam magister Capochius florentinus, 
vir ingeniosus ad omnia, maxime ad transnatu- 
randum metalla ; qui ob hoc, ut quidam dicunt, 
fuit combustus in civitate Senarum. . . . Semel die 
quodam Veneris sancti cum staret solus abstractus 
in quodam claustro, effigiavit sibi totum processum 
passionis Domini in unguibus mira artificiositate ; 
et cum Dantes superveniens quaereret : quid est 
hoc quod fecisti? iste subito cum lingua delevit 
quidquid cum tanto labore ingenii fabricaverat. 
De quo Dantes multum arguit eum, quia istud 
opus videbatur sibi non minus mirabile, quam opus 
illius, qui totam Iliadem tam subtiliter descripsit, 
quod intra testam nucis claudebatur ; et alius fecit 
formicas ebumeas.' 

The Anonimo Fiorentino says that D. and 
C. studied together, and that the latter, before 
he took to counterfeiting metals, used to be 
a wonderful mimic :— 

' Fu da Firenze, et fu conoscente dell* Auttore, 
et insieme studiorono; et fu uno che, a modo 
d'uno uomo di corte, seppe contra&rc ogni uomo 
che volea, et ogni cosa, tanto ch' egli parea 



[121] 



Caponsaoohi 



Caprona 



propriamente la cosa o Tuomo ch* egli contraffacea 
in ciascuno atto : diessi neir ultimo a contraffare i 
metalli, come egli facea gii uomini.' 

Caponsacchi. [Caponsaooo, IL] 

Caponsacco, U, one of the Caponsacchi, 
ancient noble family of Florence, who origin- 
ally (in 1 125) came from Fiesole. Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars) says that they were 
already settled in the Mercato Vecchio in his 
day, Par. xvi. 12 1-2. Villani mentions them 
among the noble families that lived in that 
quarter : — 

' Nel quartiere di porta san Piero . . . presso a 
Mercato vecchio abitavano i Caponsacchi che 
furono grandi Fiesolani.' (iv. 11.) 

He says they were one of the original Ghi- 
belline families in Florence (v. 39), and records 
that they took part in the expulsion of the 
Florentine Guelts in 1244 (vi. 33), and that 
they were among the Ghibellines who were 
themselves expelled in 1258 (vi. 65). After 
their return from exile in 1280 they appear to 
have joined the Bianchi, and to have been 
again expelled along with them in 1302. It is 
stated by Rica (Chiese Florentine) that the wife 
of Folco Portinari and mother of Beatrice was 
a member of the Caponsacchi family. 

Cappellettiy according to some, a noble 
Ghibdline family of Verona, according to 
others a Guelf family of Cremona ; mentioned 
by D., together with the Montecchi, in his 
appeal to the Emperor, Albert of Austria, to 
come into Italy to look after the interests of 
his adherents, Purg. vi. 106. 

On an incident arising out of a feud between 
these two families, ' the Montagues and Capu- 
lets,' Shakespeare founded his play of Romeo 
and Juliet, According to Benvenuto fhe two 
houses were in alliance, and waged war together 
against their common foe, the Counts of San 
Bonifacio:— 

'Istae fuerunt duae clarae familiae Veronae, 
maxime Monticuli, quae habuenint diu bellum cum 
alia Dobilissima familia, scilicet, cum comitibus de 
Sancto Bonifacio.' 

The Montecchi were the heads of the Ghibel- 
line party in Verona, and allied themselves with 
the notorious Ezzelino da Romano, who through 
their means became lord of Verona ( 1 236- 1 2 59) 
[Monteoohi]. Pietro di Dante speaks of the 
Cappelletti as belonging to Cremona, their op- 
ponents in that city being the Troncaciuffi : — 

'In Verona est facta pars Montecchia et pars 
Comitum ; in Cremona Cappelletti et Troncaciuffi ; 
in Urbeveteri pars Monaldeschia et Philippesca; 
et sic de aliis/ 

According to this view the four houses named 
by D. are meant to be regarded as pairs of 
opposing families, whose differences were to be 
ended by the coming of the Emperor, not 
merely as examples of oppressed Ghibellines ; 



this is the more probable, because two of the 
four families appear to have been Guelf, vii. 
the Monaldi or Monaldeschi (according to 
Villani, be. 40), and the Cappelletti (according 
to Salimbene, who describes them as the 
leaders of the Papal party in Cremona). [FiliiH 
pesohi.] 

Capra, 'the Goat,' i.e. Capricorn, one of 
the signs of the Zodiac ; alluded to as Ml como 
della Capra del del,' Par. xxvii. 68-9. [Capii- 
oomo.] 

Capraia. [Caprara.] 

Caprara, Capraia, small island in the Medi- 
terranean, about 20 miles £. of the N.-most 
point of Corsica ; D. calls upon it and Gorgona, 
another island further N., to come and block 
up the mouth of the Amo, in order that Pisa 
and its inhabitants may be annihilated, Inf. 
xxxiii. 82-4 [Qorgona]. Both these islands 
in D.'s time belonged to Pisa. A nephew of 
the Count Ugolino della Gherardesca, viz. the 
Count Anselmo, whom he is said to have 
poisoned (Villani, vii. 121), took his title from 
Capraia. 

Capricomo, Capricorn, constellation and 
tenth sign of the Zodiac, which the Sun enters 
at the winter solstice (about Dec. 22) [2iodiaoo]. 
D. speaks of the Sun driving Capricorn from 
mid-heaven, meaning that C. had passed the 
meridian, the time indicated being about 6 a.m., 
Purg. ii. 56-7; the sign is referred to as 'il 
como delia Capra del ciel' (the season indi- 
cated being mid-winter), Par. xxvii. 68-9; 
Cancer and Capricorn each of them distant 
rather more than 23 degrees (actually 23** 28') 
from the Equator, Conv. iii. 5137-42^ 

Caprona, castle in the territory of Pisa, 
about 5 miles from that city, on a hill close 
to the Amo. In August, 1289, shortly after 
the death of Count Ugolino and the expulsion 
of the Guelfs from Pisa, the Tuscan Guelfs, 
headed by the Lucchese and Florentines, in- 
vaded the Pisan territory, and captured several 
forts, including that of Caprona, as Villani 
records : — 

'Nel detto anno 1289 del mese d*Agosto, t 
Lucchesi feciono oste sopra la citt^ di Pisa colla 
forza de' Fiorentini, . . . e andarono insino aile 
porte di Pisa, e feciolivi i Lucchesi correre il palio 
per la loro festa di san Regolo, e guastarla intomo 
in venticinque dl che vi stettono ad oste, e presono 
il castello di Caprona, e guastarlo/ (vii. 137.) 

D. mentions Caprona, with reference (prob- 
ably) to the capitulation of the Pisan garrison, 
and their issue from the fort through the midst 
of the besieging force under a ^e-conduct, 
Inf. xxi. 94-6. 

Buti, who was a Pisan, and lectured on the 
D, C, at Pisa, holds that D. is referring to 
what took place on a later occasion, when 



[J22] 



Cardinale, U 



CardinaLe, U 



Caprona and the other captured forts were 
retaken by the Pisans under Guido da Monte- 
feltro, who was militarv captain of Pisa from 
March I28f to 1293 (Villani, vii. 128; viii. 2) : — 

'Questo casteUo era s) forte che per battaglia 
Don si poteva avere, onde awenne che, (atto poi 
capitano di guenra per li Pisani il conte Guido da 
Monte Feltro, acquist6 a' Pisani tutto ci6 che 
avevano perduto, et ancora Caprona : imperb che, 
spiato per alcuno segreto modo che quelli dentro 
non aveano acqua, si mosse un di' da Pisa et 
assedi6 Caprona ; e non avendo pid che here, 
bench^ avessono assai da mangiare, i &nti che 
v'erano dentro s*arrenderono a patto d*essere 
salve le persone. £ quando uscirono fuori del 
castello et andavano tra' nimici, v* erano di quelli 
che diceano e gridavano : Appicca, appicca : im- 
per6 che il conte Guido li avea fatti legare tutti 
ad una fune, acci6 che non si partissono I'uno 
dall* altro, et andando spartiti non fossono morti 
da' contadini; e facevali menare in verso Pisa, 
per conducerli a una via che andava diritto a 
Lucca, piii breve che alcun' altra ; e pertanto elli 
ebbono paura ch' el patto, che era loro stato fatto, 
non fosse attenuto.' 

The difficulty in the way of accepting this as 
the incident alluded to by D. lies in the fact 
that on the occasion he refers to he was himself 
present (' vid' io') ; so that, if Buti*s supposition 
is correct, D. must either, though himself a Gudf, 
have been among the Ghibellines who were 
besieging the fort, or he must have formed part 
of the beleaguered garrison, neither of which is 
likely to have been the case. It may be added 
that neither Villani nor the other chroniclers 
mention this alleged recapture of Caprona of 
which Buti speaks. 

Benvenuto, who understands the reference 
to be to the original capture of Caprona by the 
Tuscan Guelfs, states that D. himself took part 
in the siege : — 

'Hie nota quod autor fuit personaliter in isto 
exercitu ; erat enim tunc juvcnis viginti quinque 
annonun, et ibi vidit btum actum ; ideo libentius 
fecit talem comparationem, ut de se memoriam 
faceret, quia aliquando tractaverat arma/ 

But it is more probable that he was present 
merely as a spectator. 

Buti records that in his day the castle of 
Caprona was a ruin, nothing being left but the 
outside walls and one of the towers. 

Cardinale, II, Cardinal Ottaviano degli 
Ubaldini, known to his contemporaries as ' the 
Cardinal' par excellence \ e.g. the Anonimo 
Fiorentino says : — 

*Per6 che questo cardinale Ottaviano fu il 
maggiore di veruno altro cardinale a quel tempo, 
per eccellenzia, dicendo il Cardinale, s'intendea di 
Ottaviano.* 

D. places him among the Heretics in Circle 
VI of HeU, Inf. x. 120. [Bretioi.] 

Ottaviano, who was brother of Ubaldino 



della Pila (Purg. xxiv. 29) and uncle of the 
Archbishop Ruggieri (Inf. xxxiii. 14), was made 
Bishop of Bologna in 1240, when he was under 
thirty, by special dispensation of Pope Gregory 
IX, and in 1244 he was created Cardinal by 
Innocent IV at the Council of Lyons ; he was 

[lapal legate in Lombardy, and died in 1273 
uValdini]. Benvenuto describes him as a 
devoted GhibelHne, and credits him (as do 
Lana and others) with a saying : ' If I have 
a soul, I have lost it a thousand times over for 
the Ghibellines ' : — 

*Vir fuit valentissimus tempore suo, sagax et 
audaz, qui curiam Romanam versabat pro velle 
suo, et aliquando tenuit eam in montibus Florentiae 
in terris suorum per aliquot menses ; et saepe de- 
fendebat palam rebelles ecclesiae contra Papam 
et Cardinales; fuit magnus protector et fautor 
ghibelinorum, et quasi obtinebat quidqoid volebat. 
Ipse fecit primum Archiepiscopum de domo vice- 
comitum Mediolani, qui exaltavit stirpem suam ad 
dominium illius civitatis, et altam potentiam. in 
Lombardia : erat multum honoratus et formidatus ; 
ideo, quando dicebatur tunc : Cardinalis dixit sic ; 
Cardinalis fecit sic; intelligebatur de cardinali 
Octaviano de Ubaldinis per excellentiam. Fuit 
tamen epicureus ex gestis et verbis ejus; nam 
cum semel petiisset a ghibelinis Tusciae certam 
pecuniae quantitatem pro uno facto, et non 
obtinuisset, prorupit indignantcr et irate in banc 
vocem : si anima est, ego perdidi ipsam millies 
pro ghibelinis.' 

Salimbene of Parma, who was personally 
acquainted with him, gives the following naive 
account of the Cardinal in his Chronicle 
(printed by C. E, Norton in Report XIV of 
American Dante Society) : — 

' Missus fuit in Lombardiam legatus dominus 
Octavianus diaconus cardinalis. Hie fuit pulcher 
homo et nobilis, scilicet de filiis Hubaldini de 
Musello in cpiscopatu florentino : multum reputatus 
fuit ex parte Imperii, sed propter honorem suum 
interdum faciebat aliqua ad utilitatem Ecclesiae, 
sciens quod propter hoc missus fuerat . . . Cum 
redii in Lombardiam, et post plures annos dominus 
Octavianus adhuc legatus esset Bononiae, pluribus 
vicibus comedi cum eo ; et locabat me semper in 
capite n^ensae suae, ita quod inter me et ipsum 
non erat nisi socius frater, et ipse tertium locum 
mensae habebat a capite. Tunc faciebam quod 
Sapiens in Prov. docet xxiii ; et hoc fieri oportebat, 
quoniam tota sala palatii discumbentibus erat plena. 
Verumtamen abundanter et decenter comestibilia 
habebamus et vinum abundans et praecipuum 
ponebatur, et omnia delicata. Tunc coepi cardi- 
nalem diligere.' 

Villani relates that he alone of the Papal 
Court rejoiced at the news of the battle of 
Montaperti : — 

' Come in corte di Roma venne la novella della 
sconfitta, il papa e' cardinali ch' amavano lo stato 
di santa Chiesa, n' ebbono grande dolore e com- 
passione . . . ma il cardinal Ottaviano dcgli 



[123] 



Csriddi 

Utwddini, ch'era ghibdlinoi ne fece gran festa.* 
(vi. 80.) 

It appears, however, that the Cardinal, though 
a Ghibelline by family and with undoubted 
Ghibelline leanings, was during at least a con- 
siderable portion of his career a zealous partisan 
of the Guelf cause, to which, as Philalethes 
points out, he rendered important services. 
(Sec Gozzadini, Le Torri gentilisie di Bologna^ 
pp. 503 ff.) 

Cariddi, Charybdis, eddy or whirlpool in 
the Straits of Messina, which was regarded as 
peculiarly dangerous by ancient navigators, 
because in the endeavour to avoid it they 
risked being wrecked upon Scylla, a rock 
opposite to it. 

D. compares the jostling of the Misers 
and the Prodigals in Circle IV of Hell, to 
the tumbling and breaking of the waves in the 
whirlpool, as the opposing currents from the 
Ionian and Tyrrhenian Seas meet together. 
Inf. vii. 22-4. [Avari.] 

Benvenuto quotes the famous line (from the 
Alexandreis of Gautier de Lille) : — 

'Inctdit in Sdllam capiens vltare Caribdlm.* 

CarignanOyAngiolelloda. [Angiolello.] 

Carisenda, one of the leaning towers at 
Bologna, built in 11 10 by Filippo and Oddo 
dei Garisendi ; it is 163 ft high and 10 ft. out 
of the perpendicular. At its side stands the 
Asinelli tower (erected in 1109 by Gherardo 
degli Asinelli) which is 320 ft. high and 4 ft 
out of the perpendicular. 

D. compares the stooping giant Antaeus to 
the Carisenda tower as it appears to a spectator 
when the clouds are sailing over it from behind 
him. Inf. xxxi. 136-8. [iGiteo.] 

These two towers stand in a small piazza at the 
£. end of what is now the Via Rizzoli, in the 
quarter formerly known as the Porta Ravignana, 
nearly in the centre of the town. Benvenuto says 
that the Carisenda (which is also known as 'la 
torre mozza') was considerably higher at the 
time D. wrote, a great part of it having been 
thrown down by Giovanni di Oleggio, one of the 
Visconti of Milan, during his 't3rranny' (1351- 
1360) at Bologna. He adds that this was doubtless 
a reminiscence of D.'s student-days at the university 
of Bologna. (See Gozzadini, Le Torri gtntUisU di 
Boiogna, pp. 97a ff.) 

There is a tradition to the effect that the 
Carisenda tower was built purposely with a lean, 
in order that it should attract more attention than 
the lofty Asinelli tower at its side. A close 
inspection, however, of the building will reveal 
the fact that the courses of bricks, as well as the 
holes for the scaffolding (which still remain), run 
at right angles to the inclination of the tower, 
thus proving that the leaning is due, not to design, 
but to the accidental sinking of the foundations. 
To the same cause is doubtless due the inclination 
of the neighbouring tower, and of the Campanile 
at Pisa (which is 13 ft. out of the perpendicular in 



Carlo 

a height of 179 ft.), as well as of several of those 
at Venice. Vasari, in his life of Amolfo di Lapo, 
discusses the reasons why neither the Campanile 
at Pisa, nor the Carisenda tower at Bologna, has 
lost its stability in spite of the inclination. 

Carlino, Carlino de' Pazzi of Valdamo, who, 
while the Neri of Florence and the Lucchese 
were besieging Pistoja in 1302, held the castle 
of Piantravigne in the Valdarno for the Bianchi 
of Florence^ but treacherously for a bribe 
delivered it mto the hands of the Neri. Villani 
gives the following account : — 

'Nella stanza del detto assedio di Pistoia si 
rubelld a' Fiorentini il castello di Piantrevigne in 
Valdamo, per Carlino de' Pazzi di Valdamo, e in 
quello col detto Carlino si rinchiusono de' migliori 
nuovi usciti bianchi e ghibellini di Firenze grandi 
e popolani, e faceano grande guerra nel Valdamo ; 
la qual cosa fu cagione di levarsi I'oste da Pistoia^ 
lasciando i Fiorentini il terzo della loro gente all' 
assedio di Serravalle in servigio de' Lucchesi, e 
tutta I'altra oste tomata in Firenze, sanza soggiomo 
n'andarono del mese di Giugno in Valdamo e al 
detto castello di Piano, e a quello stettono e as- 
sediarono per ventinove dl. Alia fine per tradi- 
mento del sopraddetto Carlino, e per moneta che 
n'ebbe, i Fiorentini ebbono il castello. Essendo 
il detto Carlino di fiiori, fece a' suoi fedeli dare 
I'entrata del castello, onde molti vi furono morti e 
presi, pure de' migliori usciti di Firenze.* (viiL 53.) 

Dino Compagni says : — 

'A parte bianca e ghibellina accorsono molte 
orribili disaventure. Eglino aveano in Valdamo 
uno castello in Pian di Sco, nel quale era Carlino 
de' Pazri con lx cavagli e pedoni assai. I Neri 
di Firenze vi posono I'assedio. Dissesi che Car- 
lino li trad) per danari ebbe: il perch^ i Neri 
vi misono le masnade loro, e presono gli uomini, 
e parte n'uccisono, e il resto feciono ricomperare.' 
(u. a8.) 

Carlino's act of treachery not having yet 
taken place at the assumed date of the Vision 
(1300), D. assigns him his place in Caina by 
anticipation, making his kinsman Camicione, 
who had himself been guilty of the treacherous 
murder of a relative, say that he awaited 
Carlino's coming to excuse him (meaning that 
his own crime would appear trivial beside that 
of Carlino), Inf. xxxii. 69. [Camioione : PassL] 

Benvenuto says that two relatives of Carlino, 
one of them being his uncle, were among the 
Ghibelline prisoners put to death by the Neri 
on taking possession of the castle. 

The site of the castle of Piantravigne, which 
was in the commune of Pian di Sco in the 
Upper Valdamo, is now occupied by Pieve di 
San Lorenzo in Piantravigne. 

Carlo ^, Charles I, King of Naples and Sicily, 
Count of Anjou and Provence, younger son of 
Louis VIII of France and Blanche of Castile, 
and brother of St. Louis ; he was bora in 1220 ; 
in 1246 he married Beatrice, youngest daughter 



[124] 



Carlo 



Carlo 



of Count Raymond Berenger IV of Provence, 
in whose right he became Count of Provence ; 
and in 12&, after the defeat of Manfred at 
Benevento, he became King of Naples and 
Sicily; he died Jan. 7, 128^. [Berlinghieri, 
Bamondo : ProveDsa : Table viii.] 

D. places Charles in the valley of flowers 
in Antepurgatory among the princes who 
neglected to repent , where he is seated beside 
Peter III of Aragon ; Sordello, who points him 
out, refers to him as colui del tnaschio nasoy 
Puig. vii. 113; // nasuto^ v. 124; lui^ v. 125 ; 
// seme^ v, 127 [Antipurgatorio] ; and says 
that he (' il seme ') is as superior to his son, 
Charles II (Ma pianta'), as Peter III of Aragon 
is to him (Charles I) and his brother (Louis IX) 
(w, 127-9) [Beatrice 2: Carlo ^i Iiuigi^: 
Margherita: Pietro^]; he is mentioned in 
connexion with Pope Nicholas III, who was 
his enemy, Inf. xix. 99 [Kiooold^] ; Oderisi (in 
Circle I of Purgatory) mentions him in con- 
nexion with Provenzano Salvani, whose friend 
(taken prisoner at Tagliacozzo) he held to 
ransom, Purg. xi. 136-7 [ProvenBano Sal- 
vani] ; Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) 
speaks of Us coming into Italy, and charges 
him with the murder of Conradin and of 
Thomas Aouinas, Purg. xx. 67-9 (Curradino : 
Toxnmaao^] ; his grandson Charles Martel (in 
the Heaven of Venus) speaks of him (or, as 
some think, of his son, C. M.*s father, Charles II) 
as the ancestor in whose right his own descend- 
ants ou^ht to have been on the throne of Sicily, 
Par. viii. 67-72 [Carlo 3], 

Charles of Anjou, 'the greatest champion the 
Guelf cause ever had,' having been invited (in 
1363) by Urban IV to assume the crown of Naples 
etc which, says Milman, there were already 
three claimants of right— if it was hereditary, it 
belonged to Conradin, if at the disposal of the 
Pope, it was already awarded to Edmund of 
England ; and Manfred was on the throne, sum- 
moned, as it seemed, by the voice of the nation '), 
in response to the entreaties of the new Pope, 
Clement IV, came into Italy in the spring of 1965, 
and in little more than three years, by his defeat 
of Manfred at Benevento (Feb. 96, 126^), and of 
Conradin at Tagliacozzo (Aug. 33, ia68), com- 
pletely and finally crushed the power of the 
-Hohenstaufen in Italy. 

Charles, whose wife Beatrice, as Villani records 

CH 89^ , had pledged her jewels in order to furnish 

*^e expedition which was to make her a Queen 

*J^e iier three elder sisters, arrived in Rome in 

^^y, xa65, and was forthwith elected Senator. 

^'^ Jazx. 6, ia6f , he was crowned King of Sicily 

•*d A.j>ulia, and immediately after he set out to 

*«vad« Manfred's dominions. Meeting the pro- 

5^*^** ^f the latter for negotiations with the 

aefiaimcr^, *I will send him to Hell, or he shall 

^nd xne to Paradise,' Charies engaged him on 

'cb. ^^ at Benevento, the pass at Ceperano 

^^acving been treacherously left open, and totally 

^^ea.^«d him, Manfred himself being among the 

^lam \^Senevento : Ceperano : ICanfredi]. Charles 



thus became master of the kingdom ; but in less 
than two years the insupportable tyranny of the 
French led to an invitation to the young Conradin, 
son of the Emperor Conrad IV, to come and assert 
his hereditary rights and deliver the country from 
the foreign yoke. In response to this appeal 
Conradin entered Italy, and during the absence of 
Charles in Tuscany, made his way to Rome, 
where he was received with enthusiasm, notwith* 
standing his having been excommunicated by the 
Pope. After collecting men and treasure at Rome, 
he set out on Aug. 10, ia68, to make good the 
Hohenstaufen claim to the kingdom of Naples. 
Charles, on hearing of his advance, hastened to 
oppose him, and a fortnight later (Aug. 93) the 
two armies met at Tagliacozzo in the AbnizzL 
Though inferior in numbers Charles gained a 
complete victory, owing to the superior strategy 
of the veteran captain Erard de Valery, who had 
offered his services to the brother of his sovereign. 
Conradin fled from the field and attempted to 
escape into Sicily, but he was betrayed into the 
hands of Charles, who, after a mock trial, had 
him beheaded like a felon in the market-place at 
Naples (Oct. 99), where his body was buried, 
Charles not allowing it to be laid in consecrated 
ground [Alardo : Ourradino : Tagliacoszo]. 

Thus confirmed in the possession of the two 
Sicilies, Charles gradually extended his influence 
in Italy, until, as Villani says, he became one of 
most powerful princes in Europe : — 

* Ne' detti tempi (1279) lo re Carlo re di Gemsalem e di 
Cicilta era il piii possente re e il piii ridottato in mare e in 
terra, che nallo re de* cristianL* (vli. 57.) 

The people of Sicily, however, rendered desperate 
by the tyranny and exactions of their conquerors, 
determined to throw ofi* the French yoke, and at 
length in ia8a an insurrection, which had been 
carefully fostered for some time previously by 
John of Procida, a devoted adherent of the 
Hohenstaufen, with the connivance and help (as 
was commonly believed) of Pope Nicholas III and 
the Greek Emperor Palaeolog^s, suddenly broke 
out. The immediate occasion of the rising was 
an insult ofiered to a Sicilian girl by a French 
soldier during the E^ter festival at Palermo, 
which led to the frightful massacre of the French, 
known as the * Sicilian Vespers,' and to the 
termination of their rule in the island [Vespri 
Siciliani]. After the expulsion of the Angevins 
the crown of Sicily was offered to and accepted 
by Peter III of Aragon, who had a claim to it in 
right of his wife, Constance, the daughter of 
Manfred [Ck>8tanBa']. Charles made several 
unsuccessful attempts to regain possession of the 
island, and finally died at Foggia in Apulia, in 
the midst of preparations for a fresh invasion, 
Jan. 7, laSf. 

Villani, who devotes considerable space to the 
doings of Charles of Anjou (vl 88-9 ; vii. 1-95), 
speaks of him as 



*il pi& sofficiente principe di prodetza d*arme. e d*ogni 
▼irtil che fome al sno tempo' (vi. 88): and, 'il piii temato 
e ridottato siKnore, e il piii valente d*arme e con piik alti 
intendimenti, che ninno re che fosse nella casa di Francia da 
Carlo Maj^o infino a Ini, e quegli che piii esalt6 la Cbieaa 
dt Roma.' (vii. 95.) 



He gives the following description of his 



[125] 



Carlo 



Carlo 



character and person , noting, as D. does (Purg. 

vii. 113, 134), his large nose : — 

'Qnesto Carlo fa U primo orinne de*re di Cicilia e di 
Paglia stratti delta cana di Francia . . . ed^ bene ragione di 
far memoria di tanto signore. e tanto amico e protettore e 
difendttore di aanta Chiesa e aella nostra cittk di Flrenxe. . . . 
Pu savio, di sano consiglio, e prode in arm^ e aspro, e inolto 
temnto e ridottato da tutti 1 re del monao, roagnanirno e 
d*alti intendimenti, in fare ogni cjande imprcsa sicuro, in 
ogni awersitk fenno, e veritiere cTogni aba promessa, poco 
parlante, e molto adoperante, e qnan non ridea se non poco. 
onesto com* ano religioao, e cattolicOi aspro in ginstisiaf e di 
feroce riguardo, grande di persona e nerbomto, di colore 




«4i \Aaa«i^| \»a««# vs^^s aaav>«««a«,M| %«».««v«# %^^»Mm^0\f 9m |^v) ■%«%»«» y mmmmf^^^ ■«« 

a' cavaueri d^arme, ma covidoso d'acquistare terra e signoria 
e moneta d'onde si venisse, per fomire le sue imprese e 

Saerre; di eente di corte, mraestrieri, e giacolari non si 
ileu6 mai.* (viL i.) 

Rustebuef, a contemporary Burgundian poet, 

who wrote two poems appealing to the young 

nobles to join Charles in his expedition against 

Manfred, speaks thus highly of him : — 

*De Paille est la matiere one je vneil coffiender, 
Bt dn roi de Cenle, que Diex putsse avancierl 
Qui voldra eb sains oels semance semancier 
Voise aidier an bon roi qui tant fet a prisier. 

Li bons rois estoit cnens d'Anjon et de Provanoe, 
Et s'estoit filz de roi« freres an roi de Prance. 
Bien pert qa*il ne vnet pas fere Diea de sa pance, 
Quant por Tarme sauver met le core en balance.* 

{L4 Dii tU PtUlU, w. 5-ia.) 

Carlo 2, Charles II, King of Naples, Count 
of Anjou and Provence, son of the preceding 
by Beatrice of Provence ; he was bom in 1243, 
before his father became King of Naples, after 
which he bore the title of Prince of Salerno ; 
he married (circ. 1271) Mary, daughter of 
Stephen V of Hungary, by whom he had nine 
sons and five daughters ; on his father's death 
(in 1385) he became King of Naples, but being 
at the time a prisoner in Spain, where he was 
detained till 1288, he was not crowned until 
May 29, 1289 ; he died May 6, 1309. His two 
eldest sons, Charles Martel, titular King of 
Hungary (d. 1295), ^^^ Louis (d. 1297), having 
predeceased him, he was succeeded in Naples 
by his third son, Robert, Duke of Calabria 
[Carlo 3 : IiUigi^ : Boberto^ : Table viii]. 
Of his daughters, the eldest, Margaret, married 
(1290) Charles of Valois [Carlo ^ : Table vili] ; 
the second, Blanche, married (1295) Tames II 
of Aragon [Jaoomo^ : Table i] ; the third, 
Eleanor, married (1302) Frederick II of Sicily 
[Federico^: Table iv]; the fourth, Mary, 
married Sancho, King of Majorca [Table xivj ; 
and the youngest, Beatrice, married (1305) 
Azzo VIII of Este [Azzo : Table zxiii]. 

Charles is mentioned by Jacopo del Cassero 
(in Antepurgatory) in connexion with the king- 
dom of Apulia, which the latter refers to as 
quel di CariOj Purg. v. 69 [Puglia] ; the 
Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) 
warns him, as the leader of the Guelfs, not to 
oppose the Imperial Eagle, referring to hun 
(to distinguish him from his father) as Carlo 
fwvelloy Par. vi. 106-7 [Quelfi] ; his son Charles 
Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) speaks of him 
(or, as some think, of Charles I) as the ancestor 



in whose right his own descendants ought to 
have been on the throne of Sicily, Par. viil 
67-72 [Carlo^ : Bidolfo^] ; and contrasts his 
* larga natura ' with the niggardliness of his son 
(C. M.'s brother) Robert (w. 82-3) [Boberto'^] ; 
the Eagle in the Heaven of Jupiter refers to him 
as il Ciotto di GeruscUemme^ he being lame — 
'fii sciancato alquanto' says Villani (vii. i) — 
and the title of Jerusalem being attached to 
the crown of Naples (since the abandonment 
of her claim by Mary of Antioch to Charles !)« 
and says that his ^ood qualities might be indi- 
cated by I (one), his bad ones by M (thousand), 
Par. xix. 127-9 [Geruaalemme] ; the Eagle 
mentions him agam in connexion with the suffer- 
ings of Sicily during his war with Frederick of 
Aragon, Par. xx. 62-3 [Cioilla] ; Bordello (in 
Antepui^gatory), alluding to him as la piania^ 
refers to his mferiority to his father {il seme)^ 
Purg. vii. 127-9 [Carlo ^] ; Hu^h Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) rebukes him for havmg 
married his youngest daughter Beatrice, firom 
mercenary motives, to Kxlq VIII, the old 
marquis of Este, referring to him (in allusion 
to his capture on board ship in 1 284 by Ruggieri 
di Loria — see below) as PcUtro (Carlo) , ckegid 
usd preso di nave, Purg. xx. 79-81 [Abbo : 
Beatrioe^] ; D. denounces him and his adver- 
sary Frederick of Aragon for their evil doings, 
both in the Convivio (iv. 6^82-3) and the De 
Vulgari Eloquentia (i. i23»-8). 

After the * Sicilian Vespers* (in taSa) Charles, 
who was then Prince of Salerno, set out from 
Provence to join his father in his attempt to recover 
the island of Sicily, and was entrusted by him 
with the command of the fleet at Naples, but 
with strict injunctions not to engage the enemy. 
Incensed, however, by the taunts of the Sicilian 
admiral, Ruggieri di Loria, who was in command 
of the fleet of Peter III of Aragon, Charles came 
out and attacked him, but was totally defeated 
(June, 1384), and himself taken prisoner on board 
his ship (Purg. xx. 79), and conveyed to SicUy. 
Villani, in his account of the afiair, relates an 
incident which proves that the Angevins were 
scarcely more popular in the kingdom of Naples 
than they were in Sicily : — 

*I1 prense rimaso alia battajg^lia con )a metA delle me 
galee ov* erano i baroni e* cavalieri, cbi di battaglia di mare 
sMntendeano poco, tosto farono isconfitti e pre« coo nove 
delle loro galee ; e il praise Carlo in persona con mdlta 
barooia fnrono presi e menati in Cicilia, e fnrono men! in 
pr^ione in Mcnina nel castello di Mattagrifone. E avTenne. 
come fa fatta la detta sconfitta e preso il prenxe, cbe qaelli 
di Snrrenti mandarono nna loro galea con loro ambasciadori 
a Rnggeri di Loria con qnattro cofani pieni di fichi fiori . . . 
e con dogento agostari d*oro per presentare al detto ammi> 
ragUo; e gingnendo alia galea ove era preao il prenae^ 
vegrendolo riccamente armato e con molta gente intOfiK\ 
credettono che fosse messer Rnggeri di Lona, si ffli sMn- 

K'nocchiarono a* piedi, e feciongli il detto preaente, oTcendo : 
esser Tammiraglio . . . plasesse a Deo com* hai preso lo 
figlio avessi lo patre ! ... II prense Carlo con tatto saodam- 
maggio coroinci6 a ridere, e disse all* ammiraglio : Poor le 
saint Diea ces sont bien leales a monseignear le roi I Qaesto 
avemo messo in nota per la poca fede ch* banno qaegU del 
Regno al loro signore.^ (vii. 93.) 

The Sicilians, having got the Prince of Salei^o 
into their hands, were for beheading him, as his 



[126] 



Carlo 



Carlo 



(7fV, 136-48), as in the case of his own brothers, 
Louis, who, being a king's son, became a monk 
(w, 145-6), and Robert, who became a king, 
when he had better have been a monk (v, 147) 
pCjuigi^: Boberto^]; C. M. having ceased, 
D. apostrophizes his daughter (or widow) 
Clemence, and tells her how C. M. had foretold 
the future wrongs of his line (with special allu- 
sion probably to the exclusion of Charles Robert 
from the throne of Naples by his uncle Robert), 
but had bidden him not to reveal them (Par. 
ix. 1-6) [Carlo ^ : Clemenza] ; meanwhile the 
spirit of C. M. had returned whence it came 
(w. 7-9). 

With regard to Par. viii. 67-75, i^ is noteworthy 
that in the descendants of Charles Martel the con- 
tending factions of Italy would have been united, 
Rudolf (his father-in-law) being, as Emperor, the 
head of the Ghibellines, and Charles of Anjou (his 
grandfather) being the great supporter of the 
Guelfs. It is not improbable, as Butler suggests, 
that Charles had some such result in view when 
he arranged the alliance ; Villani says : — 



' Lo re Carlo il (sc Ridolfo) temette forte ; e per 
bene di lui, diede a Carlo Martello fieHuolo del figlibolo, la 
fig^linola del detto re Ridolfo per tnoglie/ (vii. 55.) 

On the death of his grandfather in 1985, Charles 
Martel, who was then only fourteen, assumed the 
government of the kingdom of Naples (his father 
being then a prisoner in Catalonla>, under the 
guardianship of his cousin, Robert of Artois. In 
1290, on the death (July 19^ without issue of his 
mother^s brother, Ladislas III (IV), he became 
titular King of Hungary, and on Sep. 8 was 
crowned with great pomp at Naples; but he never 
reigned in Hungary, the kingdom being seized by 
Andrew III (1290-1301), who was first cousin 
to Stephen IV (V) his maternal grandfather 
[XTngaria : Table zii]. 

* II re Carlo si tom6 a Napoli, e M giomo di Nostra Donna 
di Settembre prossimo il detto re fece in Napoli grande corte 
e festa, e fece cavaliere Carlo Martello sno primlgenito 
figliaolo, e fecelo coronare del reanie d'Ungheria per ano 
cardinale legato del papa, e per pi& arcivescovi e veacovi. 
E per la detta coronazione e festa mh altri cavalier! novelli 
si fedono il giorno, Franceschi, e Provenzali, e del Regno, 
e spexialmente Napoletani, per lo re e per lo figliuolo ; e fa 
grande corte e onorevole, e ci6 fece lo re Carlo, perocch^ era 
morto in (juello anno il re d'Ungheria, del quale non rimase 
ninno figliuolo maschio n^ altra reda, die la reina Maria 
moglie del detto re Carlo, e madre del detto Carlo Martello, 
a cui succedeva per ereditaggio il detto reame d'Ungheria. 
Ifia morto il detto re d'Ungheria, Andreasso disceso per 
l^?"3([?>o della casa d'Ungheria entr6 nel reame, e la 
maggiore parte tra per forsa e per aniore ne conquistd, 
e fecesene fare signore e re.* (Villiuii, vii. 155.) 

In 1991 he married Clemence of Hapsburg, 
daughter of the Emperor Rudolf I, by whom he 
^ had three children, Charles Robert (Carobert), 
Clemence, who married Louis X of France, and 
Beatrice. [Carlo ^: Table viii.] In the spring 
of 1 39! he visited Florence, where he remained 
more than three weeks, awaiting the arrival of his 
father from France ; he became very popular with 
the Florentines, and it was on this occasion 
probably that Dante made his acquaintance ^Par. 
viii. 55-7). 

'And6 il re Carlo in Francia ... e lui tomando ... si 

KLB^ per la cittit di Firense, nella quale era gik vennto da 
apoh per farglisi tncontro Carlo Martdlo aao figliuolo re 




d'Ungheria, e con sua compagnia dnecento cavaHefi a 
sproni d'oro, Franceschi, e IVoveniali, e del Regno, totti 
gtovani, vestiti col re d'una partita di scarlatto e verde 
Bruno, e tutti con selle d'una assisa a palafreno rilevate 
d'ariento e d'oro, coll* anne a quartien a gigit ad oro, 
e accerchiata rosso e d'argento, dofc Tanne d'Ungheria, 
che parea la pl& nobile e ricca compagnia che anche avc ~~ 

uno giovane " '- **' *^ "' ' 

attendendo 
fatto grand< 
tini, ond* 

Benvenuto says : — 

* Cum isto(Carolo Martello) Dantes haboh certam famiBa- 
ritatem, cum venisset semel Plorentiam . . . quo tempore 
Dantes florebat in patria, juvenis viginti quinque annorum ; 
qui tunc ardens amore, vacans sonis et cantibua, anda 
amoris promeruit gratiam tstius juvenis Caroli.* 

In 1995, on the departure of Charles II for the 
court of Aragon, with his daughter Blanche, the 
destined bride of James II, Charles Martel was 
appointed by his father Vicar-General in the 
kingdom of Naples, but he died at Naples ^ort]^ 
after in that same year. 

Benvenuto sajrs that C. M. died in the same 
year as his wife (* Carolus iste uno et eodem anno 
reddidit animam Deo cum Clementia uzore 8ua'\ 
but this is a mistake, as Clemence did not die 
until 1301, and D. represents C. M. as being dead 
in 1300. The actual date of his death is proved 
by a letter written, under date Aug. 30, 1295, by 
Boniface VIII to Mary of Hungary, appointing 
her Regent of the kingdom of Naples and con- 
doling with her on the death of her son : — 

'Charisstmae in Christo filtae Mariae Regtnae SidUae 
illustri. Pridem, non absque gravi nostrae mentis amafi- 
catione, percepto^ ^uod darae memoriae Carolus Rex Hon* 
gariae, cnarissimt m Christo filii nostri Caroli R^s Sidliae 
Ulustrts ac tuus primogenitus, lpsius()ue Regis in regno 
Siciliae vicarius generalis, mortem, sicat Domino placuit, 
apud Neapolim snbierat temporalem, nos attentae conddera- 
tionis studio, prout ad nostrum spectat offidum, attendentea, 
quod in regno ipso, rejge absente praefato, non habebatur 
qui vices exerceret ipsius, &c. . . . Datum Anagniae, tertio 
kaL septembris, anno i.* (See Todeschini, Scritfi su Damit, 
i 173-3061) 

Carlo ^, Charles, Count of Alen^on and 
Valois (1385), and of Anjou (1290), commonly 
known as Charles of Valois, third son of 
Philip III of France (by his first wife, Isabella 
of Aragon), brother of Philip IV, and father of 
Philip VI; he was bom in 1270; in 1284, 
when he was only fourteen, he was nominated 
by Pope Martin IV to the crown of Aragon, 
which the latter had declared vacant upon the 
exconmiunication of Peter III in the previous 
year, and some years later he made an un- 
successful attempt to take possession of the 
kingdom, in spite of the undertaking which 
had been given by Charles II of Naples to 
Alphonso, son and successor of Peter III, that 
his claims should be abandoned [Carlo > : 
Fietro ^] ; he married (in 1290) Margaret of 
Aniou, eldest daughter of Charles II, in whose 
right he became Count of Anjou, and by whom 
he had two sons (the elder of whom was sub- 
sequently King of France as Philip VI), and 
four daughters ; he died Dec. 16, 1325. 
[Table viii : Table xi.] 

Charles is mentioned by Hugh Capet (in 
Circle V of Purgatory), who refers to him as 
un altro Carlo (to distinguish him from 



[128] 



Carlo 



Carlo Magno 



venne in Toscana per paciaro, e Ia9ci6 il paese in guerra ; 
e and6 in Cicilia per fare ^uerra, e reconne ver){;o^o>a pace. 
II quale il Novembre vegnente si tom6 in Francia^ sceroata 
e consomata sua gente e con poco onore.* (Vill. viii. 5a) 

Charles died at Nogent in 1325, leaving a son, 
Philip, who afterwards (in isaS") became King of 
France as Philip VI, being the first of the Valois 
line. His countrymen remarked of Charles that 
he vrks 'fils de roi, fr^re de roi, oncle de trois 
rois, pdre de roi, et jamais roi * ; he having un- 
successfully aspired to no less than four crowns, 
viz. those of Aragon, of Sicily, of Constantinople 
(through his second wife, Catherine, daughter of 
Philip Courtenay, titular Emperor of Constanti- 
nople), and of the Empire. 

Carlo *], Charles, Duke of Lorraine, fourth 
son of Louis IV of France (936-954), and 
brother of Lothair (954-986). On the death, 
without issue, of Louis V (986-987), eldest son 
of Lothair, the rightful successor to the throne 
was his uncle, Charles, who was the last re- 
maining representative of the Carlovingian 
line ; but owing to the fact that, as Duke of 
Lorraine, he was a vassal of the German 
Emperor, the French would not accept him as 
king. The throne was thereupon seized by 
Hugh Capet, who besieged Charles in Laon, 
took him prisoner, and kept him in captivity 
until his death in 992. 

Charles of Lorraine is alluded to by Hugh 
Capet (whom D. appears to have confounded 
with his father, Hugh the Great), who (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) says that when the 
* ancient kings' had come to an end 'fuor 
ch' un renduto in panni bigi ' (i. e. with the 
exception of one who became a monk), he was 
so powerful that his own son (if Hugh Capet is 
the speaker, this must be Robert II, who was 
crowned in 980 — if Hugh the Great, the son, of 
course, is Hugh Capet) was promoted to the 
vacant throne, and tnus commenced the Cape- 
tian line of kings, Purg. xx. 53-60 [Capeti : 
Ciapetta]. 

The difficulty here is that Charles of Lor- 
raine, who is undoubtedly the person intended, 
did not become a monk. There can hardly be 
a question, however, that D. has confused him, 
the last of the Carlovingians, with Childeric 
III, the last of the Merovingians, who, after 
his deposition by Pepin le Bref in 753, was 
confined in the monastery of Sithieu, where he 
died in 755. [Childerioo.] 

' Stefano papa secondo . . . feee al detto Pipino 
molti brivilegi e grazie, e fecelo e confermb re di 
Francia, e dispuosc Ilderigo re ch' era della prima 
schiatta, perocch' era uomo di niuno valore, e 
rend^i monaco.' (Villani, ii la.) 

Carlo •], Charles Robert (Carobert), King of 
Hungary, 1308-1342 ; he was the son (bom 
1292) of Charles Martel (eldest son of Charles II 
of Naples) and Clemence of Hapsburg; on the 
death of Otho of Bavaria (in 1308) he succeeded 
to the throne of Hungary, of which his father 
had been titular king (1290-1295), and on the 



death (in 1309) of his grandfather, Charles II, 
he claimed the throne of Naples also; his 
claim, however, was disputed by his uncle 
Robert, eldest surviving son of Charles II, who 
appealed in person to Pope Clement V, and 
obtaining a decision in his favour, was crowned 
King of Naples at Avignon, June, 1309 (Vill. 
viii. 1 12), his nephew being at the same time 
recognized by Clement as King of Hungary 
[Ungaria: Table zii]. 

Charles Martel (in the Heaven of Venus) 
alludes to his son with reference to the fact 
that, had it not been for the misgovemment 
of the French, the descendants through him- 
self of Charles of Anjou and of Rudolf of 
Hapsburg (whose son-in>law he was) would 
have reigned in Sidly (in which case the con- 
tending factions of Italy would have found a 
common chief in the person of Charles Robert), 
Par. viii. 67-75 [Carlo s]; he refers to the 
supersession of Charles Robert in the king- 
dom of Naples, Par. ix. 6 [Boberto^: Table 
xi]. 

Carlo Magno, Charlemagne (Charles the 
Great), restorer of the Empire of the West, 
eldest son (bom at Salzburg in 742) of Pepin 
le Bref, King of the Franks (752-768) ; on his 
father's death he became joint king with his 
brother Carloman, and on the death of the 
latter (in 771) he became sole king of the 
Prankish Empire ; in 774, after his defeat of 
Desiderius, he assumed the title of King of 
Lombardy; and on Christmas Day, 800, he 
was crowned Emperor of the West, at Rome, 
by Pope Leo III ; he died on Jan. 28, 814, 
and was buried at Aix>la-Chapelle ; he was 
canonized in 1165. 

' His services against the Arian, the Lombard, 
the Saracen, and the Avar, earned him the title of 
Champion of the Faith, and Defender of the Holy 
See/ (Bryce, H. R. E.) 

D . places Charlemagne, together with Roland, 
in the Heaven of Mars, among those who 
fought for the faith (Spiriti Militanti)^ Par. 
xviii. 43 [Marte, Cielo di] ; he is mentioned 
in connexion with the destruction of his rear* 
guard under Roland at Roncesvalles, Inf. xxxL 
17 [BonclBvalle] ; and (by the Emperor 
Justmian in the Heaven of Mercury) in con- 
nexion with his defence of the Church against 
Desiderius and the Lombards, Par. vi. 96 
[Desiderius]. 

' When on Pepin*s death the restless Lombards 
again took up arms and menaced the possessions 
of the Church, Charles swept down like a whirl- 
wind from the Alps at the call of Pope Hadrian, 
seized King Desiderius in his capital, assumed 
himself the Lombard crown, and made northern 
Italy thenceforth an integral part of the Prankish 
Empire/ (^Bryce, H, /?. E,) 

In the De Monarchia (iii. i \^~^^) D. refers to 
Charlemagne's defeat of Desiderius and to his 



[130] 



Carlo Martello 



Carro, II 



coronation at Rome by the Pope as Emperor 
of the West, and combats the theory that the 
latter incident implies the dependence of the 
Empire upon the Church. In this passage D. 
erroneously states that C. was crowned by Pope 
Adrian I, while the Emperor Michael was on 
the throne of Constantinople ; as a matter of 
ha he was crowned by Pope Leo 111 (795- 
816) during the reign of the Empress IrenS 
(797-802) [Costantixiopoli]. 

Carlo Martello. [Carlo ^.J 

Carlovingi], the Carlovingian line of French 

^gs (752-987)) the second dynasty, which 

supplanted that of the Merovingians (448-752) ; 

there were twelve kings of this line, the first 

being Pepin le Bref (752-768), and the last 

X^ouis V (986-987), on whose death the crown 

ipiras seized by Hugh Capet, the first king of the 

Oapetian line. [Capetl : Table vlii. A.] 

Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) 
refers to the Carlovingians as ' 11 regi antichi ' 
(though, perhaps, owing to D.'s having con- 
fused the last of that line with the last of the 
Afferovingians, it is the latter who are meant, 
ttie desi^ation of ' ancient kings * being more 
a.ppropnate to them than to the comparatively 
x-ecent Carlovingians), Purg. xx. 53. [Carlo ^] 

Camali Peccatori. [IiuwuriosL] 

Camaro. [Quamaro.] 

Carolus Bfagnus, Charlemagne, Mon. iii. 
I !>' ^ [Carlo Magrno]. 

Carolus Secundus, Charles II of Naples, 
V.E. i. 1237-8 [Carlo 2]. 

Carcn, Charon, son of Erebus, the boatman 
who ferried the shades of the dead across the 
rivers of the lower world ; introduced by D. as 
ferryman on the river of Acheron in Hell, 
across which he conveys in his boat the souls 
of those who have died in the wrath of God, 
In^ iii. 94, 109, 128 ; un vecchio^ bianco per 
antico pelo, v, 83 ; ei^ v, 90 ; lui, v, 94 ; il 
nocchier della livida falude^ v, 98 ; dimaniOy 
con occhi di bragia^ v, 109 ; he is represented 
as having shaggy jaws (' lanose gote,* v, 97) 
and fiery eyes (' occhi di fiamme,' ' occhi di 
bragia,' w, 99, 109), in imitation of Virgil's 
description : — 

* Pottitor has borrendns aquas et flumina serrat 
Terribtli sqaalore Charon, cui plurima mento 
Canities mcnlta jacet, stant hamina flamma, 
Sordklas ex homeris nodo dependet amictas/ 

{Aen. vi. 298-501.) 

As D. and Virgil approach the shore of 
Acheron, a hoary old man (Charon, the symbol 
of conscience) makes towards them m his 
boat, and chides them, telling D^ whom he 
sees to be alive, to get away thence (Inf. iii. 
82-9) ; as D. does not go back, C. tells him 
that he must seek another way into the world 
of spirits, but V. pacifies him by informing 
lum of D.'s divine mission {in/, 90-9) ; C. then 



collects the spirits that are waiting, beating 
with his oar such as lag, and conveys them 
across the stream of Adieron {vv. 100-20) ; 
while V. bids D. take courage from the words 
of C. (which imply that he shall not be among 
the damned) {vv, 12 1-9) [Aoheronte]. 

Carpigna, now Carpegna, town in Romagna 
(in the present province of the Marches) in 
the district of Montefeltro, about 15 miles 
N.W. of Urbino, between the sources of the 
Marecchia and the Foglia. 

Guido di Carpegna, who belonged to a branch 
of the Counts of Montefeltro, is mentioned by 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory), 
together with Pier Traversaro, among the 
worthies of Romagna, Purg. xiv. 98. 

Benvenuto says that Guido was noted for his 
liberality, and tells a story of how, in order to 
defray the expenses of an entertainment he 
gave at Bertinoro, he sold half a valuable 
quilt, explaining to a friend who remonstrated 
with him, that when abed in summer he left his 
feet uncovered to keep them cool, and in winter 
kept them warm by curling himself up : — 

' Iste fuit vir nobilis de Montefeltro, qui omnes. 
sibi .pares liberalitate superavit : de quo audio 
quod, cum fecisset solemne convivium in Bretenorio, 
deficiente pecunia, fecit vendi .dimidium carae 
cultrae quam habcbat. De qua re increpatus a 
familiari, curialitatem suam condivit curiali scorn- 
mate, dicens quod in aestate prae calore tenebat 
pedes extra, et in by erne vero prae frigore tenebat 
crura contracta.* 

The Carpegna femily, who boasted descent 
from one of the comrades of Odoacer (Cent, v), 
appear to have been established in Romagna 
in the neighbourhood of Montefeltro as early as 
Cent. X. Two members of the family bore the 
name of Guido, of whom the elder was already 
dead in 1221, while the younger, who was 
grandson of the other, died towards the end of 
Cent. xiii. Guido di Carpegna the elder had 
three sons, Rinieri (mentioned as late as 1249), 
Ugo (Podestk of Rimini in 1249, alive in 1256), 
and Guiduccio ; Rinieri, the eldest of the three, 
had two sons, Guido and Ugo, of whom the 
former, Guido di Carpegna the younger, is 
probably the person alluded to by D. This 
Guido was Podestk of Ravenna in 125 1 ; he is 
mentioned as late as 1270, but was dead in 
1289, having left three sons, Guido, Rinieri, 
and Contuccio. (See Casini, Dante e la 
Romagna,) 

Carpigna, Guido di. [Carpigna.] 

Carrarese, inhabitant of Carrara, a town 
in the N.W. comer of Tuscany, at the foot of 
the Carrara hills, famous for their quarries of 
white marble ; mentioned by Virgil (m Bolgia 4 
of Circle VIII of Hell) in connexion with the 
soothsayer Aruns, Inf. xx. 48 [Aronta]. 

Cairo, HI, 'the Wain,' the constellation 
otherwise known as Ursa Major ^ * the Great 



[181] 



K 3 



Carro, U 



Casella 



Bear ; ' described as lying tutto sofira il Core, 
i.e. right upon the N.W. line (the time in- 
dicated being between 4 a.m. and 5 a.m.), Inf. 
xi. 114 [Coro] ; no longer visible to D. by the 
time he was well advanced into the S. hemi- 
sphere, Purg. i. 30 ; never invisible from the 
N. hemisphere in the course of its revolution 
round the Pole, Par. xiii. 7-9 (c£ Canz. xv. 
28-9). 

D. speaks of ' the Wain ' elsewhere as setten- 
trionCy Purg. xxx. i ; sette stelle geiide^ Canz. 
XV. 29; and (in a quotation from Bo^thius), 
sefitem gelidi triones, Mon. ii. 9*® [Setten- 
trione^J ; and also as Helice [Boote: Elioe], 
and ' the Bear ' [Orsa]. 

Cairo, 112, the two- wheeled Car in the 
mystic Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, 
Purg. xxix. 107, 151 ; xxx, 9, 61, loi ; xxxii.24, 
104, 115, 126, 132; divina bastema^ Purg. 
XXX. 16 ; benedetto carco^ Purg. xxxii. 26 ; 
dificio santo Purg. xxxii. 142 ; vaso^ Purg. 
xxxiii. 34. 

The mystic Car is usually understood to be 
symbolical of the Church, its two wheels re- 
presenting, according to the most commonly 
received interpretation, the Old and New 
Testaments ; various other interpretations have 
been suggested, e.g. the active and contem- 
plative life, the Franciscan and Dominican 
orders (cf. Par. xii. 106-10), the Greek Church 
and the Latin Church, Holy Scripture and 
Tradition, &c. [Prooessione]. 

Cartagine, Carthage, the celebrated city of 
the ancient world, situated in the recess of 
a large bay in the northernmost extremity of 
N. Africa ; it was founded by Phoenicians of 
Tyre, according to tradition, circ. B. c. 853, 
i. e. nearly 100 years before the foundation of 
Rome, of which it was destined subsequently 
to be the great rival The contest between 
Rome and Carthage, which lasted for more 
than 100 years, was carried on through the 
three Punic wars ; in the first (B. c. 265-242) 
Carthage lost Sicily and the Lipari islands ; in 
the second (b. c. 218-201) which began with 
the siege of Saguntum, she was stripped of all 
her power ; and in the third (b.c. 146) the city 
itself was captured and destroyed bv Scipio 
Africanus Mmor. At a later period it was 
rebuilt, and under the Empire it again became 
the first city of Africa ; it was taken by the 
Vandals in A. D. 439, retaken by Belisarius in 
533, and destroyed by the Arabs in 698. 

D. mentions Carthage in connexion with the 
imprisonment and death of Regulus in the first 
Punic war, Conv. iv. 5124-^ [Begolo] ; its 
capture and destruction by Scipio, Epist. viii. 
10 [Soipione 2]. 

Cartaginesi, Carthaginians; their nego- 
tiations with the Romans through Regulus for 
an exchange of prisoners in the first Punic war, 
Conv. iv. 5124-7 [Begolo] ; Dido their queen, 



Mon. ii. 3I02-3 [Dido] ; their meditated 
upon Rome under Hannibal in the \ 
Punic war frustrated by a sudden 'stc 
hail, as is recorded by Livy (xxvi. 11) 
ii. 458-6* [Annibale]; defeated by the R< 
in the great struc^gle for empire, M 
1 1 59-63 [Komaniij; alluded to in con 
with the second Punic war, and their 
of Romans at Cannae, Inf. xxviii. 10 [Ca 
described (by an anachronism) as Arab: 
vi. 49 [Arabi] ; the Punic race, Mon. 
11^ [Poeni] ; Africans, Mon. ii. ii«®"i | 
Africaui]. 

CarthaginenseSy Carthaginians, M 
Z^^\ [Carta^inesi] 

CarthagOy Carthage, Epist. viii. 10. 
tagine.] 

Casale, town of N. Italy in Piedmc 
the right bank of the Po, about 30 mile: 
Turin ; mentioned by St. Bonaventura ( 
Heaven of the Sun) together with 7 
sparta. Par. xii. 124. The allusion is to 
tmo da Casale and Matteo d'Acquaspar 
leaders of the two sects which arose 
the Franciscan Order soon after the dc 
St. Francis. Butler (after Philalethes) no 

*■ The one party, of whom Matteo d'Acqua 
General in 1289, was head, construing the foi 
rule ("scrittura," v. 125) in a somewhat 
sense, relaxed the severities of the Order : 
the others, with the encouragement of sue 
Popes, adopted a narrower and more litera 
pretation. The most vigorous champion 
view was Ubertino, whose followers toi 
name of Spiritualists. Clement V did his 
reconcile the two factions, for which he h 
approval * [Acquasparta : Ubertino da Oa 

Casalodi, castle near Brescia, when 
Guelf Counts of Casalodi, who in 1272 
themselves masters of Mantua, took 
title ; it is mentioned by Virgil (in Bolg 
Circle VIII of Hell) in reference to 3 
pulsion of Alberto da Casalodi from V 
by the stratagem of Pinamonte de' Bi 
corsi, and the consequent slaughter of a 
number of the inhabitants. Inf. xx. 95. ( 
monte.] 

Cascidli, name of a place (for whicli 
edd. read Cascoli) mentioned in a poem 
buted by D. to Castra of Florence and q 
V. E. i. 1 128. Cascioli (which is the n 
of Cod, Vat, 3793, the only MS. in whi< 
poem has been preserved) is identifi 
some with Casoli, m the Abruzzo, on a t 
of the Sangro, about 20 miles S. E. of C 
by others with Ascoli, in the Marches, 
Tronto, close to the border of the At 
[Castra.] 

Cascoli. [Cascidli.] 

Casella, musician of Florence (or, a 
ing to some, of Pistoja), and friend of D 



[132] 



f 



Casella 

sees him in Antepurgatory among those who 

neglected to repent, and addresses him as Casella 

ntto, Purg. ii. 91 ; una (anima)^ v, 76 ; leiy 

V. 80 ; Vambra, v, 83 ; /«*, v, 84 ; egli^ w, 94, 

113 [Antipurgatorio] ; as D. and Virgil are 

looking at the crowd of souls just disembarked 

upon the shore of Purgatory from the vessel 

of the celestial boatman, one of them (that of 

Casella) draws near and makes as though to 

embrace D., who vainly attempts to clasp it 

(Purg. ii. 50-81); Casella draws back smiling 

and bids D. cease his attempts, whereupon 

I>., reco^izing who it is, begs C. to stay and 

speak with him (w, 82-7) ; C. complies, and 

asks D. the object of his journey, which he 

explains, and then inquires of C. bow it is that 

he has only just arrived {yv, 88-93) > C- 

answers that the delay was due to no injustice, 

but to the iust will of the celestial boatman, 

'who several times denied him passage as he 

-was waiting at the mouth of the Tiber with 

other souls destined for Purgatory (z/z/. 94-105) 

[Tefvere] ; he explains that for the last three 

months (i.e. since the beginning of the Jubilee, 

at Christmas, 1299) the angel had taken all 

who had desired to go (yv, 98-9) [Qlubbileo] ; 

D. then begs him to sing, whereupon he begins 

to chant one of D/s cansoni (Canz. vii) 

(w, 106^14); D., v., and the other spirits 

stop and listen, till Cato chides them for 

loitering, and they all move on their way 

(w. 115-33)- 

This episode of the meeting between D. and 
Casella is alluded to by Milton in his Sonnet 
to Henry Lawes : — 

* Dante shall give Fame leave to set thee higher 
Than his Caaella, whom he wooed to sing, 
Met in the milder shades of Purgatory.* 

C. is said to have set to music some of D.'s 
verses. Crescimbeni claims to have seen in 
the Vatican Library a ballad or madrigal by 
Lcxnmo da Pistoja, who lived towards the end 
of Cent, xiii, with the inscription ' Lemmo 
fece, e Casella diede la nota,' i. e. composed 
by Lemmo and set to music by Casella. 
The Anonimo Fiorentino says of Casella : — 

'Questi fue Casella da Pistoja grandissimo 
musico, et massimamente nell' arte dello 'ntonare ; 
et fu molto dimestico dell' Auttore, per6 che in 
sna giovinezza fece Dante molte canzone et ballate, 
che quest! inton6 ; et a Dante dilett6 forte Tudirle 
dalui, et massimamente al tempo ch' era innamorato 
di Beatrice.' 

Benvenuto : — 

*Iste spiritus, cum quo autor tarn amicabiliter 
loquitur, ftiit quidam suus florentinus nomine 
Ciaella, qui fiiit famosus cantor tempore suo, vir 
qoidem curialis, affabilis, ad quem Dantes saepe 
solebat accedere in vita ad recreandum spiritum 
cantu illius, quando erat fatigatus studio, vcl 
stimulatus passione amoris.' 

A record exists, among the documents pre- 
served at Siena, of the payment of a fine by 



Cassero, Jaoopo del 

Casella for perambulating the streets at night ; 
it is dated July 13, 1282, so that Casella*s 
death, the year of which is unknown, must 
have occurred some time between that date 
and the year 1300. 

CasentinenseSy inhabitants of the Casen- 
tino ; their dialect, like that of the people of 
Prato, harsh and discordant owing to their 
exaggerated accentuation, V. E. i. ii*^*"'''; 
alluded to as brutti porciy Purg. xiv. 43. 
[Casentino.] 

Casentino, district in Tuscany, comprising 
the upper valley of the Amo and the slopes of 
the Etruscan Apennines ; mentioned by Maes- 
tro Adamo (in Bolgia 10 of Circle VI II of 
Hell) in connexion with the numerous streams 
which descend thence into the Amo, Inf. xxx. 
65 ; Buonconte (in Antepurgatory) mentions 
it in connexion with the Archiano (which falls 
into the Amo just above Bibbiena), Purg. v. 
94 [Archiano] ; and alludes to it as la valle 
. . . Da Pratomagno al gran gtogOy i. e. the 
valley between the ridge of Pratomagno (on 
the W. side), and the main ridge of the Apen- 
nines (on the E.), Purg. v. 115-16 [Prato- 
magno] ; in tracing the course of the Amo, 
Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
speaks of the inhabitants as brutti porci (with 
especial reference probably to the Conti Guidi, 
lords of Romena and Porciano in the Casen- 
tino, there being perhaps an allusion to the 
latter name), Purg. xiv. 43. [Amo.] 

Casino. [Cassino.] 

Casoli. [CascidU.] 

Cassentinenses. [CaaentinenseB.] 

CasserOy Guido del], nobleman of Fano, 
who, together with Angiolello da Carignano, 
was murdered (circ 131 2) by order of Mala- 
testino of Rimini, Inf. xxviii. 77. [Angiolello.] 

Cassero, Jacopo del], member of a 
powerful Guelf family of Fano (probably a 
relative of the preceding), who incurred the 
enmity of Azzo VIII of Este by his opposition 
to the designs of the latter upon Bologna, of 
which city Jacopo was Podestk in 1296. In 
revenge Azzo had him assassinated at Oriaco, 
between Venice and Padua, while he was on 
his way (in 1298) to assume the office of 
Podestk at Milan at the invitation of Maffeo 
Visconti. He appears to have gone by sea 
from Fano to Venice, and thence to have pro- 
ceeded towards Milan by way of Padua ; but 
while he was still among the lagoons, only 
about eight miles from Venice, he was waylaid 
and stabbed. Malatesta of Rimini was sus- 
pected of being concerned in the murder, he 
having, it is said, induced Maffeo Visconti to 
appoint Jacopo Podest^ of Milan, in order that 
when the latter was out of the way he might 
the more easily secure the lordship of Fano. 



[133] 



Cassero, Jaoopo del 



Cassino 



Jacopo was the son of Uguccione del Cas- 
sero, Podestk of Macerata in 1268, and 
nephew of Martino del Cassero, who was pro- 
fessor of law at Arezzo in 12^5, and was 
reputed the first jurist of his day in Italy. J. is 
mentioned by Villani (vii. 120) among the 
Guelf leaders who joined the Florentines in 
their expedition ag^mst Arezzo in 1288. Docu- 
ments are still preserved at Bologna relating 
to his election as Podestk, and to his departure 
at the expiration of his term of office, which 
he revised to prolong on account of the odium 
he had incurred in defending the city, ' contra 
Marchionem estensem perfidum thyrannum et 
inimicum comunis et populi bononiensis et 
ejus sequaces.' After his assassination his 
body was conveyed to Fano, where it was 
buried in the Church of San Domenico, with 
a long inscription which is still legible. (See 
Del Lungo, Dtmte ne' tempi di Dante, pp. 

423 ff.) 

D. places Jacopo m Antepurgatory among 

those who put on their repentance to the last, 
Purg. V. 64-84 ; uno (feccatore), v, 64 [Anti- 
purgntorio] ; D. havm^ expressed his will- 
in^ess to do anything m his power for the 
spirits who have besought his good offices 
(w, 43-63), one of them (Jacopo) begs him 
that if ever he goes to Fano he will cause 
prayers to be offered on his behalf (w. 64- 
72) ; he then relates that he was a native of 
Fano, and had been murdered at the bidding 
of Azzo of Este in the Paduan territory, where 
he had thought to be secure (w, 7^-9) ; he 
es^lains that he was overtaken at Onaco, and 
might have escaped if he had fled towards La 
Mira (w, 79*81), but he ran to the marshy 
ground, and getting entangled in the cane- 
brakes and mud, fell and bled to death {w, 82- 
4) [Abso da Eati : Mira, Iia : Oriaoo]. 

According to the old commentators Jacopo 
had excited the animosity of Azzo not only by 
his political opposition, but also by personal 
abuse of the marquis ; thus Lana says : — 

'Non li bastava cestui fare de' fatti contra li 
amici del marchese, ma elli contlnuo usava villanie 
volgari contra di lui, ch* elli giacque con sua 
matrigna, e ch' elli era disceso d*una lavandara 
di panni, e ch* elli era cattivo e codardo ; e mai 
la sua lingua non saziavasi di villaneggiare di 
lui. Per li quali fatti e detti I'odio crebbe si al 
marchese, ch' elli li tratt6 la morte in questo 
modo.' 

Similarly Benvenuto : — 

'Bononienses elegerunt in Potestatem eorum 
. . . nobilem militem dominum Jacobum del Cassaro 
de civitate Fani. Qui vir teroerarius, et qui non 
bene didicerat regulam juris : potentioribus pares 
esse non possumus, semper obloquebatur temere 
de marchione estensi, semper vocans eum pro- 
ditorem estensem, qui reliquerat Ghibellinos Ro- 
mandiolae. Marchio saepe audiens haec et in- 
dignans dixit : certe iste agaso Marchianus non 



impune feret imprudentiam suam asininam, sed 
castigabitur fuste ferreo. Oedit ergo operam, quod 
certi famuli idonei ad hoc persequerentur ilium, 
quocumque pergeret, finito officio Bononiae.' 

CassinOy the monastery of Monte Cassino, 
'the parent of all the greatest Benedictine 
monasteries in the world,' founded by St Bene- 
dict of Nursia in 529, and the scene of his 
death in ^43. It is situated on a spur of 
Monte Cairo, a few miles from Aquino in the 
N. of Campania, almost exactly halfway be- 
tween Rome and Naples. When St. Bene- 
dict first came to the spot, it was still the 
centre of pagan worship, the summit of the 
hill being crowned by a temple of Apollo, and 
a grove sacred to Venus, both of which were 
destroyed by him. 

St. Benedict (in the Heaven of Saturn) men- 
tions Cassino, Par. xxii. 37; badia, v. 76; 
and relates to D. how he found the site in the 
hands of the heathen, and how he planted his 
monastery there, and by the blessing of God 
was enabled to withdraw the surrounding 
inhabitants from their idolatrous worship 
(w, 37-45) ; he subsequently laments over the 
degenerate state into which his foundation had 
fallen (w, 73-81). [Benedetto^.] 

Benvenuto gives an interesting account, 
which he had from Boccaccio, of a visit paid 
by the latter to the monastery of Monte 
Cassino, and of the melancholy condition in 
which he found the books in the library : — 

'Narrabat mihi jocose venerabilis praeceptor 
mens Boccaccius de Certaldo . . . quod dum esset 
in Apulia, captus fama loci, accessit ad nobile 
monasterium mentis Cassini. . . . Et avidus videndi 
librariam, quam audiverat ibi esse nobilissimam, 
petivit ab uno monacho humiliter, velut ille qui 
suavissimus erat, quod deberet ex gratia aperire 
sibi bibliothecam. At ille rigide respondit, osten- 
dens sibi altam scalam : ascende quia aperta est. 
Ille laetus ascendens invenit locum tanti thesauri 
sine ostio vel clavi, ingressusque vidit herbam 
natam per fenestras, et libros omnes cum bancis 
coopertis pulvere alto; et mirabundus coepit 
aperire et volvere nunc istum librum, nunc ilium, 
invenitque ibi multa et varia volumina antiquorum 
et peregrinonim librorum ; ex quorum aliquibus 
detracti erant aliqui quaterni, ex aliis recisi 
margines chartarum, et sic multipliciter deformati ; 
tancjem miseratus labores et studia tot indytissi- 
morum ingeniorum devenisse ad manus perditissi- 
morum heminum, dolens et illacrymans recessit ; 
et occurrens in claustro petivit a monacho obvio 
quare libri illi pretiosissimi essent ita turpiter 
detruncati. Qui respondit quod aliqui monachi, 
volentes lucrari duos vel quinque solidos, radebant 
unum quatemum et faciebant psalteriolos, quos 
vendeb^t pueris ; et ita de marginibus fadebant 
evangelia et brevia, quae vendebant mulieribus. 
Nunc, vir studiose, (range tibi caput pro fadendo 
libros.' 

In this library is preserved an important 
MS. of the D. C, hence known as the Codex 



[134] 



Cassio 



Castel, Guido da 



Cassinensis, from which an edition was printed 
by the monks in 1865, in commemoration of the 
sixth centenary of the birth of D. 

CassiOy Caius Cassius Longinus, one of 
the murderers of Julius Caesar. In B. c. 49 
he was tribune of the plebs, joined the aristo- 
cratical party in the civil war, and fled with 
Pompey from Rome. After the defeat of the 
latter at Pharsalia in 48, C. surrendered to 
Caesar, who not only pardoned him, but in 
44 made him praetor, and promised him the 

Erovince of Syria for the next year. But he 
ad never ceased to look upon Caesar as his 
enemy, and it was he who formed the con- 
spiracy against the life of the dictator, and 
gained over Marcus Brutus to take part in it. 
After the murder of Caesar (March 15, 44), 
C. went to Syria, which he claimed as his 
province, although the senate had assigned it 
to Dolabella, and had conferred Cyrene on 
C. in its stead. After defeating Dolabella he 
crossed over to Greece with Brutus in order 
to oppose Octavian and Antony. The op- 
posing forces met at Philippi (42), where C. 
was defeated by Antony, while Brutus, who 
commanded the other wing of the army, drove 
Octavian off the field. C, ignorant of the 
success of Brutus, would not survive his de- 
feat, and commanded one of his freedmen to 
put an end to his life. In a second battle 
shortly after Brutus also was defeated, where- 
upK>n he too killed himself. 

D. places Cassius with Brutus and Tudas 
Iscariot in the jaws of Lucifer in Giudecca, 
the last division of Circle IX, the nethermost 
pit of Hell, Inf. xxxiv. 67 [Bruto ^ : GKudeooa : 
Iiuoifnro] ; he is mentioned with Brutus by 
the Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of 
Mercury) in connexion with the victories of 
the Roman Eagle under Augustus, the re- 
ference being to the battle of Philippi, Par. 
vL 74 [Aquilai: FiUppiS]. 

D. describes C. as membrMto, ^ stout of limb ' 
(InL xxxiv. 67), which is not in accordance with 
the £icts so far as they are known. Shakespeare, 
following Plutarch (with whom D. probably was 
unacquainted), speaks of him as * spare Cassius/ 
and gives him 'a lean and hungry look/ It has 
been suggested that D. was thinking of Lucius 
Cassius, whose corpulence is specially noticed by 
Cicero : — 

'Hoc prtrndebam mnimo, Qairitea. remoto Cadlina, nee 
mihi ease P. Lentnli somnain, nee L. Cassii adipem, nee 
Cethegi fariocam tenieritatetn pertimeacendara/ (/» CaH- 
items UL 7.) [Oioero.] 

Castalia], celebrated fountain on Mt. Par- 
nassus, sacred to Apollo and the Muses; 
referred to as la cistema di PamasOy Purg. 
xxxi. 141 (cf. Purg. xxii. 65). [Famaao.] 

CastaliuSy Castalian ; Casialiae sorores^ 
L e. the Muses, Eel. i. 54. [Castalia : Muse.] 

Castel, Guido da, gentleman of Reggio, 
mentioned by Marco Lombardo (in Circle III 



of Purgatory) as one of three old men (the 
other two being Currado da Palazzo and 
Gherardo da Cammino) who yet survive as 
a reproach to the younger generation in Lom- 
bardy, Purg. xvi. 125 ; Marco adds that Guido 
is better named, in the French fashion, the 
simple Lombard, 'il semplice Lombardo* 
{v, 126). The point of this expression is some- 
what obscure ; the usual explanation that the 
term 'Lombard' was at that time a general 
name in France for an Italian (e. g. Boccaccio 
makes two Frenchmen speaking of Tuscans 
call them 'questi Lombardi cani') does not 
hold, since Guido was a Lombard, and con- 
sequently would be called so by others besides 
Frenchmen. The point of the appellation 
would seem to lie rather in the epitnet ' sem- 
plice,* as descriptive of Guido's character. 
It is possible, however, that the term 'Lom- 
bardo' here is a rendering of the French 
' Lombart * in its more special si^ification of 
' usurer ' [Caondno]. In the Ottimo Comento 
it is stated that Guido da Castello was noted 
for his generosity in supplying the necessities 
of those who passed his way on the road to or 
from France : — 

' Messer Guido 8tudi6 in onorare li valenti 
uomini, che passavano per lo cammino francesco, 
e molti ne rimise in cavalli ed armi, che di Francia 
erano passati di qua ; onorevolmente consumate 
lon> facultadi, tornavano meno ad smesi, ch* a 
|oro non si convenfa, a tutti diede, senza speranza 
di merito, cavalli, arme, danari/ 

The name ' semplice Lombardo,' applied to 
Guido by his French-speaking friends, may 
therefore have been meant as a playful de- 
scription of the ' honest usurer,* who provided 
horses, arms, and money, without looking for 
any return. (See Academy ^ Nov. i| 1890.) 

Guido was a contemporary of D., who is 
said to have been his guest at one time. The 
two are mentioned as fellow-guests at the 
court of Can Grande della Scala at Verona 
[Can Qrande]. Benvenutq says Guido be- 
longed to the Castello branch of the Roberti 
family, and adds that he was an accomplished 
poet in the vulgar tongue :— 

'Iste fuit de Regio Lombardiae, de Robertis, 
quorum tria erant membra, scilicet illi de Tripoli, 
illi de Castello, et illi de Fumo. . . . Iste florebat 
in Regio tempore nostri poetae . . . fuit autem vir 
pnidens et rectus, sani consilii, amatus et honoratus, 
quia zelator erat reipublicae, et protector patriae, 
licet tunc alii essent potentiores in terra ilia : fuit 
liberalis ; cujus liberalitatem poeta noster expertus 
est semel, receptus et honoratus ab eo in domo 
sua. Fuit etiam Guido pulcer inventor in rhythmo 
vulgari, ut pulcrc apparet in quibusdam dictis 
ejus.* 

D. mentions Guido in the Convivio in his 
discussion as to the nature of nobility, where 
he says that if mere notoriety constituted a 
claim to nobility ; — 



[135J 



Castella 



Castrocaro 



'Asdente, il calzolaio di Parma, sarebbe piii 
nobile che alcuno suo cittadino, e Albuino della 
Scala sarebbe piii nobile che Guido da Castello di 
Reg^gio ; che ciascuna di queste cose ^ falsissima/ 
(iv. i6«^".) 

Castella, Castile, one of the old kingdoms 
of Spain, comprising the modem provinces of 
Old and New Castile. The kingdom of Castile 
was united to that of Leon from 1037 till the 
death of Alphonso VII in 11 57, when the two 
were separated, Alphonso's eldest son, San- 
cho III, succeeding to the throne of Castile, 
the second son, Fernando II, to that of Leon. 
The two kingdoms were reunited in 1230, in 
which year Fernando III, who had succeeded 
to the throne of Castile in 121 7, on the death 
of his maternal uncle, Enrique I (his moUier, 
Dona Berenguela, having abdicated in his 
favour), became also King of Leon, in suc- 
cession to his father, Alphonso IX. [Table 
ill : Table ill A.] 

The kingdom of Castile and Leon is alluded 
to by St Bonaventura (in the Heaven of the 
Sun), Par. xii. 46-54 ; he describes it as the 
country in the W. of Europe, not far from the 
Atlantic (w, 46-51), in which is situated 
Callaroga, the birthplace of St. Dominic, 
which he says * lies under the protection of the 
great shield, in which the lion is subject and 
subjugates ' (w, 52-4), the arms of Castile 
and Leon consisting of two castles and two 
lions, the lion being above the castle on one 
half of the shield, and below it on the other 
[Callaroga] ; Fernando IV, King of Castile 
and Leon (12^5-1312), is alluded to (probably) 
by the Eagle m the Heaven of Jupiter as quel 
di SpagncL, Par. xix. 125 [Spagna] ; Castile 
is mentioned, in connexion with its 'good 
king,' il buon re di Castella^ i.e. (probably) 
Alphonso VIII, King of Castile (1158-1214), 
Conv. iv. 1 1 126-6 [iUfonBO^]; and as being 
a neighbour of Aragon, Mon. i. ii®<^"' [Ara- 
gonaj. 

Castellana Civitas, Cittk di Castello, 
town on the Tiber, in extreme N. of Umbria ; 
its dialect, as well as those of Perugia, Orvieto, 
and Viterbo, not discussed by D. as being closely 
connected with the Roman and Spoletan dia- 
lects, V. E. i. 1329-32. 

Castello, Citt& di. [Castellana Civitas.] 

Castello, Gtddo da. [Castel, Quido da.] 

Castello Sant' Angelo], Castle of St. An- 
gelo on the right bank of the Tiber at Rome, 
6riginally the Moles Hadriani, the mausoleum 
erected oy Hadrian for himself and his suc- 
cessors; it was completed in A. D. 140 by 
Antoninus Pius. From Hadrian down to 
Septimius Severus (d. A. D. 211) all the Em- 
perors and their families were buried in it. 
]^ 537> when Rome was besieged by the Goths, 
it was converted into a fortress. It owes its 



modem name to the tradition that Gregory 
the Great (590-604), while leading a pro- 
cession to pray for the cessation of the plague, 
beheld the Archangel Michael sheathmg his 
sword above the Castle, in commemoration of 
which the chapel of S. Angelo inter Nubes 
was subsequently erected at the summit of 
the building by Boniface IV (608-614). The 
great bronze pme-cone (referred to, Inf. xxxL 
59) is said at one time to have been placed on 
the pinnacle of the Castle. 

D. refers to it in connexion with the crowds 
of pilgrims who swarmed across the bridge of 
St Angelo during the Jubilee of 1300, as il 
castelloy Inf. xviii. 32. [Qiubbileo.] 

Castiglia. [Castella.] 

Castore, Castor, twin-brother of Pollux; 
Leda, having been visited by Jupiter in the 
form of a swan, brought forth two eggs, from 
one of which issued Helen, and from the other 
Castor and Pollux. At their death Jupiter 
placed the twins among the stars as the con- 
stellation Gemini. [Iieda.] 

Virgil (in Antepurgatory) mentions Castor 
and Pollux to indicate the sign Gemini, and 
intimates to D. that if it were the month of 
June, when the Sun is in Gemini, that part 
of the Zodiac in which the Sun would then be, 
would lie nearer the N. (Gemini being to the 
N. of Aries, in which the Sun was at the time 
of the Vision), Purg. iv. 61-6. [QemeUi: 
Zodiaco.l 

Castra, a Florentine, to whom D. attri- 
butes the authorship of a canzone (the first 
two lines of which he quotes) in ridicule of the 
dialect of the men of Ancona, Rome, and 
Spoleto, V. E. i. I i2i-9. 

The poem in question has been preserved 
in one MS. only (Cod. Vat, 3793), where it 
appears with the name ' Messer Osmano ' pre- 
fixed to it ; this name (which is probably for 
Osimano, i.e. belonging to Osimo, a dty in 
the March of Ancona) may be either a pseud- 
onym of the author, or the name of the 
person to whom the poem is addressed. 
According to Grion, Castra (or Castratutti) 
and Osmano are both of them pseudonyms 
of a certain Ser Manno, some of whose poems 
are printed by Crescimbeni. (See D*Ancona 
and Comparetti, Antiche Rime Volgari^ L 
484-8 ; and Monad, Crest, Ital,y pp. 493-4.) 

Castrocaro, formerly a strong castle, now 
a village, in Romagna, in the valley of tiie 
Montone, a few miles from Fori! ; in Cent 
xiii it belonged to the Counts of Castrocaro, 
who were Ghibellines, bjit submitted (in 1282) 
to the Church. 

Guido del Duca (in Circle II of Purgatory) 
includes its Counts among the degenerate 
families of Romagna, and kiments that they 
had not died out, Purg. xiv. 1 16-17. 



[136] 



Catalano 



Catalogna 



Benvenuto speaks of them as being extinct 
in his day : — 

'CastrocarOy nobile castrum, et vere canim, 
supra Forlivium in valle Montorii, cujus comites 
hodie defecenint. Sed tunc adhuc vigebant, sed 
degenerabant a nobilitate vicinonim/ 

About the year 1300 the castle passed into 
the hands of the Ordelaffi of Forll ; subsequently 
it appears to have been purchased by the 
Florentines. It was for some years one of 
the principal Guelf strongholds in Romagna. 

CatalanOy a member of the Guelf Catalani 
family of Bolop^a (a branch of the Malavolti, 
whence Villani speaks of C. as Catalano de' 
Malavolti), bom at Bologna circ. 12 10; he was 
Podestk of Milan in 1243, of Parma in 1250, of 
Piacenza in 1260; in 1249 he commanded 
a division of the Bolognese infantry at the 
battle of Fossalta, in which King Enzio was 
defeated and taken prisoner; in 1261 he was 
associated with Loderingo degli Andal6 of 
Bologna in founding the Order of the Knights 
of Our Lady (subsequently known as the ' Frati 
Gaudenti *) ; m 1265 and 1267 he and Loderingo 
shared the office of Podestk in Bologna, and in 
1266 in Florence ; shortly after his last term of 
office he retired to the monastery of the Frati 
Gaudenti at Ronzano near Bologna, where he 
died and was buried in 1285. (See Gozzadini, 
Le Torri gentilizie di Bologna^ pp. 203 fF.) 

After the defeat and death of Manfred at Bene* 
vento (Feb. 96, ia6(\ the Florentine commons, 
who were for the most part Guelf, began to be 
turbulent and to murmur against the government 
of Guido Novello and the Ghibelline nobles. The 
latter, therefore, as a conciliatory measure, arranged 
that the office of Podesta should be held jointly by 
a Guelf and a Ghibelline, instead of by a single 
individual as heretofore ; and they selected for 
the purpose the two Bolognese, Frati Gaudenti, 
Citalano de' Catalani, a Guelf, and Loderingo 
d^ Andal6, a Ghibelline, in the expectation that 
Cfaey would administer the office impartially. 
Ofaiano and Loderingo set to work to reform 
the government, without favouring either party, 
tlieir most important measure being the establish- 
tDent of the ' Council of Thirty-six,* which was 
Selected from nobles and oitaimons of both parties. 
This measure, however, gave offence to Guido 
Novello and the Ghibelline nobles, who attempted 
to suppress the Council; but the commons rose 
Upon thepi, and they were forced to leave the 
city, ^lie houses of many of the Ghibellines (that 
of t]i« Uberti, in the quarter known as the 
Gardingo, among them) being wrecked by the 
populace. Catidano and Loderingo, who had 
i^eady asked to be relieved of their office, there- 
upon <]uitted Florence, not without a suspicion on 
the p»art of the Florentines (which both O. and 
ViUaxii regarded as well-founded) that 'under 
cover of false hypocrisy,' as Villani puts it, they 
lud combined together for their own purposes, 
taking bribes from the Guelfs and persecuting the 
Chibellines. They were succeeded in the office of 
Podestk by Ormanno Monaldeschi of Orvieto. 



Villani gives the following account : — 

* Come la novella fit in Firenze e per Toacana della scon- 




I pil 

|Muti cominciarono a inxng^rire e a prendere cuore e araire 
. . . onde il popolo di Firenze ch* era piii guelfo d'animo che 

a mor- 
* spese 
do No- 
vello, e dagli altri che reggcano la terra ; onde quell i che 
reggeano la cittk di Firenze a parte ghibellina, aentendo 
neila cittk il detto subngHo e mormorio, e avendo paura che 
'1 popolo non si rubellasse contra a loro, per ana cotale 





Roderigo di Landolo, e Tano era tenato di parte guelfa, 
ci6 era messer Catalano, e Taltro di parte ghibellina . . 




guardassono il comane da soperchie speae ; ' i quali tatto- 
ch^ d^aniino di parte fossono divtsi, sotto coverta di fa^ 
ipocrisia farono in concordia piik al goadagno loro proprio 
che al bene comane.* (vii. 13.) 

D. places Catalano, togethej with Loderingo, 
among the Hypocrites in Bolgia 6 of Circle VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxiii. 104 ; due^ v, 82 ; 
frati^ V. 109 ; Catalano, /'««, v. 100 ; i I /rate 
Catalan y v, 114; il frate^ w. 127, 142 [Ipo- 
oriti]; D. having begged Virgil to discover 
some one of the Hypocrites who might be 
known by deed or name, one of the latter cries 
to them to stop, as he can sati^ their curiosity 
(Inf. xxiii. 73-9) ; D. then at \^^)idding stops, 
and two of the Hypocrites h^Wl up to hini, 
and after gazing at him in wonder ask who he 
is (w, 80'93) ; D. having replied^^cs in his 
turn who they are and what is ^^^iure of 
their punishment (w, 94-9) ; h^^^Kwered 
by one of them (Catalano), who saysThey were 
Frati Gaudenti of Bologna, and gives their 
names, recounting how they two were chosen 
to fill the office of Podestk at Florence usually 
filled by one man, and how, instead of keeping 
peace, they wrought havoc in the city, as the 
ruins about the Gardingo still testify (w. 100-8) 
[Frati Qaudenti: Qardinso: Iioderlngo]; 
D. begins to address them, but breaks off short 
on catching sight of a sinner crucified on the 
ground (w, 109-13); C. explains that this is 
Caiaphas, and that his father-in-law Annas, 
and the rest of the Council who condemned 
Christ, are there with him (w. 1 14-23) [CalliMi] ; 
Virgil then, after gazing in wonder at Caiaphas, 
inquires as to the way out (vv. 127-32), and 
from C.'s answer finds that the devil Malacoda 
in the previous Bolgia (Inf. xxi. iii) had lied 
to him (w, 133-41); whereupon C. remarks 
that he had heard erewhile at Bologna that the 
devil was ever a liar and the father of lies 
(w, 142-4) [Bologna: Malaooda]. 

Catalogna^ Catalonia (Cataluiia), province 
in N. E. comer of Spain, which in D.*s time 
formed part of the kingdom of AraTOn ; men- 
tioned by Charles Martel (in the Heaven of 
Venus), who, in allusion to the greed of the 
needy Catalan retainers of his brother Robert, 



[187] 



Catania, Oolfo di 



Catone 



speaks of Vavara favertd di Caialogna^ Par. 
viii. ^^. [Carlo^ : Boberto^.] 

Robert, with his brothers Louis and John, 
had been detained in Catalonia from 1288 to 
1295 by the King of Aragon, as hostages for 
their father, Charles II of Naples, and during 
his residence there R. had gathered round him 
a following of Catalan gentlemen who accom- 
panied him into Italy. Benvenuto says : — 

* Rex Robertas quando stetit in Aragonia, cujus 
pars maritima vocatur Catalonia, obses pro patre 
8U0, acquisivit amicitias et familiaritates multonim, 
quos postea in Italia promovebat ad offida, qui 
noverant bene accumulare. Ad quod duo impelle- 
bant cos, scilicet, paupertas, quae suadet homini 
furtum et rapinam ; et avaritia, quae reddit 
hominem ingeniosum ad omnia illicita lucra.' 

When Robert came to Florence in 1305 he 
brought with him, Villani says (viii. 82), ' una 
masnada di trecento cavalieri araonesi e cata- 
lani ' ; and after he became King of Naples (in 
1309) we several times find his Catalan and 
Aragonese troops employed in Italy against 
the Emperor Henry VII, as Villani recoils : — 

' Nel detto anno 131 1 . . . i Fiorentini mandarono 
a Bologna il maliscalco del re Ruberto con quattro- 
cento cavalieri catalani, ch* erano al loro soldo 
per la guardia di Bologna, e per contastare alio 
mperadore se venisse da quella parte.* (ix. 17.) — 
' Nell* anno 1319 del mese d'Aprile, sentendo il re 
Ruberto Tapparecchiamento che '1 re d*Alamagna 
facea a Pisa per venire a Roma per coronarsi, si 
mand6 innanzi a Roma . . . messer Gianni suo 
fratello con seicento cavalieri catalani e pugliesi 
. . . e v* andarono di Firenze dugento cavalieri di 
cavallate de* migliori cittadini, e '1 maliscalco del 
re Ruberto, ch' era al loro soldo, con trecento 
cavalieri catalani e mille pedoni.' (iz. 39.) 

Catania, Grolfo di], the Gulf of Catania, on 
the £. of Sicily ; alluded to by Charles Martel 
(in the Heaven of Venus) as tl golfo Che riceve 
da Euro maggior briga, i. e. the gulf which is 
most exposed to the S. £. wind, it being open 
to the E., Par. viii. 68-9 ; he also refers to the 
circumstance that owing to the proximity of 
Mt. Aetna, the gulf, which lies * tra Pachino e 
Peloro ' (v, 68), i. e. between Cape Passaro and 
Cape Faro, is often covered with a dense pall 
of smoke. [Etna.] 

Catellini, ancient noble family of Florence, 
mentioned by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of 
Mars) as having been already in their decline 
in his time. Par. xvi. 88. In D.'s day they 
were extinct ; Villani says : — 

' Nel quartiere della porta di san Brancazio . . . 
i Catellini furono antichissimi, e oggi non n* h 
ricordo: dicesi ch* e' figliuoli Tien per bastardo nati 
fossono di loro legnaggio.* (iv. la.) 

The Ottimo Comento : — 

' Questi sono spenti al nome, salvo che di loro si 
dice, che sono discesi certi cittadini, detti figliuoli 
di Bernardo Manfredi/ 



According to Ld. Vernon two members of 
this £unily held high ofiBce in Florence in 1197 
and 121 5 ; they were Ghibellines, and as such 
were expelled m>m Florence in 1258 and again 
in 1268 ; they returned after the pacification of 
1280, but were excluded from office owing to 
their refusal to enrol themselves in one of the 
ArH. 

Catilina, Lucius Sergius Catilina,the famous 
Roman conspirator; bom circ B.C 108, praetor 
68, died 62. C, who was the descendant of an 
ancient patrician family which had fallen into 
poverty, was a candidate for the consulship in 
66, but was disqualified in consequence of an 
impeachment for oppression during his praetor- 
ship. In revenge he formed a plot to murder 
the two consuls who had been elected. This 
plot having failed he engaged in a more exten- 
sive conspiracy, which came to a head during 
the consulship of Cicero, B.C 63. By the vigi- 
lance of the latter- all C.'s plans were baffl^, 
and he himself was forced to leave Rome. 
Shortly after, Cicero obtained l^;al evidence 
against the rest of the conspirators, and at 
once summoned their leaders to the Senate, 
where they were condemned to death, the 
sentence being carried out that same night. 
A force was then dispatched against C, who 
was defeated and killed, while fighting with 
great valour, in the neighbourhood of Florence, 
B.C. 62. According to mediaeval authorities 
it was on this occasion that the town of Fiesole 
was destroyed by the Romans. 

D. alludes to the conspiracy of C and its 
frustration by Cicero, Conv. iv. s^^a-e, [do^ 
rone: Fiesole.] 

Cato, Marcus, Cato of Utica, Mon, ii. 5*3*. 
[Catone^.] 

Catona, small town of S. Italy, in Calabria, 
a few miles N. of Reggio, almost exactly oppo- 
site Messina ; mentioned by Charles Martel (in 
the Heaven of Venus) to indicate the southern- 
most limit of the kingdom of Naples, Par. viii. 
62 [AuBonia: Napoli]. It appears in D.'s 
time to have been the point of departure for 
Messina; thus after the 'Sicilian Vespers' 
Charles I concentrated his troops at Catona 
previous to their embarkation for that port 

For Catona many mod. edd. read Crotona^ 
which is adopted by Pietro di Dante, and men- 
tioned as a variant by Buti ; it has, however, 
very slight MS. authority. Blanc supports it 
on the ground that Crotona is much better 
known than Catona, which is precisely a reason 
for suspecting it. Catona is the reading of 
Witte and of the most recent edd. (Se^ Giom, 
Stor. LetL Ital.y xxx. 214-26.) 

Catone^, Marcus Porcius Cato, the Censor, 
commonly called Cato Major (i.e. the Elder), to 
distinguish him from his great-grandson Cato 
of Utica [Catone^] ; he was bom B.c 234, 
elected Censor in 184, and died at the age of 



[138] 



Catone 



Catone 



85 in 149; he was especially noted for his 
attempts to repress the growing laxury of the 
Romans, and for his uncompromising hostility 
to Carthage. 

D. refers to him as Catone^ Con v. iv. 21^2 . 
Catone VecchtOfConv, iv.27^^^, 28**; his opinion 
(as put into his mouth by Cicero) as to the 
divinity of the soul (Senect. § 21), Conv. iv. 
2x^0-6 . his increased delight in conversation 
as he grew older (Senect. § 14), Conv. iv. 27!*^"*; 
his eagerness to see (aiter death) the great 
Romans who had gone before him (Senect. 
§ 23), Conv. iv. 28**-8. [Senectote, De.] 

Catone^y Marcus Porcius Cato Uticensis, 
great-mndson of Cato the Censor, bom B. c 9^ ; 
brought up as a devoted adherent of the Stoic 
school, he became conspicuous for his rigid 
morality. In 63 he was tribune of the plebs, 
and supj^orted Cicero in his proposal that the 
Catilinarian conspirators should be put to death. 
He was one of the chief leaders of the aristo- 
cratical party, and opposed vehemently the 
measures of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. On 
the outbreak of the civil war in 49 he sided with 
Pompey ; after the battle of Phai^ia he joined 
Metellus Scipio in Africa ; when the latter was 
defeated at Thapsus, and all Africa, with the 
exception of Udca, submitted to Caesar, he 
resolved to die rather than fall into his hands ; 
he therefore put an end to his own life, after 
spending the greater part of the night in reading 
Plato's Pkaedo on the immortality of the soul, 

B.C 46. 

Cato is mentioned in connexion with his 

march through the desert of Libya shortly 

before his death (Phars. x. 411 ff.), Inf. xiv. 15; 

he is placed as warder at the entrance to 

Purgatory, un veglio solo^ Purg. i. 31 ; «, v. 42 ; 

/i«, V. 52; egli^ V. 86; cUtruiy v. 133 (where 

some think the reference is to God) ; // veglio 

mestOy Purg. ii. 119; the description of Cato*s 

personal appearance, with long white hair and 

Dcard (PuiTj. i. 34-6) is borrowed from Lucan : — 

*Ille nee borrifieam aancto dimovit ab ore 
Caeaariein, dnrooae admisit gaudia vulta; 
Ut primnni tolH feralia viderat anna, 
Intooaos ri|^dam in frontem dcscendere canos 
Paaana erat, moestamqae gents increacere barbam.* 

iJVuirs. ii. 371-6.) 

D. and Virgil meet Cato on their arrival on 

the island from which rises the Mt. of Purga- 

toryt where he appears as a solitary old man of 

venerable aspect, with long white hair and 

teard, and a radiant countenance (Purg. i. 

3i-9> ; he asks D. and V. who they are, taking 

theTKt, for damned spirits (vv, 40-8) ; V., after 

malung D. do reverence, replies that through 

the intervention of Beatrice D. is come to see 

the spirits under his guardianship (vv, 49-69), 

and IS seeking freedom, for the sake of which 

Cato himself had died at Utica {yv, 70-5); 

after explaining that D. is yet alive, and that 

"he Yiimself was come from Limbo, where Cato*s 

wife Marcia was, V. implores him for the latter*s 



sake to grant them admittance {yv. 76-84) ; 
Cato replies that Marcia can no longer move 
him now, but that for Beatrice's sake he will 
grant their request (w, 85-93) ; then having 
bid V. gird D. with a rush and wash his face, 
he disappears (w, 94-109) ; he appears once 
more to chide the loitering spirits who were 
listening to Casella*s singing (after which he is 
not seen again), Purg. ii. 1 19-23. 

As a suicide and a pagan, and as the bitter 
opponent of Caesar, the founder of the Roman 
Empire, we should expect to find Cato in Hell, 
with Pier deUe Vigne, or with Brutus and Cassius, 
instead of being admitted to Purgatory and destined 
eventually to a place in Paradise (Purg. i. 75). 
D.f however, regards him, not in his relation to 
the Roman Empire, but as the devoted lover of 
liberty, the representative of the soul made free 
by the annihilation of the body ; and consequently . 
as the appropriate guardian of those who by 
purgation were freeing themselves from the last 
traces of sin before appearing in the presence 
of God. 

In his treatment of Cato D. appears to have 
followed Virgil^ who, instead of placing him 
among the suicides in Taxtarus {Atn. vi. 434-9), 
represents him as a lawgiver among the righteous 
dead in Elysium : — 

'Secretoaqae pios, hia dantem jora Catonem * 

(viiL 670) 

— a line which probably suggested to D. the 
empIo3rment of Cato as warder of Purgatory. D.'s 
estimate of Cato was doubtless also in part derived 
from Cicero {set below) ^ and from Lucan, who 
pictures him as the personification of godlike 
virtue : — 

*Nani cni crediderim Saperos arcana dataros 
Dictarosqae niagia qaam sancto vera Catoni ? . . . 
Ecce parens vems patriae dij^iissiniaa aria, 
Roma, taia; per <^aeni nanqoam jorare padebit, 
Bt qnem, ai atetena nnqoam cervice aolnta. 
Tunc olim factora deum.* 

{Phars. \x. 554-51 601-4.) 
' Hi morea, haec dan iromota Catonia 
Seeta fait, aenrare modam, finemqae tenere, 
Nataraniqoe arqut, patriaeqae inipendere vitam; 
Nee aibt, aed toti genitam ae creaere mando. 
Huic epalae, viciaae famem ; magniqae penatea, 
Sabmoviaae hiemem tecto; pretioaaqae vealia, 
Hirtam membra aaper, Romani more Qoiritia, 
Indaxiaae toiram ; Veneriaqae haic maximoa nana, 
Pro^eniea; Urbi pater eat, Urbiqae maritoa; 
Jaatitiae coltor, n{|;idi aervator honesti; 
In commane bonua; nolloaqoe Catonia in actaa 
Sabrepait, partemqae talit aibi nata volaptaa.* 

iPkars. ti. 380-91.) 

D. expresses his great reverence for Cato in 
the D« Monarchia : — 'Accedit et illud inenarrabile 
sacrificium severissimi verae libertatis auctoris 
Marci Catonia . . . (qui) ut mundo libertatis amores 
accenderet, quanti libertas esset ostendit, dum e 
vita liber decedere maluit, quam sine libertate 
remanerein ilia' (ii. 5*""*°); and in the Convivio: — 
' O sacratissimo petto di Catone (cf. Purg. i. 80), 
chi presumera di te parlare? Certo maggiormente 
parlare di te non si pu6, che tacere.* (iv. 5'*^*"*.) — 
'Furono dunque filosofi molto antichi . . . che 
videro e credettero questo fine della vita umana 
essere solamente la rigida onestk ; cio^ rigidamente, 
senza rispetto alcuno, la verita e la giustizia seguire. 
... £ costoro e la loro setta chiamati furono 



[139] 



Catria 



Causis, De 



Stoici : e fu di loro quello glorioso Catone/ 
(iv. 6*^^*.) — * Si legge di Catone, chc non a s^, 
ma alia patria e a tutto il mondo nato essere 
credea/ (iv. 37""*.) — In speaking of Cato's wife 
Marcia, whom he gave to Hortensius, and who 
after the death of the latter came back to him, D. 
says her return to Cato symbolizes the noble soul 
returning to God in old age : — * Marzia« vedova 
&tta . . . tornd dal principio del suo vedovaggio 
a Catone ; per che si significa la nobile anima dal 
principio del senio tomare a Dio. £ quale uomo 
terreno piii degno fu di significare Iddio, che 
Catone ? Certo nuUo. . . . Nel nome di cui ^ 
bello terminare ci6 che delli seg^i della nobiltk 
ragionare si convegna, perocch^ in lui essa nobiltlt 
tutti li dimostra per tutte etadi/ (iv. a8"* «. ) 

Cato*s escape from Julius Caesar into Africa, 
Conv. iii. 5121-3 [Cesare^] ; his greatness not 
to be measured by words, Conv. iv. 51*0-2; 
belonged to the Stoic sect of philosophers, 
Conv. iv. 6^3^ ; his belief that he was bom 
not for himself, but for his country and the 
whole world (from Lucan, Phars, ii. 383 : * Nee 
sibi, sed toti genitum se credere mundo*), Conv. 
iv. 2731-3 . Lucan's account of the return of his 
wife Marcia to him, Conv. iv.aS*"'"!*^ [Marzia] ; 
the most staunch champion of liberty, choosing 
death as a free man, rather than life without 
liberty, Mon. ii. 5I32-40J cicero*s estimate of 
his character quoted (freely) from the De Officiis 
(i. 31): *Cato, to whom nature had given in- 
credible firmness and who had strengthened 
this severity by his unremitting constancy to 
his principles, and who never formed a resolu- 
tion by which he did not abide, was indeed 
bound to die rather than to look on the face of 
a tyrant,* Mon. ii. 5i««-70. 

Catria, Monte Catria, one of the highest 
peaks of the Apennines, on the borders of 
Umbria and the Marches, between Gubbio and 
Pergola. 

St. Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn) 
describes it as a 'boss* formed by the lofty 
Apennines which rise between the shores of 
the Adriatic and of the Mediterranean, and 
refers to the fact that on its slopes was situated 
the monastery of Fonte Avellana, of which he 
was at one time Abbot, Par. xxi. 106-14. 
[Apennino: Avellana.] 

Cattolica, La» small town on the Adriatic, 
between Rimini and Pesaro, at the point where 
the Emilia and the Marches meet ; mentioned 
by Pier da Medicina (in Bolgia 9 of Circle Vlll 
of Hell) in connexion with the murder of Guido 
del Cassero and Angiolello da Carignano by 
order of Malatestino of Rimini, Inf. xxviii. 80. 
[Angiolello.] 

Caucasus, Mt. Caucasus ; Caucasottj Epist. 
vi. 3; Eel. ii. 22; the Florentines threatened 
with the Imperial Eagle, which soars alike over 
the Pyrenees, Caucasus, and Atlas, Epist. vi. 3. 

Caudinae Furcae, the ' Caudine Forks,' 
narrow passes in the mountains near Caudium, 



a town in Samnium on the road from Capua to 
Beneventum, where the Roman army sur- 
rendered to the Samnites, B.C. 321. D. quotes 
Lucan (Phars, ii. 135-8) to show how nearly 
the Empire in Italy was transferred from the 
Romans to the Samnites, Mon. ii. ii**~*i. 
[Sanniti] 

Caasis, De, pseudo-Aristotelian treatise of 
unknown authorship, on which commentaries 
were written by Albertus Magnus, St Thomas 
Aquinas, and Aegidius Romanus. It appears 
to have been transmitted by the Hebrews of 
Spain as a work of Aristotle, and was included 
as such in the MSS. and early printed editions 
of his works. It was translated from Arabic 
into Latin between 1 167 and 1 187 by Gerardus 
Cremonensis (d. at Toledo, 1 187), 'magnus 
linguae translator arabicae,' who trans&ted 
also the Canon Medicinae of Avicenna, and the 
Almagest of Ptolemy. The treatise, which is 
quoted as early as Cent, xii, was regarded as 
of great weight and authority in the Middle 
Ages. It was probably originally written in 
Arabic. Albertus Magnus, who wrote a com- 
mentary on it under the same name (the full 
title of his work is De Causis et Processu Uni" 
versitatis)^ was the first to suspect that it was 
a compilation from Aristotle and the Arabian 
philosophers. He ascribed it to a certain 
David the Jew:— 

* David Judaeus quidam ex dictis Aristotelis, 
Avicennii, Algazelis, et Alpharabii congregavit, 
per modum theorematum ordinans ea, quorum 
commentum ipsemet adhibuit, sicut et Eudides in 
geometricis fecisse videtur.' {De Causis tt ProCm 
Univ,, ii. i.) 

St. Thomas Aquinas identified portions of 
it as extracts from the Elevatio Theologica 
(SroixcioMTif 6coXoycjii7) of Proclus, upon whose 
work it was probably based. 

(See Jourdain, Traductions Latines d^Aris- 
tote^ pp. 183-5, ^9^; Prantl, GeschichU der 
Logik im Abendiande, Bd. iii. pp. 8-10 ; and 
Bardenhewer, Die pseudo-aristoteliscke Schrift 
Ueber das reine Gute bekannt unter dent 
Namen Liber de Causis.) 

TheZ>^ Causis quoted by D. has been thought 
by some to be the above-mentioned work of 
Albertus Magnus; but it is evident that the 
work referred to by D. is the pseudo- Aristotelian 
treatise, since nearly all his quotations are 
taken word for word from the latter. 

D. makes no reference to the authorship of 
the De Causis ; he quotes it simply as libro di 
Cagioni, Conv. iii. 227; Hbro delle Cagioni, 
Conv. iii. 6«' 11*, 7"; iv. 2\^\ De Causis, 
Mon. i. 1 1 132-3 J lilgf. ^ Causis f Epist. x. 20, 21. 

D. quotes from the De Causis (the references 
being to the thirty-two Propositiones or Lee- 
tioneSj into which the Latin work is divided) 
the theory that every * substantial form * pro- 
ceeds from its First Cause, which is God, Conv. 



[140] 



Cavaloante Cavaloanti 



Cavalcanti, Guido 



iii. 2^*"^ (Prop, XX ) ; that the Divine Goodness 
and its gifts become diverse by the concurrence 
of that which receives them, Conv. iii. i^^-^ 
(Prop, XX, * Diversificantur bonitates et dona 
ex concursu recipientis') ; that the first of all 
things is * being,* Conv. iii. 2^2-4 (Prop, iv /«//., 
' Prima rerum creatanim est esse, et non est 
ante ipsum creatum aliud ') ; that every Intelli- 
gc^nce on high knows what is above itself and 
what below, Conv. iiL 6^9^*2 {jProp, viii iw/., 
' Omnis intelligentia scit quod est supra se, et 
quod est sub se; verumtamen scit quod est 
sub se, quoniam est causa ei, et scit quod 
est supra se, quoniam acquirit bonitates ab 
eo ') ; that eveiy cause informs its effect with 
the goodness it has received from its own 
cause, which is God, Conv. iii. 6^i3-i8 (prop, i, 
' Causa prima adjuvat secimdam causam super 
operationem suam, quoniam omnem opera- 
tionem quam causa emcit secunda, prima etiam 
causa emcit ') ; that the Primal Goodness dis- 
penses its bounty ' with a single affluence ' (con 
un discorrimtnto)^ Conv. iii. 717-19 (Prop. xx, 
' Prima bonitas influit bonitates super res omnes 
influxione una') ; that every noble soul has three 
methods of operation, the animal, the intel- 
lectual, and the divine, Conv. iv. 21®^"®^ (Prop. 
iii iniL, * Omnis anima nobilis tres habet opera- 
tiones. Nam ex operationibus ejus est operatio 
animalis, et operatio intelligibilis, et operatio 
divina ') ; that the difference between causes is 
one of degree, Mon. i. 1 1I29-33 (Prop, \) ; that 
every primary cause has greater mfluence upon 
the object anected than a universal secondary 
cause, Epist. x. 20 (Prop, i. />»'/., ' Omnis causa 
primaria plus est influens supra causatum suum 
quam causa universalis secunda*); that every 
intelligence is full of forms, Epist x. 21 (Prof. 
X mi/., ' Onmis intelligentia plena est formis ). 

Cavaloante Cavaloanti. [Cavaloanti, 
Cavaloante.] 

Cavaloanti, noble family of Florence, several 
members of which are mentioned by D., the 
most conspicuous being Cavalcante and his son 
Guido, the poet and friend of D. 

Villani describes the Cavalcanti as being very 
weaJ-tby and powerful : — 

' I Cavalcanti erano una grande e possente casa 
... ^rano delle piu possenti case e di genti, e di 
pon^icjOTioni, e d'avere di Firenze.' (viii. 39, 71.) 



on 

in 

the 

of 

mo 



were originally Guelfs (v. 39 ; vi. 33) ; 

outbreak of the Bianchi and Neri feuds 

orence they for the most part sided with 

Oerchi, the leaders of the Bianchi faction, 

liich they were subsequently some of the 

: prominent supporters. 

Csivaloanti, Cavaloante], Florentine 

Ga^lf, &ther of D.'s friend, the poet Guido 

Ca^^^alcanti ; he is placed among the Heretics 

\ti CTircle VI of Hell, but is not mentioned by 



name ; ontbra, Inf. x. 53 ; /«/, t/. 61 ; costuiy 
V, 65 ; quel caduto, v,\\o [Eretici]. 

While D. is conversing with the Ghibelline 
Farinata degli Uberti, the shade of Cavalcante 
rises up from a sepulchre alongside of the 
latter, and looks eagerly to see if his son is 
with D. (Inf. X. 53-6) ; not seeing Guido, he 
asks where he is, and why he is not with D. 
(w, 57-60) ; D., divining his identity from 
*' his words and the fashion of his punishment ' 
(w. 64-6), replies that he is not come of 
himself, but is brought by Virgil, * whom per- 
haps your Guido held in disdain' (w, 61-3) ; 
noticing that D. used the past tense ('ebbe 
a disdegno'), C. anxiously asks if his son is 
dead, and receiving no reply, falls back into 
his sepulchre and is seen no more (t/z/. 67-72) ; 
subsequently D. in compunction prays Farinata 
to tell him that Guido is yet alive, and that 
his own silence was due to wonderment at C.'s 
ignorance as to his son's fate (w, 109-14) 
[Cavalcanti, Quido : Farinata]. 

C. is said to have been an Epicurean, and 
to have disbelieved in the immortality of the 
soul ; Boccaccio says of him : — 

' Fu leggiadro e ricco cavaliere, e segui Topinion 
d*£picuro, in non credere che Tanima dopo la 
morte del corpo vivesse, e che il nostro sommo 
bene fosse ne' diletti camali ; e per questo siccome 
eretico h dannato.' 

Benvenuto: — 

* Iste omnino tenuit sectam epicureorum, semper 
credens, et suadens aliis, quod anima simul 
moreretur cum corpore ; unde saepe habebat in 
ore istud dictum Salomonis : Unus est interitus 
hominis et jumentorum, et aequa utriusque con- 
ditio. . . . Iste cum audisset autorem conferentem 
multa cum Farinata de novitatibus Florentiae . . . 
surrexit statim ad videndum autorem, qui ita 
mordaciter tangebat ghibelinos, quia ipse Caval- 
cante erat guelphus cum suis. . . . Et sic vide quod 
autor ponit duos epicureos simul de parte con- 
traria, unum ghibelinum, altenim guelphum.' 

Cavaloanti, Guido, famous Florentine 
poet, son of Cavalcante, his mother being 
(probably) a lady of the house of the Conti 
Guidi; he was bom probably between 1250 
and 1255, but in any case not later than 1259 ; 
while still a youth (in 1267) he was betrothed 
by his father to Beatrice degli Uberti, daughter 
of the famous Farinata, at the time when an 
attempt was made to conciliate the feuds in 
Florence by means of matrimonial alliances 
between members of the opposing factions 
(see below) \ the date of the marriage, by 
which Guido had two children, a son Andrea 
and a daughter Tancia, is unknown. In 1280 
Guido acted as one of the sureties of the peace 
arranged by the Cardinal Latino. From 1283 
dates his friendship with D. (V. N. § 3I02-3). 
In 1284 he was a member, together with 
Brunetto Latino and Dino Compagni, of the 
Grand Council. He was an ardent Guelf, and 



[141] 



Cavalcanti, Gnido 



Cavalcanti, Guido 



when the Guelf party in Florence, split up 
into Bianchi and Neri, headed respectively by 
the Cerchi and the Donati, he threw in his 
lot with the former and distinguished himself 
by the violence of his opposition to the Donati, 
and especially to Corso Donati by whom, as 
Dino Compagni relates (i. 20), he was nick- 
named *Cavicchia' (sec Del Lungo*s note). 
Between 1293 and 1296 Guido set out on 
a pilgrimage to Compostela in Galicia, but he 
got no further on his way than Toulouse, 
whence he appears to have turned back to 
Ntmes. While he was on this journey Corso 
Donati made an attempt to assassinate him, 
in retaliation for which Guido on his return 
attacked Corso in the streets of Florence, 
receiving a wound in the affray (Comp., i. 20). 
In the sununer of 1300, during D/s priorate 
(June-Aug.), it was decided (June 24), m order 
to put an end to the disturbances caused by 
the continued hostilities between the two 
factions, to banish the leaders of both sides, 
the Neri being sent to Castel della Pieve, the 
Bianchi (Guido being among them) to Sar- 
zana in Lunigiana ; among those who approved 
this decision were Dante, in his capacity as 
Prior, and Dino Compagni, who formed one 
of the council (' I Signori, isdegnati, ebbono 
consiglio di piu cittadini, e io Dino fui uno 
di quelli.' i. 21). It thus came about that D. 
was instrumental in sending his own friend 
into exile, and, as it proved, to his death ; for 
though the exiles were recalled very shortly 
after, so that Guido only spent a few weeks 
at Sarzana, he never recovered from the effects 
of the malarious climate of the place, and died 
in Florence at the end of August in that same 
year ; he was buried in the cemetery of Santa 
Reparata on Aug. 29, as is attested by an 
entry in the official records still preserved in 
Florence. 

In recording his exile and death, Villani 
says of him : — 

* Questa parte (i bianchi) vi stette meno a* con> 
fini, che furono revocati per lo infermo luogo, e 
tomonne malato Guido Cavalcanti, onde mono, 
e di lui fu grande dammaggio, perocch^ era come 
filosofo, virtudioso uomo in piu cose, se non ch' 
era troppo tenero (' touchy') e stizzoso.' (viii. 49.) 

The betrothal of Guido Cavalcanti to the 
daughter of Farinata degli Uberti, and the 
other matrimonial alliances projected at the 
same time, are recorded by Villani under the 
year 1267 : — 

'Per trattato di pace, il gennaio veg^ente il 
popolo rimise in Firenze i guelfi e' ghibellini, e 
feciono fare tra loro piii matrimoni e parentadi, 
intra li quali questi furono i maggiorenti; che 
messer Bonaccorso Bellincioni degli Adimari diede 
per moglie a messer Forese suo figliuolo la figliuola 
del conte Guido Novello, e messer Bindo suo 
fratello tolse una degli* Ubaldini, e messer Caval- 
cante de* Cavalcanti diede per moglie a Guido suo 



figliuolo la figliuola di messer Farinata degli 
Uberti, e messer Simone Donati diede la figliuola 
a messer Azzolino di messer Farinata degli Uberti.' 
(vii. 15.) 

Of Guido's poems, which consist of canMoni^ 
sonnets, and baliate, some didactic, some 
purely lyrical, a large number has been pre- 
served ; the most famous of the didactic poems 
is the canzone (' Donna mi prega, pm:h' io 
vo^lio dire ') on the nature of love, which is 
twice quoted by D. (V. E. ii. I2^7> 63) and was 
the subject of numerous commentaries, among 
them being one in Italian by Aegidius 
Romanus [Egidio ^] ; the sonnets are for the 
most amatory, many of them being addressed 
to Dante, Dino Compagni, and Cino da 
Pistoja ; the ballaie are the least artificial of* 
his poems. Guido Cavalcanti belongs with 
Dante, Lapo Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Gianni 
Alfani, &c. to die school of ' il dolce stil nuovo,' 
which superseded that of Guido Guinicelli~the 
Guido whom his namesake eclipsed as a poet in 
the vulgar tongue, according to D.'s esUmate : 

' Ha tolto rono alP altro Gnido 
La gloria della lingua.* (Af^y. zL 97-8.) 

(See D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett. ItaL^ i. 93-5 ; 
and Ercole, Rime di G, C) 

In the D, C, Guido is mentioned in the con- 
versation between D. and Cavalcante in Circle 
VI of Hell, where the latter refers to him as 
' mio figlio ' and asks why he is not with D^ 
Inf. X. 60; D. in his reply refers to him as 
'Guido vostro,' and, indicating Virgil, hints 
that Guido ' held him in disdam ' (w, 61-3) ; 
D. having used the past tense ('ebbe a dis- 
degno'), Cavalcante assumes that his son is 
dead, and asks D., 'non viv*egli ancora?' 
(w. 67-9) ; D. does not reply, but subsequently 
bids Farinata tell Cavalcante that Guido is 
still alive, Ml suo nato h co' vivi ancor con- * 
giunto ' {w, 109-14) [Cavalcante] ; he is 
mentioned again (by Oderisi in Circle I of 
Purgatory) as ' Tuno Guido ' whose fame as an 
Italian poet should eclipse that of M'altro 
Guido ' (1. e. Guido GuiniceUi), and who in his 
turn should perhaps be eclipsed by another 
contemporary poet (i. e. according to some, 
by D. himself), Purg. xi. 97-9. [Guido *]. 

In the Vila Nuova, which is dedicated to 
Guido Cavalcanti (§ 31®"^), D. several times 
refers to him as his most intimate friend, 
' quegli, cui io chiamo primo de' miei amici,' 
V. N. § 3^8-9 . « mio primo amico,' §§ 24^®, 
312*, 34^*^ ; he includes him among the 
famous poets of the day, and mentions that 
G. was one of those to whom he sent hb 
sonnet ' A dascun' alma presa e gentil core,' 
to which G. replied, and which D. says was 
the beginning of their friendship : — 

* A questo sonetto fu risposto da molti ... tra li 
quali fu risponditore quegli, cui io chiamo primo 
de' miei amici ; e disse allora un sonetto lo quale 
comincia : Vedtsii ai tmo partrt cgm valon, £ 



[142] 



Cavalcanti, Guido 



Cavalcanti, Guido 



^uesto fu quasi il principio deW amisUi tra lui e 
me, qiumd* egli seppe ch* io era quegli che gli avea 
d6 mandate.' (§ s^^^K) 

To him D. addressed a sonnet referring to 
G.'s love for a lady of the name of Giovanna 
(Son. xxxii) : — 

*Gaido, voirei che tn e Lapo ed io 
Focsiltao presi per tncantainento, 
B messi ad on vaacel, ch' ad ogni vento 

Fer mare andaase a voler vostro e mio . . . 

E monna Vanna e monna Bice poi, . . . 
Con not ponease il buono incantatore, 

B qaivi ragionar aempre d*amore . . .' 

In the De Vul^ari Eloquentia Guido is 
several times mentioned ; he is referred to as 
Guido FlorentinuSf V. E. i. 13**; ii. 12*^; 
Guido Cavalcanti, V. £. ii. 6^^; Guido de 
Florentiay V. E. ii. la^® ; his poems quoted, 
'Poi che di doglia cuor convien ch'io porti,' 
V. E. ii. 6®^ ; * Donna mi prega, perch* io 
voglio dire,' V. E. ii. I2^''» ^ ; he, like D. him- 
self and Lapo, rejected the Florentine dialect 
in his poems, V. E. i. 1382-7 j composed can- 
zoni in the most illustrious style, V. E. ii. 6®* ; 
wrote stanzas of eleven-syllabled lines, V. E. 
ii. i2^*~i* ; employed three-syllabled lines in 
his canzone on the nature of love, V. E. ii. 

Several of the old commentators suppose 
that Guido Cavalcanti and D. himself are the 
two persons referred to by Ciacco (in Circle 
III of Hell), who, in speaking of the corrupt 
state of Florence, says ' Giusti son due, ma non 
vi sono intesi/ i. e. there are two just citizens, 
but no heed is paid to them, Inf. vi. t^. Thus 
Boccaccio says : — 

*Quali questi due si sieno, sarebbe grave Tin- 
dovinare ; nondimeno sono alcuni, i quali donde 
crhe egli sel traggano, che voglion dire essere stato 
I'uno Tautor medesimo, e Taltro Guido Cavalcanti, 
il quale era d*una medesima setta con luL' 

Similarly Benvenuto : — 

'Autor loquitur de se et Guidone Cavalcante, 
qui de rei veritate tempore illo eraut duo oculi 
Florentiae, sed autor non exprimit nomen, sed 
relinquit intelligi judicio prudentum. De se enim 
nullus sapiens dubitabit.' 

Others think D. and Dino Compagni are 
intended [Compagni, Dino] ; while Vellutello 
has no doubt that the reference is to two pious 
Florentines, Barduccio and Giovanni da Vis- 
pignano, whose saintly reputation is recorded 
by Villani [Barduooio]. 

The meaning of D.*s expression with regard 
to Guido that * haply he held Viigil in disdain ' 
(In£ X. 63) has been much disputed. The 
early commentators explain that Guido pre- 
ferred philosophy to poetry ; e* g* Boccaccio 
says: — 

* Perciocch^ la filosofia gli pareva, siccome ella 
^ da molto piii che la poesia, ebbe a sdegno 
Virgilio e gli altri poeti/ 

Some think the reason was political, and 
that Guido, who was a Guelf, was in ant- 



agonism with Virgil as the poet of the Roman 
Empire ; while others (e. g. Rossetti) think it 
was because of his ' strong desire to see the 
Latin language give place in poetry and litera- 
ture to a perfected Italian idiom,' a desire to 
which D. alludes in the Vita Nuova^ where he 
says that Guido wished him to write to him in 
the vulgar tongue only (§ 3121-*). 

Of Guido's character we have, besides the 
account of Villani quoted above, that of his 
friend and poetical correspondent, Dino Com- 
pagni, who describes him in his chronicle as 
' imo giovane gentile . . . cortese e ardito, ma 
sdegnoso e solitario e intento alio studio' 
(i. 20). Boccaccio in his Comento says of 
him: — 

' Fu uomo costumatissimo e ricco e d'alto in- 
gegno, e seppe molte leggiadre cose fare meglio 
che alcun altro nostro cittadino : e oltre a ci6 fu 
nel suo tempo reputato ottimo loico e buon filo- 
sofo, e fu singularissimo amico dell' autore, siccome 
esso medesimo mostra nella sua VUa Nuotfa, e fu 
buon dicitore in rima.' 

And in the Decamerone : — 

' Fu uno de* migliori loici che avesse il mondo, 
e ottimo filosofo naturale, si fu egli leggiadrissimo 
e costumato e parlante uomo molto, e ogni cosa 
che far voile e a gentile uom pertenente, seppe 
meglio che altro uom fare, e con questo era 
ricchissimo, e a chiedere a lingua sapeva onorare, 
cui neiranimo gli capeva, che il valesse. . . . 
Alcuna volta speculando, molto astratto dagli 
uomini diveniva, e perci6 che egli alquanto tenea 
della opinione degli Epicuri, si diceva tra la gente 
volgare, che queste sue speculazioni erauo solo in 
cercare, se trovar si potesse, che Iddio non fosse.' 
(vi. 9.) 

Benvenuto says of him, 'fuit alter oculus 
Florentiae tempore Dantis.' 

Rossetti, who translated many of Guido's 
poems, gives the following estimate of him : — 

* He seems to have been in all things of that 
fitful and vehement nature which would impress 
others always strongly, but often in opposite 
ways. Self-reliant pride gave its colour to all his 
moods ; making his exploits as a soldier frequently 
abortive through the headstrong ardour of partisan- 
ship, and causing the perversity of a logician to 
prevail in much of his amorous poetry. The 
writings of his contemporaries, as well as his own, 
tend to show him rash in war, fickle in love, and 
presumptuous in belief; but also by the same 
concurrent testimony, he was distinguished by 
great personal beauty, high accomplishments of 
all kinds, and daring nobility of soul. Not un- 
worthy, for all the weakness of his strength, to 
have been the object of D.'s early emulation, the 
first friend of his youth, and his precursor and 
fellow-labourer in the creation of Italian Poetry. 
... As a poet, he has more individual life of his 
own than belongs to any of his predecessors ; by 
far the best of his pieces being those which relate 
to himself, his loves and hates.' {Danit and his 
CircU,) 



[148] 



Cavalcanti, Francesco G. de' 



Celestino V 



Two characteristic stories of Guido have 
been preserved, the one by Boccaccio (Decant. 
vi. 9), the other by Sacchetti (Nov, 68). 

Cavalcanti, Francesco Guercio de'], 
'squinting Francis' (called Guelfo by the 
Ottimo), member of the Cavalcanti family of 
Florence, who was murdered by the inhabi- 
tants of Gaville, a village in the Upper Val- 
damo ; his death was speedily avenged by 
the Cavalcanti, who in their fury are said to 
have almost dispeopled Gaville. He is one of 
^vt, Florentines (Inf. xxvi. 4-5) — the others 
being Cianfa (Inf. xxv. 43), Agnello (z^. 68), 
Buoso (v. 140), and Puccio Sciancato (z/. 148) — 
whom D. places among the Robbers in Bolgia 
7 of Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), alluding 
to him as quel^ che tu, Gaville^ piagni^ Inf. 
xxv. 151. [Iiadri.] Francesco is one of three 
spirits seen by D. to undergo transformation ; 
he is a serpent to begin with (un serpentello 
acceso^ v, 83), and gradually exchanges forms 
with Buoso, who is at first in human shape 
(w. 103-41). [Buoso: Pucoio Soiancato.] 
The Anonimo Fiorentino says of him : — 

'Questi ^ messer Francesco chiamato messer 
Guercio de' Cavalcanti, che fu morto da certi 
uomini da Gaville, ch' ^ una villa nel Val d'Amo 
di sopra nel contado di Firenze, per la qual morte 
i consort! di messer Francesco molti di quelli da 
Gaville uccisono et disfeciono ; et per6 dice TAut* 
tore che per lui quella villa ancor ne piagne, et 
per le accuse et testimonianze et condennagioni 
et uccisioni di loro, che per quella cagione ne 
seguitorono, che bene piangono ancora la morte di 
messer Francesco.' 

Cavalcanti, Guelfo de\ [Cavalcanti, 
FrancoBOo Queroio de'.] 

Cavalcanti, Gianni Schicchi de'. 
[Gianni Sohioobi.] 

Cayster, river of Asia Minor, which rises 
in Mt. Tmolus, and flows through Lydia and 
Ionia into the Aegean Sea a few miles above 
Ephesus ; it was famous for its swans, in which 
connexion (in imitation of Georg, i. 384) D. 
mentions it, £cl. ii. 18. 

Cecilio, Caecilius Statins, Roman comic 
poet, contemporary of Ennius, and immediate 
predecessor of Terence ; he was a native of 
Milan, and originally a slave, but afterwards 
was freed ; he died B.C. 168. 

C. is mentioned, together with Terence, 
Plautus, and Varro (or Varius) by Statins (in 
Purgatory), who asks Virgil for news of them, 
and is told that they and Persius and many 
others are with Homer and V. himself in 
Limbo, Purg. xxii. 98. [Iiimbo.] 

D. doubtless got the name of C. from Horace, 
by whom he is twice mentioned in his lists of 
Roman poets : — 

' Dicitar . . , 



Plaatos ad exemplar Sicali properare Bptcharmi; 
Vincere Caecilius gravitate, Terentioa arte.* 

{JSpi9t, II. i. 57-9.) 



'Qatd aatem 
Caecilio Plautoqae dabit Romanus adefnptfun 
Virgilio Varioqae ? * {A. P. 53-5) 

C. is also mentioned, together with Plautus 
and • Terentius vester,* by St. Augustine in the 
De Civitate Dei (ii. 12), with which D. was 
familiar. 

Cecilia, river of Tuscany, which flows into 
the Mediterranean about 20 miles S. of Leg- 
horn ; mentioned together with Cometo, which 
is situated on the Marta, about 10 miles N. 
of Civitavecchia, these two rivers indicating 
roughly the N. and S. limits of the Maremma 
or marshy sea-board of Tuscany, Inf. xiii. 9 
[Maremma]. 

Cefalo, Cephalus, King of Athens ; men- 
tioned in connexion with Ovid's account of 
how C, being at war with Crete, sought assis- 
tance from Aeacus, King of Aegina (Met<xm, 
vii. 501-5), of how Aeacus complied (w, 506- 
II), and of how he related to C. the history of 
the pestilence that destroyed the people of 
Aegina and of the repopulation of the island 
(w. 523-657) Conv. IV. rj^^^^^"^ [Baoo]. D. 
translates the second passage (z/z^. 5diS-ii)| 
which according to the established text runs 
as follows : — 

'Aeacn^ in capalo sceptri nitente sinistra, 
Ne petite, aoxiliani, sed somite, dixit, Auenae. 
Nee dabie rires, qoaa haec haoet insola, Teatras 
Dadte ; et oninis eat renun statos iste mearain. 
Robora non desant; snperat mibi miles, et hosti: 
Gratia Dis ; feliz et inezcosabile tempos.' 

The text used by D., however, evidently 
read Dicite for Ducite and ercU for eat (v. 509), 
and, unless the Italian text is corrupt, it must 
have read Aostis for hos/i (v. 510). 

Celestino V], Celestine V (Pietro da 
Morrone), elected Pope at the age of nearly 
80, at Perugia, July 5, 1294; abdicated at 
Naples, Dec. 13 of the same year. After the 
death of Nicholas IV in 1292, the Cardinals 
had been in conclave for nearly two years 
without electing a new Pope, when on the 
suggestion of the Cardinal of Osda they sum- 
moned the venerable hermit, Pietro da Mor- 
rone, from his cell in the remote Abruzzi to 
assume the papal crown. Pietro, who was of 
humble birth, was on account of his extra- 
ordinary austerities regarded by the people as 
a man of the highest sanctity. Scarcely, how- 
ever, had he ascended the pontifical throne 
than, weary of his dignity, he began to long 
for his former solitude, and to cast about for 
some way of vacating his ofiice. 

' Negli anni di Cristo 1994 del mese di Luglio, 
essendo stata vacata la Cluesa di Roma dopo la 
morte di papa Niccola piii di due anni, per db- 
cordia de' cardinali ch'erano partiti, e ciascuna 
setta volea papa uno di loro, essendo i cardinali 
in Perugia . . . furono in concordia di non chiamare 
niuno di loro coUegio, e elessono uno santo uomo, 
ch' avea nome frate Piero dal Morrone d'Abnizxi. 
Questi era romito e d'aspra vita e penitenzia, e 



[144] 



Celestino V 



Celestino V 



per Usciare la vanitii del mondo . . . se n'and6 a 
(are penitenzia nella montagna del Morrone, la 
quale ^ sopra Sermona. Questi eletto e fatto 
venire e coronato papa, per riformare la Chiesa 
fcce di Settembre vegnente dodici cardinal! . . . 
ma perch6 egli era semplice e non litterato, e delle 
pompe del mondo non si travagliava volentieri, 
i cardinali il pregiavano poco, e parea loro che 
a utile e stato della Chiesa avere fatta mala ele- 
zione. II detto santo padre aweggendosi di ci6, 
e non aentendosi sofiSciente al governamento della 
Chiesa, come quegli che piii amava di servire a Dio 
e I'utile di sua anima che Tonore mondano, cercava 
ogni via come potesse rinunziare il papato/ 
(ViUani, viii 5.) 

According to the current belief, which was 
shared by D. (Inf. xix. ;6), Celestine's abdica- 
tion was brought about by the crafty Benedetto 
Gaetani, who a few days after, through the 
interest of Charles II of Naples, secured his 
own election, and became Pope as Bonifiace 
VIII:— 

* Intra gli altri cardinali della corte era uno 
messer Benedetto Guatani d'Alagna molto savio 
di scrittura, e delle cose del mondo molto pratico 
e sagace, il quale aveva grande volontii di per- 
venire alia dignita papale, e quello con ordine 
avea cercato e procacciato col re Carlo e co' 
cardinali, e giii aveva da loro la promessa, la quale 
poi gli venne fatta. Questi si mise dinanzi al santo 
padre, sentendo ch* egli avea voglia di rinunziare 
il papato, ch' egli facesse una nuova decretale, che 
per utilitk della sua anima ciascuno papa potesse 
Q papato rinunziare, mostrandogli I'esemplo di 
santo Clemente, che quando santo Pietro venne 
a morte, lasci6 ch* appresso lui fosse papa ; e 
quegli per utile di sua anima non voile essere . . . 
e cosi come il consigli6 il detto cardinale, fcce 
papa Celestino il detto decreto ; e ci6 fatto, il di 
di santa Lucia di Dicembre vegnente, fatto con- 
cestoro di tutti i cardinali, in loro presenza si 
trasse la corona e il manto papale, e rinunzi6 il 
papato, e partissi della corte, e tornossi ad essere 
eremita, e a fare sua penitenzia. £ cosi regn6 
nel papato cinque mesi e nove di papa Celestino.' 
(Vill. viii. 5.) — *Vero ^ che molti dicono, che il 
detto cardinide gli venne una notte segretamente 
con una tromba a capo al letto, et chiamollo tre 
volte, ove Papa Celestino gli rispose, et disse, 
Chi sei tu? Rispose quel dalla tromba, lo sono 
Tangel da Iddio mandato a te come suo divoto 
servo ; et da parte sua ti dico che tu abbia piii 
cara ranima tua che le pompe di questo mondo, 
et subito si parti. Di che Papa Celestino non 
rest6 ch' egli rinunti6.' {Ptcorong, xiii. a.) 

In order to secure himself from any attempt 
at opposition on the part of Celestine, Boniface 
put him in prison, where he died in 1296. He 
was canonized a few years later (in 13 13) by 
Clement V. [Bonifazio^.] 

Celestine is alluded to as the predecessor of 
Boniface VIII, in connexion with his abdica- 
tion, Inf. xxvii. 105 ; and according to the 
most general opinion (dating from the earliest 
commentators) he is the person indicated by 
D. as ' colui Che fece per viltate il gran rifiuto,' 



whose shade he saw among the souls of those 
* Che visscr senza infamia e senza lodo,' and 
who were not worthy to enter Hell, Inf. iii. 36,' 
59-60. It has been objected to this identifica- 
tion that D. would hardly have condemned so 
severely one whom the Church regarded and 
honoured as a saint ; but this objection does 
not hold good inasmuch as, though Celestine 
was canonized in 131 3, the decree of canoniza- 
tion was not made public until 1328, during 
the pontificate of John XXII, seven years 
after D.*s death, as is recorded by Villani : — 

' Nel detto anno 1398, papa Giovanni co* suoi 
cardinali appo la cittii di Vignone in Proenza, ov' 
era lo corte, canonizz6 santo Pietro di Murrone, il 
quale fu papa Celestino quinto.* (x. 89.) 

This point is noted by Boccaccio, who 
says: — 

* Quando Tautore entr6 in questo cammino . . . 
questo san Piero non era ancora canon izzato . . . 
fu canonizzato molti anni dopo, ciod al tempo di 
papa Giovanni vegesimo secondo : e per6 infino a 
quel dl che canonizzato fu, fu lecito a ciascuno di 
crederne quello che piii gli piacesse, siccome d di 
ciascuna cosa che della chiesa determinata non 
sia.' 

It must be borne in mind that by his abdi- 
cation Celestine rendered himself in D.'s eyes 
a traitor to mankind, in that he betrayed the 
sacred office of the ' summus pontifex, qui 
secundum revelata humanum g^enus perduceret 
ad vitam aeternam* (Mon. iii. 16"^^"^); that 
he for the time being extinguished all hopes of 
a reform in the Church ; and finally, that he 
had left the way open for D.'s bitterest enemy, 
Boniface VI II. What D. stigmatizes as coward- 
ice the Church chose to regard as humility, 
but as Milman remarks : — 

* Assuredly there was no magnanimity contemp- 
tuous of the Papal greatness in the abdication of 
Celestine ; it was the weariness, the conscious in- 
efficiency, the regret of a man suddenly wrenched 
from all his habits, pursuits, and avocations, and 
unnaturally compelled or tempted to assume an 
uncongenial dignity. It was the cry of passionate 
feebleness to be released from an insupportable 
burden.' 

Of the old commentators, Pietro di Dante 
seems to have no doubt that Celestine is in- 
tended : — 

' Inter quos nominat fratrem Petrum de Murrono, 
ut credo, qui dictus est Papa Celestinus V ; qui 
possendo ita esse sanctus et spiritualis in papatu 
sicut in eremo, papatui, qui est sedes Christi, 
pusillanimiter renuntiavit.' 

The rest are almost unanimously of the 
same opinion, but most of them mention Esau 
as an alternative. Benvenuto, on the other 
band, energetically maintains that D. could 
not have meant Celestine, since his abdi- 
cation was an act, not of cowardice, but of 
noble self-renunciation ; his own opinion is 



[146] 



Centauri 



Ceperano 



that the reference is to Esau, but he adds that 
if D. did mean Celestine it was through 
ignorance that he was a holy man, and because 
he made way for Boniface VIII : — 

' Certe communis et vulgaris fere omnium opinio 
esse videtur, quod autor noster hie loquatur de 
Celestino . . . sed, quicquid dicatur, mihi videtur 
quod autor nullo modo loquatur nee loqui possit 
de Celestino. Primo, quia lieet Celestinus fecerit 
maximam renuntiationem, non tamen ex vilitate, 
imo ex magnanimitate ; fuit enim Celestinus, si 
verum loqui volumus, vere magnanimus; magn- 
animus ante papatum, in papatu, et post papatum. 
. . . Quis ergo fuit iste tristissimus ? Dieo breviter 
. . . quod fuit Esau: iste enim feeit magnam 
refutationem quando renuneiavit omnia primo- 
genita sua fratri suo Jaeob . . . ista fuit maxima 
renunciatio; nam ex primogenitura Isaac patris 
eorum deseensunis erat Christus. ... Si tamen 
quis velit omnino resistere, et dicere autorem 
intellexisse de Celestino . . . pro excusatione 
autoris dicam quod nondum erat sibi nota sanctitas 
hominis. . . . Praeterea autor erat iratus Bonifacio, 
autori exilii et expulsionis ejus. Qui Celestinus 
donaverat sponte Bonifacio summum pontificatum.' 

Fazio degli Uberti in the Dttiamondo (written 
before 1360) names Celestine as being in Hell, 
evidently in allusion to this passage of the 
D. C. :— 

*Tra lor cosl per cattivo si danna 
II mtsero Giovanni lor Delfino, 
Che rifiat6 Tonor di tanta manna. 

Come h in inferno papa Celestino.* (iv. ai.) 

Among the various persons suggested by 
modern commentators are Diocletian, the 
Roman Emperor who abdicated ; Augustulus, 
the last Roman Emperor of the West ; Giano 
della Bella ; and Vieri de' Cerchi, the incap- 
able head of the Florentine Bianchi. (See 
Barlow, II gran Rifiutd), 

Centauriy Centaurs, mythical race, half 
horses and half men ; they are said to have 
been the offspring of Ixion, King of the 
Lapithae, and a cloud in the shape of Hera, 
hence D., who introduces them as examples of 
gluttony in Circle VI of Purgatory, refers to 
them as * i maladetti Nei nuvoli formati,' Purg. 
xxiv. 1 2 1-2 ; their fight with the Lapithae and 
Theseus at the wedding of Pirithoiis, their 
half-brother, and Hippodame, is alluded to, 
w, 122-3 [Gk)lo8i: TeseoJ. D. got the story 
from Ovid : — 

fDuring the wedding-feast the Centaur Eurytus, 
inflamed with wine, attempts to carry off the bride, 
while his companions seize the other women.] 

' Dnxerat Hippodamen andad Ixione natua, 
Nubif^naaqae feros, positit ex ordine mensia, 
Arboribus tecto diacnmbere jusserat antro . . . 
Ecce cannnt hymenaeon, et ignibus atria famant ; 
Cinctaque adest vir?o matram, nuniumque caterva, 
Praesignis facie; felicem diximos ilia 
Conjure PirithoOm : qnod paene fefellimoa omen. 
Nam tibi, saevonun saevisiiime Centauronim 
Euryte, quam vino pectus, tam virgine visa 
Ardet ; et ebrietas geminata libidine regnat. 
Protinoa eversae turbant convivia menaae; 
Raptatorque comia per vim nova nupta prehenaia. 



Ear3rtii8 Hippodamen, alii, qnam qoiaqne probabant 
Aat poterant, rapiont/ 

[Theseus rescues Hippodame and the fight 
becomes general.] 

• " Quae te vecordia," Theaena, 
"Enryte, pnlsat,** ait, "qni, me vivente laoeaaaa 
Pirithodm, violes^ne daos ignama in nno?** 
Neve ea magnanimoa frastra memoraverit heroa, 
Sabmovet instantea, raptamqne furentibos aofeit.* 

[In the sequel, after a bloody conflict, the 
Centaurs are defeated.] {Metatn. xii. aio fil) 

D. places the Centaurs as guardians of the 
Tyrants and Murderers in Round i of Circle 
VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 56; fiere snelle^ v. 76; 
they are armed with bows and arrows (w. 56, 
60), and shoot any of the spirits who attempt 
to evade their punishment (w. 73-5) ; three of 
them, Chiron, Nessus, and Pholus, advance 
from the troop (w. 59-60) ; Nessus threatens 
D. and Virgil (w. 61-3), but is rebuked by 
the latter (w. 64-6), who explains to D. who 
they are {w. 67-72), and requests Chiron to 
give them an escort {w, 91-6) ; Chiron sends 
Nessus with them, who points out the different 
sinners to them as they go along {w, 97-139) 
[Chirone: Folo: Nesso: Violent!]. 

Elsewhere D. refers to the Centaurs as ' the 
brothers of Cacus,' Inf. xxv. 28. [Caoo.] 

The Centaurs, with their semi-bestial form, 
typify the sins of bestiality (Inf. xi. 83). Ben- 
venuto regards them as representative of the 
foreign mercenaries (' stipendiarii,' the 'con- 
dottieri ' of later times), who were beginning to 
overrun Italy: — 

' Isti centauri figuraliter sunt stipendiarii, et viri 
militares praedatores . . . proh dolor! in haec 
tempora infelicitas mea me deduxit,- ut viderem 
hodie miseram Italiam plenam barbaris socialibus 
omnium nationum. Hie enim sunt Anglici sanguinei, 
Alemanni furiosi, Britones bruti, Vascones rapaces, 
Hungari immundu' 

Centaur Oy Centaur ; of Nessus, Inf. xii. 
61, 104, 115, 129 [NesBo]; of Cacus (who was 
not properly speaking a Centaur), Inf. xxv. 17 
[Caco]. 

Ceperano, town in Latium on the banks of 
the Lins (branch of the Garigliano), which 
there forms part of the frontier between the 
Papal States and the kingdom of Naples. 

D. mentions C. in allusion to the betrayal of 
Manfred by the Apulians just before the fatal 
battle of Benevento (Feb. 26, I26f ), Inf. xxviii. 
16-7. 

Hearing of the approach of Charles of 
Anjou, Manfred directed all his energies to the 
defence of the passes into his kingdom. At 
the point called the bridge of Ceperano, where 
the road cros^s the Liris, he posted the Count 
Giordano, and his relative, the Count of 
Caserta ; the latter, however, turned traitor (in 
revenge, it is said, for a private wrong), and 
abandoned the pass, leaving Charles to advance 
unopposed : — 



[146] 



Cephas 



Cerohi 



* Lo re Manfredi sentendo la venuta del detto 

Carlo, e poi della sua gente . . . incontanente mise 

tutto suo studio alia guardia de' passi del Regno, 

e al passo al ponte a Cepperano mise il conte 

Giordano e quello di Caserta . . . con gente assai 

A pi6 e a cavallo. . . . Awenne che, giunto il re 

Carlo con sua oste a Fresolone in Campagna, 

scendendo verso Cepperano, il detto conte Giordano 

che a quello passo era a guardia, vcggendo venire 

la gente del re per passare, voile difendere il 

passo ; il conte di Caserta disse ch' era meglio a 

lasciame prima alquanti passare, si gli avrebbono 

di la dal passo sanza colpo di spada. II conte, 

quando vide ingrossare la gente, ancora voile 

assalirli con battaglia ; allora il conte di Caserta, il 

quale era nel trattato, disse che la battaglia era di 

gran rischio, imperciocch^ troppi n' erano passatL 

Allora il conte Giordano veggendo si possente la 

gente del re, abbandonarono la terra e il ponte, 

dii dice per paura, ma i piii dissono per lo trattato 

iatto dal re al conte di Caserta, imperciocch' egli 

Jion amava Manfredi . . . e voile Care questa 

'Vendetta col detto tradimento. £ a questo diamo 

/ede, perocch^ furono de* primi egli e' suoi che 

s'arrenderono al re Carlo, e lasciato Cepperano, 

ion tornaro all' oste del re Manfredi a san Ger- 

vnano, ma si tenncro in loro castella.' (Villani, 

D. implies that there was a battle at Cepe- 
raiio, but as a matter of fact no engagement 
took place at the bridge ; he has perhaps con- 
ftised what happened there with the action at 
Sa.zi Germano, which was besieged and taken 
a- few days later ( Vill. vii. 6) ; or possibly, since 
tHe context seems to point to an engagement 
i^K^ vhich there was great loss of life, his words 
(taJcen somewhat loosely) refer to the decisive 
^^^ttle at Benevento itself, during which, at 
^ critical moment, as Villani relates : — 

U maggiore parte de' baroni pugliesi, e del 
Kegno, . . . o per viltii di cuore, o veggendo a loro 
Avere il peggiore, e chi disse per tradimento, . . • 
si lallirono a Manfredi, abbandonandolo e fuggen- 
dosi.' ^vii. 9.) [Benevento : Manfredi.] 

Cephas (a Syriac word, answering to the 
Greek Peter, and signifying a rockj, name 
given by Christ to Simon : — 

' When Jesus beheld Simon, he said, Thou art 
Simon the son of Jona : thou shalt be called 
Cephas, which is by interpretation, A stone.' (John 
L 4a.) 

St. Peter Damian (in the Heaven of Saturn) 
contrasts the simplicity of St. Peter (whom he 
calls by the name of Cephas) and St. Paul 
with the luxury of the prelates of his day, Par. 
xxL 127-8 [Pietroi]. 

Cepperano. [Ceperanc] 

CerberOy Cerberus, huge dog-like monster, 
with three he^ds, who guarded the entrance to 
the infernal regions ; the last and most difficult 
of the twelve labours of Hercules was to bring 
Cerberus into the upper world, which he ac- 



complished by putting the monster in a chain 
and carrying him off. 

D., taking C. as the type of gluttony, places 
him as guardian of Circle III of Hell, where 
the Gluttonous are punished, Inf. vi. 13 ; ^era 
crudele e diversa^ ^» ^3 ; il ^an vemto, v, 22 ; 
iUmonio^ v. 32 ; he is described as a cruel and 
uncouth brute, with three heads, scarlet eyes, 
a greasy black beard, a huge belly, and paws 
armed with nails, with which he claws and 
rends the spirits under his charge {w, 13-18), 
while he deafens them with his barking {w. 
32-3) [Qolosi] ; when he catches sight of D. 
and Virgil, he shows his tusks at them, but V. 
appeases him by throwing handfuls of earth 
down his throats (w. 22-31). The incident 
is imitated from Virgil : — 

'Cerberus haec ingens latrato regna trifauci 
Personat, adverso recobans inmanis in antro. 
Cui vates, horrere videns jam colla colubria, 
Melle soporatam et inedicatis fruj^bus offam 
Objicit. Ille fame rabida tria fpittara pandens 
Corripit objectain, at^ue inmania ter^a resolvit 
Fusus humi, totoque ingens eztendftur antra* 

{Aen. vi. 417-23.) 

The heavenly messenger at the gate of Dis 
mentions C. as having had 'his chin and 
throat peeled,' in allusion to his having been 
chained and carried off to the upper world 
by Hercules, Inf. ix. 98-9: — 

'Tartareom ille (Alddes) manu cnatodem in vinda 

pctiyit, 
Ipaioa a solio re|^ traxitque trementem.* 

i^en. vi. 395-6.) 

Cerchiy wealthy Florentine family of low 
origin, who originally came from Acone, a small 
village in the neighbourhood of Florence ; in 
1 21 5, when Florence was divided into Guelfs 
and Ghibellines, they espoused the cause of 
the former, and were already at that date 
rising into prominence; subsequently, when 
the Florentine Guelfs split up into Bianchi and 
Neri, by which time they were wealthy mer- 
chants, and very powerful in the commercial 
world, they became the leaders of the former, 
while the Donati, who were -of noble origin, 
headed the Neri. Villani, whose father was 
a partner in the house of Cerchi, and who 
acted as their agent in England, says 7 — 

* Nel sesto di porte san Piero furono de' nobili 
g^elfi gli Adimari, i Visdomini, i Donati, i Pazzi 
. . . e gi^ i Cerchi cominciavano a salire in istato, 
tutto fossono mercatanti.' (v. 39.) — 'Erano di 
grande afiare, e possenti, e di grandi parentadi, 
e ricchissimi mercatanti, che la loro compag^ia era 
delle maggiori del mondo ; uomini erano morbid! 
e innocenti, salvatichi e ingrati, siccome genti 
venuti di piccolo tempo iu grande stato e podere.' 
(viii. 39.) 

The Cerchi are mentioned by Cacciaguida 
(in the Heaven of Mars), who laments the 
extension of the city of Florence, which brought 
them from their original home at Acone within 
its walls. Par. xvi. 65 [Aoone ^] ; he alludes 
to their residence in the Porta san Piero, where 



[U7] 



L2 



Cerere 



Ceryia 



the Ravignani, the ancestors of the Conti 
Guidi (whose palace the Cerchi bought in 
1280), dwelt in his time, and speaks of them as 

* nuova fellonia di tan to peso, Che tosto fia 
jattura della barca,' in reference to their up- 
start origin, and to tht ruin which the Bianchi 
and Neri feuds were destined to bring upon 
the city (vz/. 94-8) [Guidi, Conti: Bavi- 
gnani]. 

In reference to the Cerchi as leaders of the 
Bianchi, the latter are called by Ciacco (in 
Circle III of Hell) Ma parte selvaggia/ i.e. 
the rustic (the Cerchi having only recently 
come into the city from the country), and 
hence boorish, savage, party (just as Villani 
calls them ' salvatichi,' and speaks of their 

* bizarra salvatichezza *), Inf. vi. 65 [Bianohi]. 

After their purchase of the palace of the 
Conti Guidi (Vill. iv. 11) the Cerchi became 
the near neighbours of the more ancient but 
less wealthy Donati, and in consequence great 
jealousy, endine in a deadly feud, arose be- 
tween the two nouses, which led to constant 
breaches of the peace in Florence. The 
degree of jealousy and suspicion with which 
they regarded each other may be gathered 
from the following incident, related by Dino 
Compagni : — 

' Intervenne, che una famiglia che si chiamavano 
i Cerchi (uomini di basso stato, ma buoni mercatanti 
e gran ricchi, e vestiano bene, e teneano molti 
famigli e cavagli, e aveano bella apparenza), alcuni 
di loro comprorono il palagio de* conti (Guidi), 
che era presso alle case de* Pazzi e de* Donati, 
i quali erono piu antichi di sangue, ma non si 
ricchi : onde, veggendo i Cerchi salire in altezza 
(avendo murato e cresciuto il palazzo, e tenendo 
gran vita\ cominciorono avere i Donati grande 
odio contro a loro. . . . Di che si gener6 molto 
scandalo e pericolo per la citta e per speziali 
persone. . . . Essendo molti cittadini uno giomo, 
per scppellire una donna morta, alia piazza de' 
Frescobaldi, essendo Tuso della terra a simili 
raunate i cittadini sedcre basso in su stuoie di 
giunchi, c i cavalieri e dottori su alto in sulle 
panchc, essendo a sedere i Donati e i Cerchi in 
terra (quelli che non erano cavalieri). Tuna parte 
al dirempetto all* altra, uno, o per racconciarsi 
i panni o per altra cagione, si Iev6 ritto. Gli 
awersari anche. per sospctto, si levomo, e missino 
mano alle spade ; gli altri feciono il simile : e 
vcnnono alia zufTa : gli altri uomini che v* erano 
insieme, li tramezzorono, e non gli lasciomo 
azzuflare. . . . Non si potd tanto amortare, che alle 
case de' Cerchi non andasse molta gente ; la quale 
volentieri sarcbbe ita a ritrovare i Donati se none 
che alcuni de* Cerchi non lo consent).* (i. ao.) 

Cerere, Ceres, daughter of Saturn and 
Rhea, and sister of Jupiter, by whom she 
became the mother of Proserpme. Jupiter, 
without her knowledge, had promised her 
daughter to Pluto, the god of the lower world, 
and while Proserpine was gathering flowers 
near Enna in Sicily, *she herself, a fairer flower. 



was plucked ' by the infernal god, and carried 
off to the lower regions. After wandering 
many days in search of her daughter C. learnt 
from the Sun that Pluto had carried her off; 
whereupon she quitted Olympus in anger and 
came to dwell on earth among men, becoming 
the protectress of agriculture. 

D. mentions her as goddess of Com, Conv. 
ii. 5^3-4 . and alludes to her as the mother of 
Proserpine, to whom he compares Matilda, as 
she appeared to him gathering flowers upon 
the banks of the river LethS, Purg.xxviii. 49-51 
[Matelda: Proserpina]. The description is 
taken from Ovid : — 

* Hand procnl Hennaeis laciu eat a moeniboa altae 
Nomine Per{[;a8 aqaae : . . . 

Silva coronat aquaa^dngens latas omae; saiaqne 
Prondiboa, at velo, Phoebeoa aobmovet ictaa. 
Prigrora dant rami, Tyrioa hnmoa bnmida floreai 
Perpetanm ver eat ; qao dam Proaerpina Inoo 
Laait, et aot violaa, aat Candida lilia cax|>it, 
Daraqoe paellari atadio calathoaque ainomqae 
tmplet, et aeqoalea certat aaperare lqi;endcL 
Paene aimal viaa eat, dilectaqae, raptaqoe I>iti; 
Uaqae adeo properatar amorl Dea territa maeato 
£t matrem, et coroitea, aed matrem aaepiaa, ore 
Clamat; et, ot aamma veatem lani&rat ab oia, 
Collecti florea tantda ceddere remiaaia. 
Tantaqoe nmplidtaa paeriliboa adfait annia, 
Haec qaoqoe virgineam movit jactara dolorem.* 

(Aftiam. V. 385-401.) 

Certaldo, village in Tuscany, in the Val 
d'Elsa, about seven miles from Poggibonsi 
on the road between Florence and Siena; 
mentioned, together with Campi and Figltne^ 
by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who 
laments the inmiigration into Florence of in- 
habitants frt)m these places, and the consequent 
debasement of the Florentine character. Par. 
xvi. 50. [Campi.] 

Benvenuto sees a special allusion to a cer- 
tain Jacobo da Certaldo, one of the Priors of 
Florence, who, when the Podestli threatened 
to resign, insolently asked him if he thought 
he was the only person who could govern 
Florence, and coolly himself assumed the office 
of Podestk : — 

* Hoc dixit autor propter quemdam dominum 
Jacobum de Certaldo, qui fuit tantae temeritatts, 
quod cum Potestas Florentiae ex certo casu miua- 
retur se depositurum sceptrum, iste, qui tunc erat 
de prioribus, arroganter respondit : Nonne credas 
quod sit alius sdens regere terrain istam? £t 
continuo assumpta virga Potestatis, accessit ad 
palatium Potestatis et coepit sedere ad bancum ad 
jura reddenda ; et hoc fedt aliquot diebus/ 

Certaldo was the residence of Boccaccio, and 
Benvenuto, who calls him 'venerabilis prae- 
ceptor meus/ takes this opportunity of singing 
the praises of the author of the Decamerone, 

Cervia, small town in the Emilia (in the 
old Romagna) on the Adriatic, about twelve 
miles S. of Ravenna ; it was a place of some 
importance in the Middle Ages, as enjoying 
a salt monopoly, which appears to have 
yielded a considerable revenue. Benvenuto 
says : — 



[148] 



Cesare 



Cesare 



' Habet haec dvitas praerogativam salis*; uude 
cardinalis ostiensis dominus Bononiae et Roman- 
dioUe erat solitus dicere : Plus habemus de Cerviola 
pftivula, quam de tola Romandiola.' 

In answer to an inquiry from Guido da 
Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell) as to the condition of Romagna, D. in- 
forms him that the Polenta family, who had 
long been lords of Ravenna (since 1270), were 
at that time (in 1300) also lords of Cervia, 
Inf. xxvii. 40-2. 

Philalethes states that in 1292 Bernardino 
Polenta, a brother of Francesca da Rimini, 
was Podestk of Cervia, while another brother, 
' Ostasio Polenta, was Podestk of Ravenna. 
The lord of Ravenna at the time D. was 
speaking was Guido Vecchio da Polenta 
(d. 1 3 10), father of Francesca da Rimini, and 
grandfiither of Guido Novello, D.'s future host 
of Ravenna. Cervia subsequently passed into 
the hands of the Malatesta of Rimini. [Mala- 
testa: Polenta.] 

Cesare ^, Caius Julius Caesar (bom B.c. 100), 
according to D.*s theory, the first of the Roman 
Emperors; he was Consul in 59, conquered 
Gaul and invaded Britain between 58 and 
49 (in which year he passed the Rubicon 
and marched on Rome), and subsequently de- 
feated Pompey*s lieutenants in Spain; in 48 
he crossed over to Greece and defeated 
Pompey at Pharsalia, and pursuing him into 
^SyP^ ^tcr his death, made war upon 
Ptolemy in 47 ; in 46 he defeated Scipio and 
Juba in Africa at Thapsus, and in the next 
year crossed over to Spain and defeated 
Pompey's sons at Munda; in the autumn of 
45 he returned in triumph to Rome, where in 
the following spring (March 15, 44) he was 
assassinated by Brutus and Cassius. 

D. places Caesar, whom he represents as 

armed and as having the eyes of a hawk 

(* fuisse traditur . . . nigris vegetisque oculis,' 

says Suetonius), among the great heroes of 

antjjgoity in Umbo, in company with the 

'Trojan warriors Hector and Aeneas (the 

pythical founder of the Roman Empire), Inf. 

'V. i23>3 [Limbo] ; he is mentioned in con- 

'iQtion with his crossing the Rubicon, Inf. 

jl^iii. 98 ; Epist. vii. 4 [Curio : Rubicon] ; 

Iiis c^unpaign in Spain against Pompey's lieu- 

tenax^its, A&anius and Petreius, Purg. xviii. 

loi [Herda]; the belief that he had been 

Ruilty of sodomy, Purg. xxvi. 77 (see Mow) ; 

bs 'Victories in Gaul, Spain, Greece, and 

Hgypr, Par. vi. 57-72 [Aquila ^ J ; bis victory 

at T'bapsus, Conv. iii. 5^23; Mon. ii. 5^®^ 

[Cttt^Kiie '] ; his office as * first supreme 

prince ' (Le. Emperor of Rome), Conv. iv. 5^^ ; 

caUed Julius by Virgil (in his first speech to 

B.), IdL i. 70 [Julius] ; alluded to (by 

St TTiomas Aquinas in the Heaven of the 

San), in connexion with the story of the fisher- 



man Amyclas, as Co/ui cK a tutto it mondo 
fi* paura, Par. xi. 69 ; and mentioned in the 
same connexion, Conv. iv. i3ii«-i9 [Aml- 
olate]. 

In the passage, Purg. xxvi. 77-8, D. alludes to 
an incident which is said to have taken place 
during one of Caesar's triumphs, when he was 
greeted by the crowd with shouts of * Regina,' 
in allusion to the common belief that whUe in 
Bithynia he bad committed sodomy with King 
Nicomedes. The Anonimo Fiorentino says : — 

*Poi che Cesare ebbe vinta Tultima battafj^lia contro a* 
fif^liuoli di Pompeo appreaso a Monda . . . torn6 a Roma, 
dove gli fiaron tatti anque trianfi; et per6 che lecito era 




ndoeii il vizio di sodomita, 11 qui 
avea osato in loi il re di Bitinia.* 

Suetonius, in his life of Caesar, in a chapter 

headed De pudicitia ejus prostrata apud Ntcomedent 

^g****i gives the following account : — 

*Padicitiae Caesaria (amam nihil quidem praeter Nico- 
medis contabemiam laesit, gravi tamcn et perenni opprobrio^ 
et ad omnium convicia exposito. Omitto Calvi Licinii 
notissiroos versus, Bithynia qnicqnid et paedicator Caesaris 
unqnam habnit. rraetereo actiones Doiabellae, et Cnrionis 
patris, in quibua eum Dolabella pellicem reg^nae spondam 
mteriorem re?iae lecticae, et Curio stabulum Nicomedis, et 
bithynionm romicem dicunt. Missa etiam facio edicta 
Bibuli, quibus proscripsit coUegara suum bithynicam reginam 
dqne r^em antea fuisse cordi, nunc esse regnum. Quo 
tempore, ut M. Brutus refert, Octavius etiam quidam vali- 
tudine mentis liberius dicax conventu maximo, quum Pom- 
peium regem appellasset, ipsum reginam salutavit. . . . 
Gallico denique tnumpho milites ejus mter caetera cannina 
qualia currum prosequentes joculariter canunt, etiam vulga- 
ttssimum illud pronunciaverunt, 

Gallias Caesar sube|^t, Nicomedes Caesarem. 
Ecce Caesar nunc tnumphat, qui subeeit Gallias, 
Nicomedes non triurophat qui subegit Caesarem.* 

The commentators suppose that D.,who speaks 
of Caesar's having been greeted as ' Regina ' 
during a triumph, confused the two incidents 
referred to by Suetonius, viz. his being saluted as 
* Regina' in a public assembly, and his being 
mocked by his soldiers during a triumph on ac- 
count of his supposed unnatural intercourse with 
Nicomedes. D.'s authority, however, was probably 
not Suetonius, but the Magnae Dtrivationes of 
Uguccione da Pisa, whose version of the incident, 
given under the word triumphus, exactly agrees 
with that of D. : — 

'In ilia die licebat cnilibet dicere in personam trium- 
phantis Quicquid vellet: unde Caesari tnumphanti fertur 
quidam aixisse ctun deberet inouci in civitatem: Aperite 
portas regi calvo et reginae Bitiniae, volens significare quod 
calvus erat et quod succuba extiterat regis Bitiniae. Et 
alius de eodem vitio : Ave rex et regina ! * 

D. was well acquainted with this work of 
Uguccione, of which he made considerable use, 
and which he quotes by name in the Canvtvio 
(iv. 6*^), [Ug:ucoione*.] 

D. consistently regards Julius Caesar as the 
first of the Roman Emperors, hence he ad- 
dresses Henry VII of Luxemburg as * Caesaris 
successor,' £pist. vii. i ; and it is as traitors to 
Caesar, the representative of the highest civil 
authority (*primo principe sommo,' Conv. iv. 
5^^^), that he condemns Brutus and Cassius to 
the lowest pit of Hell, along with Tudas, the 
betrayer of the representative of the highest 
spiritual authority. [Bruto -.'\ 



[149] 



Cesare 



Chiana 



Cesare ^, Caesar, appellative of the Roman 
Emperors, applied by D. to the sovereigns of the 
Holy Roman Empire as well ; of Frederick II, 
Inf. xiii. 65; V. E. i. 1221 [Federico^] ; of 
Albert I, Purg. iv. 92, 1 14 [Alberto Tedesool ; 
of Henry VII, Epist. v. 2 ; vi. 5,^«. [Arrlgo''*] ; 
of the Roman Emperor in general, Par. i. 29 ; 
xyi. 59; Mon. iii. 16^^*; Epist. v. 3, 5, 9; 
vii. I ; of Justinian, Par. vi. 10 [OiiiBtiniano] ; 
of Tiberius, who, as having succeeded Julius 
Caesar and Augustus, is called ii terzo Cesare^ 
Par.vi.86; Mon.ii. 13*^ ; Epist. v. 10 [Tiberio] ; 
of Julius Caesar, Mon. ii: ^^^ ; Epist. vii. i, 4 
CeBare^]; of Augustus, Mon. li. ^^^"^^ I2*» 
^Augusto^j ; of Nero, Mon. iii. I2**» *"'» *o» *8 
'Neronej. 

D. lays great stress on the fact that to the 
Roman Emperor, in the person of his represen- 
tative, Pontius Pilate, was granted the glory of 
satisfying the divine justice (Par. vi. 88-90), since 
by the crucifixion of Christ the wrath of God on 
account of the sin of Adam was appeased (Par. vii. 
40-48). The argument is developed in the Dt 
Monorchia : — 

* Si Romanoin imperiam de jure non fait, peccatmn Adae 
in Christo non foit punittun. ... Si er^ sub ordinario 
jndic« Christ OS passas non fuiaset, ilia poena panitio non 
foisset; et jadex ordinarias esse non poterat, nisi snpra 
totum hamanum genus jurisdictionem habeas. ... EC 
snpra totnm hnmanum genus Tiberius Caesar, cujns vicarins 
erat Pilatus, jurisdictionem non habuisset, nisi Ronianum 
imperiam de jure fuisset.* (ii. 13 *"***.) 

Cesena], town of N. Italy in the Emilia (in 
the old Komagna), on the Savio, midway 
between Forll and Rimini, at the foot of the 
hills belonging to the Etruscan Apennine 
range. 

In answer to an inquiry from Guido da Monte- 
feltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) as to 
the condition of Romagna, D. refers to Cesena 
as the city ' a cui il Savio bagna il fianco,' and 
remarks that, just as it is placed between hill 
and plain, so it has alternate experience of 
tyranny and freedom. Inf. xxvii. 52-4. 

Cesena, about the time of which D. is speak- 
ing (1300), appears to have been to a certain 
extent independent. Galasso da Montefeltro 
(cousin of Guido) was Captain and Podesti 
in 1289, suid Podest^ again in 1299; on his 
death in 1300 Ciapettino degli Ubertini be- 
came Podestk, while Uguccione della Fagg^iuola 
and Federigo da Montefeltro (Guido's son) 
were Captains, but they were driven out in the 
following year. In 1314 the lordship of the 
town was assumed by Malatestino, lord of 
Rimini. 

Chermontesi. [Chiaramontesi.] 

Cherubi, Cherubim (in rime for Cherubini^ 
coupled with Serafi for Serafini), Par. xxviii. 
99 (: dubi : ubi). [Cherubini.] 

Cherubini, Cherubim ; Guido da Monte- 
feltro says that on his death St. Francis 
claimed him, but that he was carried off to Hell 



by a devil, one of the black Cherubim, and 
thrust into Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII (Malebolge), 
Inf. xxvii. 1 12-14. The commentators point 
out that, as the Cherubim preside over the 
eighth Heaven (se€ below\ so the fallen mem- 
bers of that order are appropriately put in 
charge of the eighth Circle of HelL 

Beatrice (in the Crystalline Heaven) men- 
tions the Cherubim, in her exposition of the 
arrangement of the Angelic Hierarchies, as 
ranking second in the first Hierarchy, the 
Seraphim rankinc^ first of all. Par. xxviii. 98-9 
(df. Conv. ii. 6*^*) [Qerarohia] ; they^ con- 
template the second Person of the Trinity, 
God the Son, Conv. ii. 6^^"^ ; they preside over 
Uie Heaven of the Fixed Stars. [Faradiflo 1.] 

The Cherubim were said to excel in know- 
ledge, the Seraphim in ardour ; as these were 
respectively the characteristics of the two orders 
of St Dominic and St. Francis, the Dominicans 
being more especially distinguished by their 
attention to doctrine, the Franciscans by their 
good works, a parallel was established between 
the two angelic and the two monastic orders. 
St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven df the 
Sun) alludes to this when he says of St. Francis 
and St. Dominic (Par. xi. 37-9] : — 



*L*un fn tntto serafico in ardoi 



re, 

L'altro per sapiensa in terra rae 
Di cherubica Inoe nno splendore.* 

[Domenloanl.] 

Chiana, river in Tuscany, noted in D.'s 
time for the sluggishness of its stream ; the 
silting up of its b^d turned the whole Valdi- 
chiana into a malarious swamp, which was 
a byword for its unhealthiness. At the begin- 
ning of the present century the valley was 
drained, and the river converted into a canal, 
connecting the Amo (at a point close to Arezzo) 
with the Lago di Chiusi and the Paglia (a tribu- 
tary of the Tiber), which it enters a little N. of 
Orvieto. The Chiana is remarkable as having 
entirely changed the direction of its current ; 
formerly the stream flowed S. towards the 
Tiber, now it runs in the reverse direction 
towards the Ama 

D., referring to its sluggishness, says that 
the dancing of the two garlands of stars in the 
Heaven of the Sun as greatly surpassed such 
dancing as we are accustomed to, as the 
motion of the Primum Mobile, the most swiftly 
revolving of the Heavens, surpasses that of the 
Chiana, Par. xiii. 22-4. [Mobile Frimo.] 

D. mentions the Valdichiana, the district 
between Arezzo, Cortona, Montepulciano, and 
Chiusi, and alludes to the crowded state of its 
hospitals in the month of August on account 
of Its unhealthiness, coupling it with the 
malarious Maremma of Tuscany and the low- 
lands of Sardinia, Inf. xxix. 46-8. 

Benvenuto states that there was a lai]^ 
hospital for poor fever-patients at Altopasso in 
the Valdichiana district. 



[150] 



Chiasoio 



Chirone 



repeatedly by Villani (e. g. ix. 92 ; xii. 67) as 
well as by Fazio degli Uberti (Ditiam,^ iii. 2) ; 
and it was understood in that sense by Ben- 
venuto : — 

' Brenta flumen oritur in Alemannia in parte 
quae dicitur Carinthia, ubi regnant quidam domini 
qui vocantur duces Carinthiae.' 

Boccaccio apparently understood it in the 
same way : — 

* Chiarentana h una regione posta neir Alpi, che 
dividono Italia della Magna.' 

Chiascio. [Chiassi 2.] 

Chiassi^y the Roman Classis, the ancient 
harbour of Ravenna, which under Augustus 
was an important naval station. Chiassi, 
which was at one time a large town, was 
destroyed by Liutprand, King of the Lombards, 
in 728. The name is preserved in that of the 
church of Sant' Apollmare in Classe, which 
stands on the site of part of the old town. 
D. mentions it in connexion with the ' Pineta ' 
or pine-forest, which extends along the shore 
of the Adriatic for several miles N. and S. of 
Ravenna, Purg. xxviii. 20. [Pineta.] 

Chiassi 2], the Chiassi or Chiascio, stream 
in N. of Umbria, which rises in the hill near 
Gubbio, on which St. Ubaldo lived as a hermit 
before he was made Bishop of Gubbio, and 
enters a branch of the Tiber a few miles S.£. 
of Perugia. St. Thomas Aquinas (in the 
Heaven of the Sun) in his description of the 
situation of Assisi, which stands on the S.W. 
slope of Monte Subasio, between the streams 
of Tupino (on the E.) and Chiassi (on the W.), 
alludes to it as racqua che discende Del colle 
. eletto dal beato Ubaldo^ Par. xi. 43-4 [Asoesi]. 

Chiavari. [ChiaverL] 

Chiaveri, now Chiavari, town in Liguria, 
on the Riviera di Levante, some 20 miles £. of 
Genoa; mentioned by Pope Adrian V (in 
Circle V of Purgatory) in connexion with the 
Lavagna, which runs into the sea between 
that town and Sestri Levante, Purg xix. 100 
[Iiavagnaj. 

Chiesa, the Church, Par. v. ^^\ vi. 22; 
xxii. 82 ; Conv. iii. 6^^ ; iv. 23^*2 ; Ecclesiay 
Mon. ii. 1300; iii. 3*i^-i'», 6", lo^-iso, 1313-76, 
141-60, IJ7-62. Mater Ecclesia, Mon. iii. 3*2; 
Epist viii. 6 ; santa Chiesay Purg. iii. 137 ; 
xxiv. 22 ; Par. iv. 46 ; v. 35 ; vi. 95 ; x. 108 ; 
xxxii. 125 ; Conv. ii. 4^1, 6^; Chiesa militantBy 
Par. XXV. 52 ; Ecclesia militansy Epist. viii. 4 ; 
Vesercito di CristOy Par. xii. 37 ; Sposa di Dio^ 
Par. X. 140 ; Sposa di Crist o^ Par. xi. 32 ; xii. 
43; xxvii. 40; xxxi. 3; xxxii. 128: Sposa e 
Secretaria di Cristo^ Conv. ii. 6^3-4 . Sfonsa 
Christiy Mon. iii. 3"** ; Epist. vii. 7 ; viii. 1 1 ; 
Mater piissima, Sfionsa Christie Epist. vii. 7 ; 
Crucifixi Sponsa^ Epist. viii. 4 ; bella Donna, 
Inf. xix. 57 ; Vigna^ Par. xviii. 132 ; Orto di 



CristOj Par. xii. 72, 104 ; xxvi. 64 ; Barca di 
Pietroy Par. xi. 119; Navicella^ Purg. xxxii. 
129; Navicula Petri^ Epist. vi. i; la Sedia 
che fu benigna , , , at ptrveri pusti^ Par. xii. 
88-9 ; Apostolica SedeSy Epist viii. 2, 11; 
Chiesa di Roma, Purg. xvi. 127 ; spoken of by 
St. Peter (in the Heaven of Fixed Stars) as // 
loco miOy Par. xxvii. 22 ; and by St. James (in 
the same) as nostra Basilicay Par. xxv. 3a 

In the mystic Procession in the Terrestrial 
Paradise the Church is represented as a two- 
wheeled Car, CarrOy Purg. xxix. 107, 151 ; 
XXX. 9, 61, loi ; xxxii. 24, 104, 115, 126, 132 ; 
Bastemay Purg. xxx. 16 ; Dijicio santOy Purg. 
xxxii. 142 ; Vasoy Puig. xxxiii. 34. [Prooes- 
Bione.] 

Childerico]. Childeric III, last of the 
Merovingian Kings of France, .sumamed * Le 
Faineant * ; he was bom circ. 734, succeeded 
to the throne in 742 (after an interregnum^ of 
5 years, his predecessor, Thierry IV, having 
died in 737), and was deposed by Pepin le 
Bref in March, 752. After his deposition he 
was compelled by Pepin to become a monk, 
and was shut up in the convent of Sithieu at 
St. Omer, where he died in 755. D. has appa- 
rently confused Charles, Duke of Lorraine, the 
last of the Carlovingian line, with Childericy 
the last of the Merovingians, in the passage, 
Purg. XX. 53-60. [Carlo ^.] 

Chilojiy of Lacedaemon (circ. B.C. 590) ; 
one of the Seven Sages of Greece, Conv. iii. 
Ii38. [Biante.] 

Chirone, Chiron, the Centaur, son of 
Saturn and Philyra, daughter of Oceanus. 
Saturn being enamoured of Philyra, and fear- 
ing the jealousy of his wife Rhea, changed 
himself mto a horse, and in this shape begat 
Chiron, who hence had the form of a Centaur. 

C. educated Achilles, Aesculapius, Hercules, 
and many other famous Greeks. 

D. places C, along with Nessus and Pholus, 
as leader of the Centaurs, who act as guardians 
of the Violent in Round i of Circle VII of Hell, 
Inf. xii. 65, 71 , 77 y 97 ; Purg. ix. 37 [Centauri] ; 
Virgil, being questioned by Nessus as to his 
errand, replies that he will g^ive his answer to 
Chiron (Inf. xii. 61-6) ; N. then points out to 

D. the latter, who is represented as stationed 
between Nessus and Pholus with his face bent 
down on his breast, describing him as * il gran 
Chirone, il qual nudri Achille ' (w, 70-1) ; as 
D. and V. approach C. puts aside the beard 
from his mouth with an arrow, and observes 
to his companions that D. moves what he 
touches {;w. 77-82) ; V. explains to him that 
D. is alive, and asks him for an escort, which 
C. grants, bidding Nessus accompany them 
(irv. 83-99) [Neaso] ; C. is mentioned again 
as the tutor of Achilles in connexion with the 
fact that Thetis took her son away from him 
and hid him in Scyros for fear he should be 



[152] 



Chiusi 



Ciacco 



sent to the Trojan War, Purg. ix. 37. [Aohille : 
Sohiro.J 

Chiusiy the ancient Clusium, formerly one 
of the twelve great Etruscan cities ; it is 
situated in the Valdichiana, close to the lake 
of the same name, on the borders of Tuscany 
and Umbria, midway between Florence and 
Rome. 

Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars) 
mentions Chiusi, together with Siniga^^Iia, 
and says that these two once-powerful cities 
were rapidly falling into decay, as Luni and 
Urbisaglia had ah-eady done, adding that if 
cities decay and perish we ought not to be 
surprised that families should come to an end. 
Par. xvi. 73-8. 
The sentiment is perhaps borrowed from the 

^tter of Servius Sulpicius to Cicero on the 

death of Tullia i— 

' £x Asia rediens, quum ab Aegina Megaram 
V'ersus navigarem, coepi regiones circumcirca 
prospicere; post me erat Aegina, ante Megara, 
dextra Piraeus, sinistra Corinthus : quae oppida 
c^uodam tempore florcntissima fuerunt, nunc pro- 
strata et diruta ante oculos jacent. Coepi egomet 
mecum sic cogitare, Hem, nos homunculi indig- 
Kmsunur, si quis nostrt^m interiit aut occisus est, 
quorum vita brevior esse debet : quum, uno loco, 
ftot oppidorum cadavera projecta jaceant.' \^Ad 
I. iv. 5.) 

The decay of Chiusi was doubtless in great 
Lit due to the unhealthiness of its situation 
the malarious Valdichiana, as Benvenuto 
»ints out. [Chiana.] 

ChremeSy imaginary personage, the typical 
ithcr in a comedy ; introduced by Horace in 
ic Ars Poetica^ in a passage (w, 93-5) which 
L quotes in illustration of his argument that 

"^lie language of comedy is more lowly than 

"^liat of tragedy, Epist. x. 10. 

CbHsilatta, De DoctrJaa, [Do^ttiaa CbriS" 

Christiani, Christians, Mon. iii. 3^, [Cris- 
tsiaai.] 

ChristianuSy Christian ; Jides Chrisiiofia^ 
Klon. ii. 12^ ; Christiana religio^ Mon. iii. 3I32. 
[Cristianc] 

Christus. [CriBto.] 

Chrysippus, celebrated Stoic philosopher, 
bom at Soli in Cilicia, B.C. 280 ; died B.C. 207, 
aged seventy-three. C., who studied at Athens 
tmder the Stoic Cleanthes, disliking the Aca- 
demic scepticism, became one of the most 
strenuous supporters of the principle that 
knowledge is attainable, and may be esta- 
blished on certain foundations. D. quotes 
from Cicero's De Officiis (iii. 10) the dictum 
of C. that a man who runs in a race should do 
his best to win, but should in no wise try to 
trip up his rival, Mon. ii. 8»*"io^. [Eurialo.] 

Ciacco, a Florentine, contemporary of D. 



(possibly identical with the Ciacco dell* An- 
guillaia, one of whose poems is printed from 
Cod, Vat. 3793 by D*Ancona and Comparetti 
in Antiche Rime Volgari^ iii. 178-81), placed 
among the Gluttons in Circle III of Hell, Inf. 
vi. 52, 58 ; una (ombra\ v, 38 ; ella^ v, 39 ; 
/«, V, 43 ; egli^ V. 49 ; anima trista^ v* 55 > 
gli, V, 38 ; egli^ V. 64 ; lui, v. 77 ; gt^^gH, 
V. 85 [Gk)lo8ij. As D. and Virgil pass over 
the shades of the Gluttons which lie prone on 
the ground, one of them (that of Ciacco) raises 
itself to a sitting posture and addresses D. 
(Inf. vi. 34-9) ; he asks, since D. was bom 
(1265) before he died (1286), whether D. re- 
members him (w, 40-2) ; D. says he does not 
recop^ize him, and asks who he is (w, 43-8) ; 
C, in reply, names himself, saying that he 
was a Florentine, and that he and his com- 
panions are being punished for gluttony 
\w. 49-57) ; D. expresses pity for his fate, 
and then inquires as to the future of Florence, 
whether any just men yet be there, and why 
it is so torn with discord (ttv, 58-63) ; C, in 
reply, foretells that the rivalry between the 
Bianchi and Neri will result in bloodshed (May 
I, 1300), that the Bianchi, after expelling the 
Neri (1301), will within three years (April, 1302) 
be in their turn overthrown by the Neri with 
the aid of an ally (Boniface VIII or Charles 
of Valois), and that the latter will keep the 
upper hand for a long while, and will grievously 
oppress the' Bianchi {vv. 64-72); he adds in con- 
clusion that there are two just men yet in 
Florence (supposed to be D. himself and Guido 
Cavalcanti), but that no heed is paid to them 
there, and that pride, envy, and avarice are 
the sparks which kindled the flame of discord 
in the city (w, 73-6); D. then inquires for 
news of five Florentines, Farinata degli Uberti 
(Inf. X. 32), Tegghiaio Aldobrandi (Inf. xvi. 
41), Jacopo Rusticucci (Inf. xvi. 44), a certain 
Arrigo, and Mosca de* Lamberti (Inf. xxviii. 
106), whether they are in Heaven or Hell 
(w, 77-84); C. replies that they are among 
the blackest souls, and that if'^D. goes far 
enough down into Hell he will see them 
(w. 85-7) ; he then, after begging D. to keep 
his memory alive in the upper world, declines 
to speak any more, and with a lingering glance 
at D. falls prone again among the other shades 
(w. 88-93). 

Ciacco (a name which, according to Fan- 
fani, is often met with in old Florentine re- 
cords, and which is apparently an abbreviation 
of Giacpmo) is descnbed by Boccaccio as a 
^eat glutton and p^arasite, but for all that 
a man of good parts and good breeding : — 

*Fu cestui uomo non del tutto di corte, ma 
perciocch^ poco avea da spendere, erasi, come 
egli stesso dice, date del tutto al vizio della gola. 
Era morditore di parole, e le sue usanze erano 
sempre co' gentili uomini e ricchi, e massimamente 
con quelli che splendidamente e dilicatamente 



[153] 



Ciaooo 



Ciampolo 



mangiavano e beveano, da' quali se chiamato era 
a mangiare v* andava, e similmente se invitato 
non era, esso medesimo s'invitava ; ed era per 
questo vizio notissimo uomo a tutti i Fiorentini ; 
senzach^ fuor di questo egli era costumato uomo, 
secondo la sua condizione, ed eloquente e affabile 
e di buon sentimento ; per le quali cose era assai 
volentieri da qualunque gentile uomo ricevuto.' 

Benvenuto says the Florentines had the 
reputation of being sober in drink and diet as 
a rule, but adds that when they did exceed 
they outdid every one else in gluttony; he 
thinks it was on this account, apart from the 
fact that D. was personally acquainted with 
him, that Ciacco was selected as an example : — 

' Nota quod autor potius voluit ponere istum 
quam alium, tum quia melius noverat eum, turn 
quia Fiorentini, quamvis sint communiter sobrii in 
cibo et potu, tamen, quando reg^la fallit, excedunt 
gulositatem omnium hominum mundi, sicut testan- 
tur duo alii Fiorentini poetae, scilicet Petrarcha et 
Boccacius/ 

Boccaccio tells a story in the Decamerone 
(ix. 8) of how Ciacco was fooled by a fellow- 
parasite named Biondello in the matter of a 
dinner at the house of Corso Donati, where, 
instead of lampreys and sturgeon, as he had 
been led to expect, he got nothing but pease 
and fried fish ; and of how he revenged himself 
by embroiling Biondello with the hot-tempered 
Filippo Argenti,who gave him a sound hiding : 

'Essendo in Firenze uno da tutti chiamato 
Ciacco uomo ghiottissimo, quanto alcun' altro 
fosse g^ammai, e non possendo la sua possibility 
sostenere le spese, che la sua ghiottomia richiedea, 
essendo per altro assai costumato, e tutto pieno 
di belli e piacevoli motti, si diede ad essere non 
del tutto uom di corte, ma morditore, et ad usare 
con coloro, che ricchi erano, e di mangiare delle 
buone cose si dilettavano, e con questi a desinare 
et a cena (ancor che chiamato non fosse ogni 
volta) andava assai sovente. Era similmente in 
que' tempi in Firenze uno, il quale era chiamato 
Biondello, piccollettodella persona, leggiadro molto, 
e piii pulito che una mosca, con sua cufiia in capo, 
con una zazzerina bionda, e per punto senza un 
capel torto avervi. II quale quel medesimo 
mestiere usava che Ciacco. II quale essendo una 
mattina di quaresima andato la, dove il pesce si 
vende, e comperando due grossissime lamprede 
per Messer Vieri de* Cerchi, fu veduto da Ciacco, 
il quale awicinatosi a Biondello disse : Che vuol 
dir questo? A cui Biondello rispose: lersera 
ne furon mandate tre altre troppo piu belle, che 
queste non sono, et uno storione a Messer Corso 
Donati, le quali non bastandogli per voler dar 
mangiare a certi gentili uomini m' ha fatte com- 
perare quest* altre due ; non vi verrai tu ? Rispose 
Ciacco : Ben sai, che io vi verr6. £ quando 
tempo gli parve, a casa Messer Corso se n' and6, 
e trovollo con alcuni suoi vicini, che ancora non 
era andato a desinare. Al quale egli, essendo da 
lui domandato, che andasse facendo, rispose : 
Messere, io vengo a desinare con voi, e con la 
vostra brigata. A cui Messer Corso disse : Tu sie 



'1 ben venuto, e perci6 che egli h tempo, andianne. 
Postisi adunque a tavola primieramente ebbero 
del cece, e della sorra, et appresso del pesce 
d*Amo fritto senza piii. Ciacco accortosi dello 
*nganno di Biondello, et in se non poco turbato, 
sene propose di dovemel pagare.' 

In the sequel Ciacco revenges himself on 
Biondello by sending a feigned message from 
him with a bottle to Filippo Argenti asking 
for some wine ; whereupon the latter, suspect- 
ing that he is being made fun of, in fury falls 
upon Biondello and cruelly beats him. [Ar- 
genti, Filippo.] 

Ciacco de' TarlatL [Cione de' TarlatL] 

Ciampolo], name given by the commen- 
tators to a native of Navarre, whom D. places 
among the Barrators in Bolgia 5 of Cirde VIII 
of Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xxii. 48 ; uno (pecca- 
tore)f V. 32 ; io sciagurato^ v. 44 ; queiy v, 47 ; 
// sorco, «'. 58 ; /ui, v, yy ; Io spaurato^ v, 98 ; 
Io Navarrese^ v. 121 ; quegli, v. 128 ; guei^ 
V, 135; il barattier^ v. 136 [Barattieri]. In 
the boiling pitch where the Barrators are tor- 
tured, D. and Virgil see one of the sinners 
with his snout above the surface, who is hooked 
by the demon Graffiacane (Inf. xxii. 31-6) ; at 
D.*s request V. asks who he is (w. 43-7) ; the 
sinner replies that he was a native of Navarre, 
that his father had been a spendthrift, and 
that in consequence his mother had placed 
him in the service of a nobleman (w, 48-51) ; 
that he afterwards became a retainer of King 
Thibaut, and took to working jobbery, for 
which he was now being punished (ttu. ^2-4) ; 
as he concludes his story a demon, Ciriatto, 
rips him with his tusk, and another, Barba- 
riccia, grips him in his arms, and tells V. to 
ask what more he wants to know of him 
(w. 55-63) ; V. then inquires of C. if there 
are any of * Latin ' race with him there (w. 
64-6) ; C. replies that there was one of a 
neighbouring race (i.e. Sardinian), whom he 
would be glad to rejoin beneath the pitch, in 
order to escape the maulings of the demons 
(w, 66-9) ; the latter thereupon set on him 
again (w. 70-5) ; after a while, V. having 
asked to whom he was referring, C. names 
two Sardinians, Fra Gomita and Michael 
Zanche {w, 76-90), and, after being once 
more interrupted by the threats of the demons, 
promises to summon some Tuscan and Lom- 
bard barrators if the demons will withdraw 
(irv, 91-105) ; the latter suspect a trick, but 
are persuaded by Alichino to retire {tw, 106- 
20), whereupon C. leaps into the pitch and 
escapes from them {w. 12 1-3); Alichino, 
furious at being tricked, pursues him, but C. 
ducks down and disappears (7^'. 124-32); to 
vent his rage one of the other demons, Calca- 
brina, flies at Alichino, and they fall together 
into the pitch, whence they are fished out by 
four of their companions (I'v, 133-50). 



[154] 



Clapetta, Ugo 



btiche e corouni.' 



., ch' ello gli perdcno le pub- 



Clapetta, Ugo, Hugh Capet, King of 
Fiance, 9S7-996, the first king of the Capetian 
line; placed by D. among the Avaricious in 
Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 49; quello 
spirto,v.io\ esso.v.ii; anima,v.u; tgl'y 
V. 40; isso, V. 134 [Avari]. As D. and Virgil 
go forward they hear the voice of a spirit 
(that of Hugh Capet) proclaiming instances of 
liberality and self-denial (Pur^r- xx. 16-33) ! D. 
approaches the spuit and inquires who he 
was and why he alone utters these praises {w. 
34-9) ; the spirit replies that he was the founder 
of the evil race of Capctian kings (■av. 40-5) ; 
after referring to the iniquitous dealings of 
Philip the Fair with Flanders, and invoking 
the divine vengeance upon him [w. 46-8) 

fFlnndra], he names himself, and says that 
rom bim were sprung tbe Philips and Louises 
by whom of late France had been ruled {w. 
49-51) [CRp«ti]; he then states that he was 
the son of a Parisian butcher {v. 53), and that 
when the Carlovingtans had all died out save 
one, who became a monk, he found himself so 
powerful that he was able to promote his own 
son to the 'widowed crown of France {w. 
J3-60) [Carloviogi : Carlo '*] ; after remark- 
mg that it was with the annexation of Provence 
to the French crown that the kings of his race 
began their evil career [w. 6t-^) [FroTenaR], 
he refers to their seizure of Ponthieu, Normandy, 
and Gascony)!^. 65-6) [Ponti: Xormandla : 
OiULMOgna] ; to the murder of Conradin and 
St. Thomas Aquinas by Charles of Anjou 
{w. 67-9] [Carlo '] ; to the mission of Charles 
of Valois to Italy, to his treacherous dealings 
with Florence, and to his ill-success {w. 70-8) 
[Carlo*]; to Charles IPs infamous marriage 
of 1 1 is (laughter Itcatrice to Azzo VIH of Este 
{w. 7<)'84) |C»rIo^]; to the imprisonment of 
Kunjface VIII at Anagni by Philip the Fair, 
und to the destruction of the Templars by the 
latter iw. BS 93) [Bonlfe*lo': Templari] ; 
xflcr again invoking tht; divine vengeance 
ltw.94 6t,he explains to D. that during the day 
he -AttA the spirits with him utter (be praises 
J), had heurd, but that during the night they 
recall examples of avarice and of the lust of 
wealth ()T'.97- 103), of which he gives instances 
tim. 103- 17J ( he adds that they speak loud or 
biw aci.'urding as their devotion urges them 
(It/. llH 10), and in conclusion answers D.'s 
vujimA (juestion (ii/. 35-6) by explaining that 
llirr prairicK are uiicred by them all, but that 
lis WH* the (tnly one who was uttering them 
Mloiid at iliai time {w. 131-4). 

l\it- utiilrniFiiM put by D. into the mouth of 
lliilh Cijirt ■■ to tlic origin of the Capctian 
ijyiiaalv Tr in several reapecls at variance with 
llin IiiM'tIi al tirts, anil ran only be explained on 
^^lr■ ■iliilHnlHiiil lliat I>. Iiaa (imhiHC^I Hugh Capel 
Willi III- ralhar, Hush the Cimat, acme of them 



Ciapetta, Ugo 

being appticabte to the one. some to the otb 
Tbe tacts are as follows ; — Hugh tbe Great di 
in 956; Louia V, the last of the CarlaviDgiai 
died in 987, in which year Hugh Capet becai 
king ; on his death in 996, he was succeeded 
his son Robert, who bad previously been crown 
insBB. 

D. makes Hugh Capet say:— fintly, that 
was the son of a butcher of Paris {v. 5a), when 
common tradition assigned this origin not 
Hugh Capet, but to his bther Hugh the Gn 
(aa btloiv) ; — secondly, that when the Car 
vingians came to an end be waa so power 
that be was able Co make his son king (iw. 53-61 
whereas on the failure of tbe Carlovingian li 
Hugh Capet himself became king (987) ; a 
though it is urged in explanation of the eipreui 
'widowed crown' (1/. 58) that he associated 1 
son Robert with bim in Che government and h 
him crowned in the year 1988) after his 01 
accession, while he himself appears never to ha 
Iwen actually crowned, and that therefore, strid 
speaking, he did advance his son Robert to t 

that D. was aware of these facts; nor do U) 
explain Hugh Capet's further statement {m. S9-t 
that with his son the Capetian line began, where 
in fact it began with himself. On Ibe other ha: 
this statement could not apply to Hugh tbe Gro 
of whom D. seems to have been chinking, becau 
be bad already been dead more than 30 yei 
when tbe crown became vacant by the death 
Louis V, and was seized by Hugh Capet. 

The tradition that Hugh the Great, who 
reality was descended from tbe Counts of Par 
was the son of a butcher, was commonly believ 
in the Middle Ages, and was, as ViUani recon 
accepted as true by most people in D.'s time : — 



1, fallito 



'UgpC 
re di Frail 

d'OrlieoiU , ., . 

e dnchi r. di rninde li£nae£iD), fielioali 



ii Carta Ui 



Qa«to tjgo 



I tJgo (q an 



d'tJfo it £raih 
moadulliagi 

bor;;»e di E>iirigi tuatto di nuione di buecicri, awero m 

Sato il duealo 'd'OriCil^ e^!!iII"E*uSr<l™i,''In^ 
per moglic, onde naaiue il dtllo Ugo CiapMIa.' (L». 4.> 

Benvenuto supposes that D. found out abo 
the origin of the Capets while be was in Par 
and stated it here in order Co correct tbe erroDeo 
belief that they were of noble descent ; — 






^riuu irati 






\DreluaL Scd Daotci av 
mpaKHmndainiii, cam cai 
qaod i«te Hugo de rei nriti 
... c^ — qnidqnid alll 



1 Tilitatemorigtnii, 
The legend is recounted at length in an C 
French poem dealing with the life and adventui 
of Hugh Capet, in which the author, speaking 
Capet's lather, says : — 

' Baocbia h ]i plui licbc de IrcMoDl la paiL> 
The tradition lingered on as late as Cent zv, I 
Villon, ID one of his BallaJts, speaks of 
' Hne Card, 



Cioiliano 



Cielo Cristallino 



V. E. i. io*®~* ; its dialect distinct from that 
of Apulia, V. E. i. lo^i"!* ; the seat of the Court 
(in the time of the Emperor Frederick II), 
whence the name Sicilian applied to Italian 
poetry, V. E. i. 1 2^0-5 j the Sicilian dialect the 
most famous of all the Italian dialects, both 
because all poems written in Italian were called 
Sicilian, and because many important poems 
were written by Sicilians, V. E. L I2®~i^; this 
fame a reproach to the princes of Italy, who 
neglected letters, V. E. i. i2^*~* ; the common 
Sicilian dialect unworthy of preference, that 
spoken by the nobles worthy of commenda- 
tion, but neither the Sicilian nor the Apulian 
to be reckoned the most beautiful dialect of 
Italy, V. E. i. 12*^"^"*; the Italian vulgar tongue 
employed by Sicilian poets, V. E. i. 19^^^; 
the fruitless expedition of Charles of Valois 
against Sicily, V. E. ii. 6*® [Carlo *] ; Aetna 
the most rich in pasture of all the Sicilian 
mountains, Eel. ii. 71-2. [Etna.] 

The name Sicily is sometimes loosely applied to 
the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, comprising 
Naples (Apulia and Calabria) and Sicily proper. 
This kingdom was ruled successively by Norman 
(1x89-1x94), Swabian (i 194-1966), and Angevin 
(ia66-xa8a) sovereigns [Napoli: Puglla]. In 
xa8a the Sicilians rose against the house of Anjou, 
an J expelled the French, after the massacre known 
as the * Sicilian Vespers ' [Vespro Siciliano]. This 
revolt led to the separation of the two kingdoms, 
Sicily passing to the house of Aragon, while 
Naples remained in the hands of the Angevins 
[Oarlo*: Oarlo': Federico': Jaoomo^: Table iv: 
Table iv. A]. 

Ciciliano, Sicilian, Inf. xxvii. 7 ; Sicilianus^ 
V. E. i. 12'*' «» 8» 33» ** ; Sicuius, V. E. i. 12" ; 
Eel. ii. 72 [SicilianoB] ; // bue Cicilian^ i. e. 
the brazen bull made by Perillus for Phalaris, 
tyrant of Agrigentum in Sicily, in which human 
beings were tortured by being roasted alive, 
and which was so constructed that the shrieks 
of the victims sounded like the bellowing of 
the bull, Inf. xxvii. 7-12 ; D. alludes to the fact 
that Phalaris tested the contrivance first of all 
upon Perillus himself {w. 7-9), and compares 
the shrieks of the damned in Bolgia 8 of 
Circle VIII of Hell (Malebolge), who are tor- 
tured in flame, to those which issued from the 
bull (zn/. 10-15). [Ferillo.] 

Ciclope. [CyolopB.] 

Ciclopi. [Cyolopes.] 

Cieldauro, the church of San Pietro in Ciel 
d'Oro (* Golden Ceiling') at Pavia; mentioned 
by St. Thomas Aquinas (in the Heaven of the 
Sun) in connexion with Boethius, who was 
buried there after his execution by Theodoric 
in 524, Par. x. 128 [Boesio]. Boccaccio 
introduces this church in the Decamerone 
(x.9). 



Cielo e Maado, Di. [Caelo^De.] 



Cielo Cristallino, the Crystalline Heaven, 
Conv. ii. 4^^"^^; 15^22. origin of the nanie, 
Conv. ii. 4I2-13 J the ninth Heaven, Conv. 
ii. 4»-i3, 1462; A. T. § 2i3-^ ; otherwise caUed 
the Primum Mobile^ or First Movement, Par. 
XXX. 107 ; Conv. ii. 3*1-2, 420, 6i*3, 1 5122 ; Men. 
i. 9^^; A. T. § 2i3; the origin of the motion 
of all the other Heavens, Conv. ii. 15^32-6. 
Inf. ix. 29; Par. xxvii. 106-8; xzviiL 70-1; 
its existence first conceived by Ptolemy to 
account for the complex motion of the Heaven 
of the Fixed Stars, Conv. ii. 33«-^« [Cielo 
Stellsto] ; its revolution accomplished in some- 
thing under 24 hours, Conv. 11. 3**"® ; impa> 
ceptible to sense save for its motion, Conv. iL 
^0-10 . its almost inconceivable velocity caused 
by its longing to be united with the Empyrean, 
Conv. ii. 4^0-7 ; has its two poles * firm, fixed, 
and immutable' as regards all things else, 
those of the lower Heavens being fixed only 
as regards themselves, Conv. ii. 4*8-61 . ij]^^ 
the other Heavens, has an equator or circle 
equidistant from each pole, where the motion 
is most rapid, Conv. ii. 40*-68 ; resembles Mond 
Philosophy, inasmuch as it directs by its motion 
the daily revolutions of all the other Heavens, 
Conv. ii. 1462-8^ 15122-88 . if its motion were to 

cease a third part of the Heavens would be 
invisible to every part of the Earth, while there 
would be neither life nor measure of time on 
the latter, and the whole Universe would be in 
disorder, Conv. ii. 15I39-67 [see below) \ the 
largest of the corporeal Heavens (the Empyrean 
being incorporeal). Par. xxvii. 68; xxx. 39; 
is encircled by the Empyrean, and itself en- 
circles all the other Heavens, Son. xxv. i ; 
Par. i. 122-3; "• 113-14; xxiii. 112; xxviL 
1 12-13 ; the most rapid of the Heavens, Conv. 
ii. 420 ; Purg. xxxiii. 90 ; Par. i. 123 ; xiii. 24 ; 
xxvii. 99 ; its motion not measured by that df 
any of the other Heavens, but their motion 
measured by it, hence it is the origin of time. 
Par. xxvii. 1 15-19 (cf. Conv. ii. 151^-*) ; *has no 
other where than the mind of God/ Par. xxviL 
io9|-io; is perfectly uniform throughout, Par. 
xx\'ii. loo-i ; A. T. § 2i3-8. 

D. refers to the Crystalline Heaven as ia 
spera che pii^ larga gira^ Son. xxv. i ; i7 citi 
che tutto gtrUy Inf. ix. 29 ; il cielo che pi^ aUo 
festina^ Purg. xxxiii. 90 ; il ciel che ha maggi&r 
fretta^ Par. i. 123 ; corpo nella cut virtuie 
Lesser di tutto suo contento giace^ Par. ii, 
1 13-14; U ciel che tutti gli altri atfamxa^ 
Par. xiii. 24 ; Lo real manto di tutti i %foiumi 
Del mondOf Par. xxiii. 11 2-13 ; testOy Par. xxvii. 
118; il maggior corpOy Par. xxvii. 68 ; xxx. 39 ; 
ciel velocissimoj Par. xxvii. 99 ; tfolumey Par. 
xxviiL 14 ; il ciel che tutto quanto rafe UaUro 
universo seco^ Par. xxviii. 70-1. 

In the passage, Conv. iL xs"*"^, D. sUtes that, 
if the movement of the Primum Mobile or Crystal- 
line Heaven, on which depends the daily motioii 
of all the other Heavens, were suspended, there 



[158] 



Cielo Cristallino 



Cielo Empireo 



would remain only the almost insensible move- 
ment of the Starry Heaven from W. to E. of one 
decree in a hundred years (corresponding to what 
is now called the Precession of the Equinoxes). 
In this case the Earth would cease to revolve, 
and, as only x8o° of the Heavens would then be 
visible to us, the Sun and other planets would 
be invisible for half their revolutions, being hidden 
behind our backs during the rest of the time ; 
further, a third part of the Heavens would never 
have been seen from the Earth, since from the 
Creation to D.'s day (which he estimates at about 
6,400 years) the Starry Heaven would only 
have moved from W. to £. about 60°, hence 
60^ -*- 180^ ~ 940° would be the whole amount of 
tile Heavens which would have been visible, 
leaving 360^—340° «» iao% i. e. one-third part of 
the Heavens which had never been seen. 

The eUUa as to the periods of the several planets 
r>. got from Alfraganus, who in his chapter De 
arbibus pianttarum says : — 

* Fit orbia Lanae 29 dierum et 13 horarnm et dimidiae et 

qtiX'au-tae anins horae. Mercurii ac Veneris ac Soli^ uniuscujas- 

^<^« ifltomm rotatas fit 365 diebua et quarta nnius diei fer^ 

jS^^utis antem in anno Penico et 10 mensibus et 22 dieboa fer^ 

'^% verd in circalo ej^ressae cuspidis in 1 1 annis et 10 menst- 

et 16 dieboa. In circulo autem sienoram, minus uno die 

^imidio fer^ Bt Satumi in circulo egreasae cuapidia in 

^ a ^TDtinoifem annia et quinque mensibus, et ouindecim diebua. 

2 ^B, circulo aignorum mmua hoc per novem diea.' (Cap. 17.) 

D. has calculated the half revolutions roughly 
fV^c>°i these data\ according to his figures the 
^^^ziods would be, for Saturn, 14^ years x a 
^mt JI9 years (as against 39 years, 5 months, 15 days, 
^m-v-en by Alfraganus) ; for Jupiter, 6 years x a 
•*** 'a years (as against 11 years, 10 months, 
»^ days) ; for Mars, i year nearly x a « a years 
*^^^^Iy (as against i year, 10 months, aa days) ; 
^^*" the Sun, Venus, and Mercury, i8a days, 
hours X a -» 365 days, 4 hours (as against 
days, 6 hours) ; and for the Moon, 14^ days 
«- 99 days (as against 39 dajrs, la j hours). 

Ilie Crystalline Heaven is the ninth in D/s 
>tion of the Universe, Con v. ii. 4®, 1482 ; 
T.'§ 21* [Paradise^]; resembles Moral 
lilosophy, Conv. ii. i4«2-3, 15122-64; it ig 
^^^sidca over by the Seraphim, Par. xxviii. 

On leaving the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, 

> and Beatrice ascend to the Crystalline 

^avcn (Par. xxvii. 78-99) ; B. explains to D. 

^* working of the Primum Mobile^ and its 

^^ect upon the other Heavens (w, 100-20) ; 

,^^ - sees a point of dazzling brilliancy around 

^^^liidi revolve nine concentric circles of flame 

1 ^ar. xxviii. 1-39) ; B. explains that this point 

^^ the Deity, and the fieiy circles are the nine 

^^Wngdic Hierarchies, the order of which she 

^^pounds to him {vv» 40-139) [Oerarchia] ; 

^4ter B. has discoursed further of the angels 

^«d other matters, they ascend to the Empy- 

^>Mm (Par. xxix. i-xxx. 39). 

Witte gives the following summary account 
^f the system of the universe (in which the 
-f^rimum Mobile plays such an important part) 
^opted by D. : — 

*The Ptolemaic system, as D. knew it, con- 



sisted of ten perfectly concentric Heavens. The 
Earth was the fixed immovable centre of this 
system, and equally immovable was the outer- 
most Heaven, or Empyrean, the abode of the 
Blessed, by which the Universe is surrounded. 
Its desire towards this dwelling of the Deity 
lends to the next, the ninth or Crystalline Heaven, 
the Primum Mobile^ so rapid a motion that in 
spite of its immeasurable circumference it revolves 
upon its axis in a little under twenty-four hours, 
carrying with it in its circuit all the other eight 
Heavens, without, however, interfering with their 
special revolutions. Such a special revolution, 
and the slowest of all, viz. of but one degree 
from W. to E. in a hundred years, is that of the 
eighth Heaven, in which the Fixed Stars are set, 
at equal distances from the Earth, and receiving 
their light from the Sun (P^r. xx. 6; xxiii. 30; 
Conv. ii. 14^"; iii. ia**~*). In this movement of 
the Heaven of the Fixed Stars all those enclosed 
by it partake. Then follow the Heavens called 
after the seven planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the 
Sun, Venus, Mercury, and the Moon ; all of which, 
besides the two movements common to them all, 
have their own special revolution. ... It is, how- 
ever, no inanimate gravity which impels the mani- 
fold motions of these heavenly bodies ; each one 
is occasioned by the will of a supernatural being, 
an Angel, an Intelligence (Par. ii. ia7-9 ; Conv. ii. 
5*~*). These Intelligences are the inhabitants of 
each separate Heaven, and the motion of the 
planets is nothing else than the force of the thought 
of these holy spirits. Their power exerts that 
influence upon the Earth which the astrologers 
often ascribed to the planets and constellationsr 
themselves — an influence which imparts certain 
tendencies and inclinations to man, but which, 
through his exclusive privilege of free-will, can be 
combated and overcome.' 

Cielo decimo. [Cielo Empireo.] 

Cielo del Sole. [Sole, Cielo deL] 

Cielo della Luna. [Luna, Cielo della.] 

Cielo delle Stelle Fisse. [Cielo Stel- 

lato.] 

Cielo di Giove. [Oiove, Cielo di.] 

Cielo di Marte. [Marte, Cielo di.] 

Cielo di Mercurio. [Merourio, Cielo di.] 

Cielo di Sattuno. [Satiumo, Cielo di.] 

Cielo di Venere. [Venere, Cielo di.] 

Cielo Empireo, the Empyrean, the highest 
Heaven, the abode of the Deity, * the pure 
Empyrean where He sits High throned above 
aU highth,* Inf. ii. 21 ; Conv. ii. 4I*, is^^^ \ 
Epist. X. 24, 26 ; meaning of the name, Conv. 
ii. 4ifi-"i«; Epist. x. 24; the tenth or last 
Heaven, Conv. ii. 4I3-15, 25, (,\q\^ 1463 ; Purg. 

XV. 52 ; Par. xxii. 62 ; xxiii. 108 ; Epist. x. 24 ; 
or, regarded from the opposite point of view, 
the first, Purg. xxx. i ; Par. iv. 34 ; Epist. x. 
25, 26 ; in it is contained the Primum Mobile^ 
Par. i. 122-3 ; ii. 113-14; xxvii. 112-14 [Cielo 
CristaUino] ; contains all bodies and is con- 



[159] 



Cielo Empireo 



Cielo Stellato 



tained by none, Conv. ii. 4^^^ ; Purg. xxvi. 63 ; 
Epist. X. 24, 25 ; within it all bodies move, 
Epist. X. 24 ; but itself remains motionless in 
eternal peace, Conv. ii. 4i7-i9> 25,28^ i5i«5-7. 

Par. i. 122; ii. 112 ; Epist. x. 24; immaterial, 
Par. XXX. 39 ; Epist. x. 24 ; composed purely 
of light, Par. xxiii. 102 ; xxx. 39 ; ot which it 
receives more than any other of the Heavens, 
Par. i. 4 ; Epist. x. 25, 26 ; does not exist in 
space, but in the divine Mind, Conv. ii. 48^-9 ; 
the abode of Angels and of the Blessed, Conv. 
ii. 4^^^"^; Par. xxx. 43-xxxi. 27; and of the 
Deity, Conv. ii. 428-9 ; Par. xxxiii. 52-141 ; 
hence replete with love, Purg. xxvi. 63 ; Epist. 
X. 24 ; resembles the divine science of Theology, 
inasmuch as it is full of peace, Conv. ii. 14®**"*, 
ijiBfir-Tj whereas the other Heavens are pre- 
sided over by the several Angelic Orders or 
Intelligences, God himself is the Intelligence 
of the Highest Heaven, Conv. ii. 699-102 ; Par. 
xxvii. 112; xxxiii. 124-6. 

D. refers to the Empyrean as cie/o divtnis^ 
simo e quietOy Conv. li. 4^^ ; luogo quieto e 
pcuificoy Conv. ii. 4^8; cielo quietOy Conv. ii. 
14*^^ ; tl sovrano edificio del mondo, Conv. ii. 
4^* ; sfiera suprema, Purg. xv. 52 ; Par. xxiii. 
108 ; primo cielo y Purg. xxx. i ; primo giroy 
Par. iv. 34 ; pritnum caelum y Epist. x. 25, 26 ; 
ultima speray Par. xxii. 62 ; caelum supremum, 
Epist. X. 24 ; decimo cielo, Conv. ii. 4^^, 6^01, 
I4**3 ; // del . . . Ch'k pien damore e pih ampio 
si spaziay Purg. xxvi. 62-3 ; // del che piii della 
luce prendey Par. i. 4 ; il del sempre quietOy 
Nel qual si volge quel dC ha maggior frettay 
Par. i. 122-3 ; il del della divina pace. Par. ii. 
112 ; il del pii^ chiaroy Par. xxiii. 102 ; il del 
cK h pura luccy Par. xxx. 39. 

The nature of the Empyrean is thus ex- 
pounded by D. in the Convivio : — 

' Fuori di tutti gli altri cieli, Ii Cattolici pongono 
lo Cielo Empireo, che tanto vuol dire, quanto cielo 
di fiamma owero luminoso ; e pongono esso essere 
immobile, per avere in s^, secondo ciascuna parte, 
ci6 che la sua materia vuole. ... £ questo quieto 
e pacifico cielo h. lo luogo di quella somma Deita che 
si sola compiutamente vede. Questo h. lo luogo 
degli spiriti beati, secondo che la santa Chiesa 
vuole, che non pu6 dire menzogna. . . . Questo h. 
il sovrano edificio del mondo, nel quale tutto il 
mondo s'inchiude, e di fuori dal quale nulla h : 
ed esso non h in luogo, ma formato fu solo nella 
prima Mente, la quale li Greci dicono Proionoe. 
Questo h quella magnificenza, della quale parl6 il 
Salmista, quando dice a Dio : Levata k. la magnifi- 
cenza tua sopra li cieli.* (ii. 4"-**.) 

The Heaven of the Empyrean is the tenth 
in D.'s conception of the Universe, Purg. xv. 
52 : Par. xxii. 62 ; xxiii. 108 ; Conv. ii. 4^5, 
6i«>, i4«:» ; Epist. x. 24 [ParadlBO^] ; resembles 
Theology, Conv. ii. 14®'*"*, 151*^*"''; it is pre- 
iided over by the Deity, Conv. ii. 699-i02. 

On leaving the Crystalline Heaven D. and 
licatrice ascend to the Empyrean, where a 



great brightness surrounds them (Par. xxx. 
38-60); Paradise appears first as a river of light 
j^i/v. 61-96); afterwards, as D. sees more doLriy, 
it assumes the appearance of a vast white Rose, 
in which are the seats of the Blessed (Par. xxx. 
97 - xxxii. 84) ; B. points out to D. the seat 
prepared for the Emperor Henry VII (Par. 
xxx. 133-8) ; St. Bernard explains the arrange- 
ment of the seats, and points out, among the 
spirits already there, the Virgin Mary, Eve, 
Rachel, Beatrice, Sarah, Rebekah, Judith, 
Ruth, St. Anne, St. Lucy, Adam, Moses, St. 
Peter, St. John the Evangelist, St. Jolm the 
Baptist, St Francis, St. Benedict, and St. 
Augustine (Par. xxxi. 11 5-17; xxxii. 1-35) 
[Bosa]. After the manifestation of the Deity 
(Par. xxxiii. 76-108), the Trinity (w, 109-26;, 
and of Christ (w, 127-39), the Vision ends. 

Cielo nono. [Cielo Cristallino.] 

Cielo ottavo. [Cielo Stellate.] 

Cielo primo. [Iiuna, Cielo della.] 

Cielo quarto. [Sole, Cielo del.] 

Cielo quinto. [Marte, Cielo dl] 

Cielo secondo. [Merourio, Cielo dL] 

Cielo sesto. [Glove, Cielo dl] 

Cielo settimo. [Satumo, Cielo dl] 

Cielo Stellato, the Starry Heaven, or 
Heaven of the Fixed Stars, V. N. § 2^0 j Conv- 
»i- 3*^> 4^^> 15/® ; caelum stellatumy A. T. § i\^ ; 
cielo delle Stelle FissCy Conv. ii. 323, 48 j la 
spera stellatay Conv. ii. 14*9 ; Vottava sfiera^ 
Conv. ii. 32*, i4'^9 ; Par. ii.64 ; octava sphaera^ 
A. T. § 2i»-iO; r ottavo delOy Conv. ii. 48; lo 
del . . . che ha tante vedutCy Par. ii. 115; // 
ciely cui tanti lumi fanno belloy Par. ii. 130; 
// cerckio che pOi tardi in delo I tortOy Purg. 
xi. 108 (cf. Conv. ii. 15) ; erroneously believed 
by Aristotle, who held that there were only 
eight Heavens, to be the outermost and last of 
the Heavens, Conv. ii. 319-26 ; Ptolemy, noticing 
its complex motion, conceived that there must 
be another Heaven bevond, viz. the Primutn 
MobiUy Conv. ii. 330-45 . ^^ Heaven of the 
Fixed Stars the eighth in order of position, 
Conv. ii. 323-6, 48-9 ; A. T. § 2i»; those of its 
stars which are nearest to its equator possessed 
of the greatest virtue, Conv. ii. 475-7 ; j-e- 
sembles Physics and Metaphysics, Conv. ii. 
1469-62^ 1 5*-i2i . reasons for this resemblance, 
Conv. ii. 1518-1541. tij^ number of its stars 
estimated by the wise men of Egypt at 1,022, 
Conv. ii. 15I8-22 [Stelle Plaae] ; its Galaxy, 
Conv. ii. 1 5**-86 [Qalaasia] ; one of its poles 
visible, the other invisible, Conv. ii. i5io-ii» 
87-94 (j^^ below) ; its double motion, one from 
£. to W. (i. e. the daily motion of the heavens), 
and another hardly perceptible from W. to E. 
(i.e. the precession of the equinoxes), this latter 
being so slow that it only advances one degree 
in a hundred years, and hence the revolution 



[160] 



-Oielo Stellato 



Cimabue 



»iJJ never be completed, the world being 

ajready in its last a^e, and only a little more 

than a sixth part of its revolution having been 

accomplished since the beginning of the world, 

Conv. ii. i5ia-H, 9&-118 (j^^ below) \ if the 

motion of the Primum Mobile were to be sus- 
pended, and only this motion of the Starry 
I-Ieaven to remain, a third part of the Heavens 
KTouId not yet have been seen from the Earth, 
and the Sun and planets would be hidden for 
lialf their revolutions, Conv. ii. 15139-62 [Cielo 
CSriatallino] ; the Starry Heaven had moved 
ope-twelfth part of a degree towards the £. 
since the birth of Beatrice (which took place 
^lierefore about eight years and four months 
before), V. N. § 28-12 [Beatrloe]. 

D.'s information with regard to the two poles 
fli^nd the two motions of the Starry Heaven 
borrowed from the EUmenia Astronomica 
»f Alfraganus; of the two celestial poles, he 
i3rs : — 

Cjtelam . . . cam omnibus stellis convertitnr drcalarl 
smotii, raper daobus polia, fixis et immotia: qnoram alter 
■ as plARa Doreali conststit, alter in aostrali * (the visible pole, 
— ^ cooTK. being the one in the northern reflrjon of the sky; 
e invisiDle, thiat in the •outhem region). (Cap. 3.) 

Of the two celestial motions he says : — 

*I>ico ttaqae dnos in caelo obaervari principales motos: 

Bonun prima* totnm versat caelam, fadtqne noctem et 

* ^n. Is namqne drcama{|^t Solem, et Lanam, omneaqae 

las relkjoaa ab oriente in ocddentem, nna qaotidie con« 

~'ocie . . . Motos antem secundns is est, qno Solem et 

la Tersari oemimus ab occidente in orientem, in partes 

imo fDotai contrarias.* (Cap. 5.) 

The nature of the second motion ^from W. to £.) 
e explains as follows : — 

* StdUanim fizarom sphaera . . . cujns motas ... est ani- 
rsis stellis errantibas commanis . . . ab occidente gyratur 
orienton snper sodiaci polia, centenis qnibosaae annis, at 
oletnaei est sententia, per spatinm antas graaos. Boaem 
oca unit oonvertantur septem planetanun sphaerae ; ita at 
. totom lodiacam percarrant annis 3600a (Cap. 13.) 

The astronomy of D.'s time, following Ptolemy, 

ut the revolution of the Starry Heaven, i. e. the 

yde of the precession of the equinoxes, at 36,000 

(a hundred years for each of the 360 

this is too much, it being really a6,ooo 




D.'s calculation, that only a little more than 

<^ sixth part of the revolution had been accom- 

;(>lished since the beginning of the world, is based 

"^ipon the belief that the creation took place five 

thousand years and more before the birth of Christ ; 

90 that in the thirteenth century a. d. more than 

^ix thousand years had elapsed, and the Heaven 

liad moved through rather more than 60 degrees, 

«r one-sixth of the whole circuit. (Orosius puts 

the period from Adam to Abraham at 3,184 years, 

and from Abraham to the Nativity at 3,015 years, 

Bukiiig 5)199 years from the creation to the 

Nativity ; this sum, with the addition of the 1,300 

yean of the Christian era, gives a total of 6,499 

years.) 

The Heaven of the Fixed Stars is the eighth 
in D.'s conception of Paradise, Par. ii. 64; 
Conv. ii. 32*, 4», 14^'; A. T. § ai^-io [Para- 
diao^] ; resembles Physics in three respects 
and Metaphysics also in three respects, Conv. 



ii. 1 5*-i2i . it is presided over by the Cherubim 
[Cherubini]. Inside of the Empyrean re- 
volves the Primum Mobile^ in which originate 
the influences which are distributed by the 
Starry Heaven to the various spheres which 
make up the Universe, Par. 1. 122-3; ii. 
1 1 2-1 7. 

On leaving the Heaven of Saturn, D. and 
Beatrice ascend with incredible velocity to that 
of the Fixed Stars, entering it in the constella- 
tion of Gemini, under which D. was bom (Par. 
xxii. 100-23); they here behold the triumph 
of Christ and the coronation of the Virgin 
Mary (Par. xxiii) ; St. Peter examines D. con- 
cemmg the nature and matter of faith (Par. 
xxiv) ; St. James examines him concerning 
hope (Par. xxv. 1-96) ; St. John then appears 
{vv, 9)^-139), and examines him concerning 
love (Par. xxvi. 1-66) ; after which Adam ap- 
pears, who resolves certain doubts of D. re- 
specting the first state of man (vv, 67-142) ; 
then St. Peter inveighs against the iniquity of 
the Popes (Par. xxvii. 1-66) ; ^terwards D. and 
B. ascend to the Crystalline Heaven (^'t'. 67-99). 

Cielo terzo. [Venere, Cielo di.] 

Cielo d'Alcamo. [Ciullo d'Aloamo.] 

Cimabue, Giovanni Cimabue, the great 
Florentine artist, and master of Giotto, com- 
monly regarded as the regenerator of painting 
in Italy ; he was bom circ. 1240, and died, not 
in 1300 as Vasari states, but in or after 1302, 
since he is proved by documentary evidence 
to have been painting in Pisa in that year ; he 
was buried m Santa Maria del Fiore at 
Florence. 

Oderisi (in Circle I of Purgatory) mentions 
him in illustration of the brief endurance of 
fame, that of C. having been speedily eclipsed 
by the fame of Giotto, Purg. xi. 94-6. Vasari 
says: — 

< Oscur6 Giotto veramente la fama di lui, non 
altrimenti che un lume grande faccia lo splendore 
d*un molto minore : perciocch&.sebbene fu Cimabue 
quasi prima cagione della rinnovazione dell' arte 
della pittura ; Giotto nondimeno suo creato,mosso 
da lodevole ambizione ed aiutato dal cielo e dalla 
nature, fu quegli che, andando piii alto col pensiero, 
aperse la porta della verity a coloro che 1* hanno 
poi ridotta a quella perfezione e grandezza, in che 
ia veggiamo al secolo nostro.' 

The Ottimo Comento (quoted by Vasari) 
says : — 

'Fu Cimabue di Firenze pintore nel tempo di 
Tautore, molto nobile di piii che homo sapesse, et 
con questo fue si arogante et si disdegnoso, che si 
per alcuno Ii fusse a sua opere posto alcun fallo 
o difetto, o elli da s& T avessi veduto (che, come 
accade molte volte, Tartefice pecca per difetto della 
materia, in che adopra, o per mancamento ch'^ 
nello strumento con che lavora), inmantenente 
quell' opra disertava, fuss! cara quanto volease.' 

Vasari quotes an epitaph on C. (evidently 



[161] 



M 



Cincinnato 



based upon Purg. xi. 94-5) which, he says, was 
placed in the Cathedral at Florence : — 

*Crrdidit ut Cimabos ptcturae castra tenerc. 
Sic tenait, vtvens; nunc tenet astra poli/ 

C.'s portrait, according to Vasari, was intro- 
duced by Simone da Siena in one of his frescoes 
in the Spanish Chapel of Santa Maria Novella 
at Florence : — 

' II ritratto di Cimabue si vede di mano di Simone 
Sanese, nel capitolo di Santa Maria Novella, fatto 
in profilo nella storia della Fede, in una figura che 
ha il viso magro, la barba piccola, rossetta ed 
appuntatA) con un cappuccio secondo Tuso di quei 
tempi, che lo fascia intorno intomo e sotto la gola 
con bella nianiera. Quello che gli ^ allato, ^ 
I'isteaso Simone maestro di quell* opera, che si 
ritrasse da s^ con due specchi per far la testa in 
profilo, ribattendo Tuno neir altro/ 

Cincinnato, Lucius Quintius CincinnatUs, 
one of the heroes of the old Roman republic, 
the Roman model of frugality and integrity ; 
he lived on his farm, which he cultivated him- 
self. In B.c 458 he was called from the plough 
to assume the dictatorship, in order to deliver 
the Roman army from the Aequians ; having 
accomplished this task, and defeated the enemy, 
he returned to his farm, after holding the dic- 
tatorship only sixteen days. In 439 he was a 
second time appointed dictator, at the age of 
eighty. 

The Emperor Justinian (in the HeaVen of 
Mercury) mentions him in connexion with the 
exploits of the Roman Eagle, referring to him 
(in allusion to his surhame Cincinnatus, i.e. 
'shaggy-haired') as Quinsto che dal cirro 
Negletto fu nomaio, l^ar. vi. 46-7 [Aqulla^] ; 
he is mentioned again (as Cincinnato) by 
Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who, 
speaking of the degenerate state of Florence, 
says that in his day such a person as Lapo 
Salterello would have been as great a marvel 
in that city as Cincinnatus would be now. Par. 
XV. 127-9 [Lapo^]; his laying down of the 
dictatorship and voluntary return to the plough 
are referred to, Conv. iv. ciso-* ; and, with a 
reference to Livy (iii. 28), though D. was more 
probably thinking of the account of Orosius 
(ii. 12, f§ 7, 8), and to Cicero (Fin, ii. 4), Mon. 
ii. 57«-*. 

Cincinnatus, the dictator, Mon. ii. s"'^' ^^• 
[Cincinnato.] 

CinOy Cino (i. e. Guittoncino) di ser Fran- 
cesco de' Sinibuldi of Pistoja, commonly known 
as Cino da Pistoja, the friend of D., and one 
of the principal poets of the new lyric school 
in Italy (which comprised, among others, Lapo 
Gianni, Dino Frescobaldi, Guido Orlandi, 
Gianni Aliani, Guido Cavalcanti, and Dante 
Alighieri), was bom at Pistoja in 1270; he 
was a lawyer by profession, and was the author 
of several legal works, the most important of 
which is the Leciura in Codium^ a commentary 



on the first nine books of the Code of Justinian ; 
after studying at Pistoja (whence he was exiled 
in 1307) and Bologna, he received his doctorate 
at Bologna (1314)1 and lectured on law succes- 
sively at Treviso (13 18), Siena (1321), Florence 
(1324), Perugia (1326), where he had among 
his pupils the famous Bartolo da Sassoferrato, 
and Naples (1330). Towards the close of his 
life he returned to Pistoja, which he had re- 
visited at various intervals, and held several 
official posts in his native town, where he died 
at the end of 1336 or the beginning of 1337. 
He was buried in the Cathedral of San Jacopo 
at Pistoja, where a monument by CeUino di 
Nese of Siena was erepted to him ; on it is a 
bas-relief representing Cino lecturing to nine 
pupils, among them Francesco Petrarca, who 
afterwards composed a sonnet on his death. 
In politics Cino belonged to the Bianchi party, 
with decided Ghibelline leanings, as appears 
from the fact that he accompanied Duke Louis 
of Savoy as his assessor when the latter went 
to Rome in 1310 to make preparations for the 
reception of Henry VII of Luxemburg, on 
whose death he wrote a poem in which he 
speaks of the Emperor as ' colui in cui virtute 
Com' in suo proprio loco dimorava.' Among 
Cino's friends, besides D., who in the De 
Vulgari Eloquentia usually speaks of him- 
self as * amicus Cini ' (V. E. i. \d^^ 17** ; ii. 
2^, 5**, 6^3)^ ^ere Onesto da Bologna, Cecco 
d'Ascoli, Bosone da Gubbio, and his pupil 
Petrarca. 

Cino was one of those who replied to D/s 
sonnet, ' A ciascun' alma presa, e gentil core ' 
(V. N. § 3'^'^) ; among numerous poems of his 
which have been preserved, several of them 
addressed to D., is a canzone on the death of 
Beatrice, and another on the death of D. him- 
self. His love-poems are said to have been 
inspired by his passion for Selvaggia, daughter 
of Filippo Vergiolesi of Pitecchio, who after- 
wards married Focaccia de' Cancellieri of 
Pistoja. He himself married (in 1300) Mar- 
gherita degli Ughi, by whom he had five 
children. (See G. Carducci, Rime di Cino da 
Pistoja; Bartoli, Lett, ItcU,^ iv. 1-133; and 
D'Ancona and Bacci, Lett, ItcU.y i. 306-15.) 

D. addressed two sonnets to Cino (Son. 
xxxiv, xlvi) ; and a letter (* Exulanti Pistonensi 



Florentinus exul immeritus ') in which he 
plies to C.'s inquiry whether the soul ' can pass 
iroTd passion to passion ' (Epist iv.) ; Cino is 
named. Son. xxxiv. 2 ; xlvi. 12 ; Cinus Pistori" 
ensis, V. E. i. lo^o, I33^ 172*-*; iL 2^, 5«; 
Cinus, V. E. ii. 2^^ ; Cinus de Pistorio, V. E. 
ii. 6"^; he is addressed by D. as cctrissime^ 
Epist. iv. I ; frater carissime, Epist. iv. 5 ; his 
poems are quoted, V. E. ii. 2»2, ^^^ ^n ; D. 
couples C. with himself as having written 
poems in the vulgar tongue, V. E. i. io*«-»i ; 
and with Guido Cavalcanti, Lapo Gianni, and 
himself, as having rejected the Tuscan dialect. 



[162] 



Ciro 



Civitate Del, De 



Oiampolo]. Philalethes renders the name 
* Schweinsborst.' 

Giro, Cyrus the elder, founder of the 
Persian Empire, son of Cambyses, a Persian 
noble, and of Mandan^, daughter of Astya^es, 
King of Media; he led the Persians agamst 
Astyages, defeated him and took him prisoner, 
and became King of the Medes, B. c. 559 ; 
conquered the kingdom of Lydia and took 
Croesus prisoner, B.C. 546 ; conquered Babylon, 
B.C 538; was defeated and slain in a battle 
against the Massagetae, a Scythian people, 
B. C. 529. • 

D. includes him among the examples of 
defeated pride in Circle 1 of Purgatory, Purg. 
xii. 56 [8ui>erbi] ; and refers to the story (for 
which his authority was Orosius, His/, ii. 7, § 6) 
of the vengeance of Tomyris, Queen of the 
Massagetae, whose son he had slain, how after 
his defeat and death she had his head cut off 
and thrown into a vessel filled with human 
gore, and mocked it, saying, ' For blood thou 
hast thirsted, drink thy fiU * (w, 55-7) ; his 
conquest of Babylon, and dream of universal 
empire, and his subsec]uent defeat and death 
at the hands of Tomyris, are referred to, Mon« 
ii. 9*3~* [Orosio : Tamirl]. 

Cirra, Cirrha, town in Phocis, on the Cris- 
saean Gulf, about 15 miles S.W. of Delphi, 
often confused with Crissa, an inland town 
a few miles distant, of which it appears to 
have been the port ; both towns were inti- 
mately connected with Delphi, the seat of the 
oracle of Apollo, hence Cirrha was sometimes 
used as a synonym of Delphi (cf. Statins, 
TAed, iii. 106, 455, 474). The name was also 
applied to one of the peaks of Parnassus, to 
that namely which was sacred to Apollo (the 
other, Nisa, being sacred to Bacchus), as is 
explained by Isidore of Seville in his Ori' 
gines : — 

' Parnasus mons est Thessaliae, juxta Boeotiam, 
qui gemino vcrtice est erectus in caelum. Hie in 
duo finditur juga, Cirra et Nisa, unde et nuncu- 
patus, eo quod in singulis jugis colebantur Apollo 
et Liber.* (xiv. 8.) 

Hence Cirrha was also used as a synonym 
of Parnassus (cf. Statins, Theb, i. 62, ii. 63, 
iii. 611). [Pamaso.] 

D. mentions Cirrha in connexion with Apollo 
in his capacity as god of song, and suggests 
that he himself is but the forerunner of more 
mighty poets. Par. i. 35-6. 

Most of the old commentators are silent on 
the subject of Cirrha, but both the Ottimo 
Comento and Benvenuto hold that D.'s refer- 
ence is to one of the peaks of Parnassus : — 

* II tempio d' Apollo, dove si viene a pregare, ^ in 
sul giogo di Pamaso detto Cirra ; e nell* altro 
giogo, detto Nisii, h il tempio di Bacco.*—* Cirra, 
idest Apollo, qui colitur in Cirrha, altero jugo 
montis Pamasi.' 



Citerea, Cytherea, name of Venus (Am, i. 
261, 661, &c), who was so called from Cythera 
(now Cerigo), an island off the S.£. point of 
Laconia, near which she is said to have risen 
from the foam of the sea. 

D. applies the name to the planet Venus, 
the time indicated being the early morning 
before dawn, Purg. xxvii. 95. As a matter A 
fact in April, 1300, the assumed date of the 
Vision, Venus was not actually a morning-star, 
but rose after the Sun. [Venere^.] 

Cittk di Castello. Castellana Civltaa. 

Ciuffagni], one of the Florentine families 
which received knighthood from the Marquis 
Hugh of Brandenburg, ' il gran Barone,* Par. 
xvi. 128. [Qangalandi.] 

. Ciullo d'Alcamo], the author (called by 
some Cielo d'Alcamo or Cielo dal Camo) of 
the poem, the third line of which (' Tragemi 
d*este focora, se t'este a boluntate,' or, ac- 
cording to the reading of Cod, Vat 3793, the 
only MS. in which the poem has been pre- 
served, * Trami d*este focora se t* este a bolon- 
tate") is quoted by D. as an example of the 
Sicilian dialect as spoken by the lower classes, 
V. E. i. I2«>. 

Alcamo is a town in the N.W. of Sicily, 
about 25 miles S.W. of Palermo, and 7 S.£. 
of Castellamare. Ciullo, according to Nan- 
nucci, represents the Sicilian Nzullo, an abbre- 
viation of Vincenciullo, Vincenzullo, the dimi- 
nutive of Vincenzio. The poem, which consists 
of thirty-two stanzas of five lines each (riming 
aaa bby ccc dd^ &c.), is in the form of a dialogue 
(' contrasto ') between a lover and his mistress, 
and was written, as is proved by internal 
evidence, between 1231 and 1250, so that the 
author was a contemporary of the Emperor 
Frederick II. (See D'Anconaand Comparetti, 
Rime Antiche Volgari^ i. 165-377; Monad, 
Crest Itat^ 106-9 ; and Nannucci, Lett ItaL, L 
1-15.) 

Civitas Castellana. [Castellana Civi- 
tas.] 

Civitate Dei, De, St. Augustine's work 
(in twenty-two books) On the City of Cody an 
apologetic treatise (written between 413 and 
426) in vindication of Christianity and the 
Christian Church; his comparison of the 
significant and insignificant parts of a narrative 
to the share and other parts of a plough, Men. 
iii. 4^^"* {Civ. Dei^ xvi. 2) : — 

< Non sane omnia, quae gesta narrantur, aliquid 
etiam significare putanda sunt; sed propter iUa« 
quae aliquid significant, etiam ea, quae nihil 
significant, adtexuntur. Solo enim vomere terra 
proscinditur ; sed ut hoc fieri possit, etiam cetera 
aratri membra sunt necessaria'— a passage which 
is quoted, in a mutilated form, by Boccacdo in 
his Comtnto at the close of Lezione vi. 

Though D. only once quotes th^De Civitate 



[164] 



Claudianus 



Clemente 



Dei by name, he was evidently familiar with the 
work, from which he derived details, for in- 
stance, as to Pythagoras, the Seven Ss^es of 
Greece, &c. [Agostino 2.] 

Claudianus], Claudian (Claudius Claudi- 
anus), the last of the Latin classic poets ; he 
was bom at Alexandria and came to Italy in 
A. D. 395, where he enjoyed the patronage of 
Stilicho, the famous general of the Emperor 
Theodosius I ; he died circ. 408. C, who was 
a i>agan, wrote a number of poems, many of 
which are extant, remarkable for the purity of 
their Latin. 

A quotation from his De Bella Gildonico^ 
'minuit praesentia famam* {v, 383), occurs in 
the so-called letter of D. to Guido da Polenta, 
in which the passage is erroneously ascribed 
to Virgil ; for this reason, ^unong others, the 
authenticity of this letter is suspected. 

Some think D. borrowed from Claudian's 
De Raptu Proserpinae (ii. 262) his description 
of Proserpine, Purg. xxviii. 50-1 ; but his 
authority here was Ovid (Metam, v. 385-401), 
and it is doubtful whether he had any ac- 

2uaintance with Claudian. (See Acculemy, 
)ec. 2, 1893.) 

ClemenSy Pope Clement V, Epist. v. 10. 
[Clemente 2.] 

Clemente 1, Clement IV (Guy Foulquois), 
a native of Languedoc ; created Cardinal (by 
Urban IV, whom he succeeded), 1261; elected 
Pope at Perugia, Oct. 8, 1264 ; died at Viterbo, 
Nov. 29, 1268. 

Manfred (in Antepurgatory) mentions him 
in connexion with the Bishop of Cosenza, who 
by his orders disinterred M.'s body from its 
grave beneath the heap of stones at the bridge 
of Benevento, and had it cast outside the 
limits of the kingdom of Naples, Purg. iii. 
124-9 [Benevento : Manjfredij. Some think 
Clement IV is included among the Popes 
mentioned by Nicholas III (in Bolgia 3 of 
Circle VIII of Hell), Inf,xix. 73-4 [»'icoold2]. 

Clemente'^], Clement V (Bertrand de 
Goth), a native of Gascony ; appointed Arch- 
bishop of Bordeaux by Boniface VIII, 1299 ; 
elected Pope (in his absence) at Perugia, 
June 5, 1305, in succession to Benedict XI ; 
crowned at Lyons, Nov. 14 of the same year ; 
died at Roquemaure, near Avignon, April 20, 
13 1 4. It was during the Pontificate of Cle- 
ment V, who appears never to have entered 
Italy, that the Papal See was removed to 
Avignon, where it remained in what Italian 
writers call the * Babylonian Captivity,* for 
over seventy years ; at the end of which period 
(1378) theGreat Schism took place, ClementVlI 
reigning as Pope at Avignon, Urban VI at 
Rome. The Schism came to an end with the 
election of Alexander V in 1409. 

Clement owed his election to an intrigue 
between Philip the Fair and the French party 



among the Cardinals. After a long contest 
between the latter, headed by Napoleone degli 
Orsini and the Cardinal NiccoI6 da Prato, and 
the partisans and kindred of Boniface VIII, 
headed by Matteo degli Orsini and Francesco 
Gaetani, a compromise ^as arrived at. It 
was agreed that one party should nominate 
three Ultramontane (Northern) prelates, not 
members of the Sacred College, and that the 
other party should within forty days elect one 
of these to the Papacy. The Gaetani party 
having named three Archbishops (among them 
the Archbishop of Bordeaux), of whom they 
felt sure, as they had all been appointed by 
Boniface VIII, Niccol6 da Prato made up his 
mind that their choice should fall upon the 
Archbishop of Bordeaux. He at once entered 
into secret communications with Philip the 
Fair, and brought about an interview between 
him and the Archbishop, in the course of 
which the King told the latter that he had it 
in his power to make him Pope, but that he 
must first agree to six conditions. These 
having been named, with the exception of the 
last (relating probably to the suppression of 
the Templars), which the King kept secret, 
the Archbishop gave his consent to them, 
pledging himself in a solemn oath upon the 
Host, and delivering up his brother and two 
nephews as hostages. The result of the inter- 
view having been communicated to the French 
Cardinals, the Archbishop of Bordeaux was 
unanimously chosen Pope, the Gaetani party 
remaining in entire ignorance of the intrigue 
by which the election had been brought about. 

' II savio e provveduto cardinale da Prato si 
pens6, che meglio si potea fornire il loro intendi* 
mento a prendere messer Ramondo del Gotto 
arcivescovo di Bordello, che nuUo degli altri, con 
tutto che fosse creatura del papa Bonifazio, e non 
amico del re di Francia, per ofiese fatte a' suoi 
nella guerra di Guascpgna per messer Carlo di 
Valps ; ma conoscendolo uomo vago d'onore e di 
signoria, e ch' era Guascone, che naturalmente 
sono cupidi, che di leggieri si potea pacificare col 
re di Francia; e cosi presono il parti to segreta- 
mente, e per saramento egli e la sua parte del 
coUegio . . . e per fidati e buoni corrieri ordinati 
per gli loro mercatanti (non sentendone nulla 
I'altra parte), mandarono da Perugia a Parigi in 
undici di, ammonendo e pregando il re di Francia 
per lo tenore delle loro lettere, che s' egli volesse 
racquistare suo stato in santa Chiesa, e rilevare i 
suoi amici Colonnesi, che '1 nimico si facesse ad 
amico, ci6 era messer Ramondo del Gotto arcives- 
covo di Bordello, I'uno de' tre eletti piii confidenti 
dell' altra parte, cercando e trattando con lui patti 
larghi per se e per gli amici suoi, perocch^ in sua 
mano era rimessa la lezione dell* uno di que' tre 
cui a lui piacesse. Lo re di Francia avute le dette 
lettere e commission!, fu molto allegro e sollecito 
alia impresa. In prima mandate lettere amichevoli 
per messi in Guascogna a messer Ramondo del 
Gotto arcivescovo di Bordello, che gli si facesse 
incontro, che gli volea parlare . . . e udita insieme 



[165] 



Clemente 



Clemente 



la messa, e giurata in su Taltare credenza, lo re 
parlameiit6 con lui, e cou belle parole, di ricon- 
ciliarlo con messer Carlo, e poi si gli disse : Vedi 
arcivescovo, i' ho in mia mano di poterti fare papa 
s' io voglio, e per6 sono venuto a te : e perci6, se 
tu mi prometterai di farmi sei grazie ch' io ti 
domander6y io ti far6 questo onore : e acciocch^ 
tu sie certo ch* io n* ho il podere, — trasse fuori e 
mostrogli le lettere e le commissioni deir uno 
collegio de* cardinali e deir altro. 11 Guascone 
covidoso della dignitk papale, veggendo cosi di 
subito come nel re era al tutto di poterlo fare 
papa, quasi stupefatto deir allegrezza gli si gitt6 
a* piedi, e disse: Signore mio, ora conosco che 
m' ami piii che uomo che sia, e vuoimi rendere 
bene per male: tu hai a comandare e io a ubbidire, 
e sempre sar6 cosi disposto. Lo re il rilev6 suso, 
e basciollo in bocca, e poi gli disse : Le sei speziali 
grazie ch' io voglio da te sono queste. La prima, 
che tu mi riconcili perfettamente coUa Chiesa, e 
facci perdonare del misfatto ch' io commisi della 
presura di papa Bonifazio. II secondo, di ri- 
comunicare me e' miei seguaci. II terzo articolo, 
che mi concedi tutte le decime del reame per 
cinque anni per aiuto alle mie spese c' ho fatte 
per la guerra di Fiandra. II quarto, che tu mi 
prometti di disfare e annullare la memoria di papa 
Bonifazio. II quinto, che tu renda Tonore del 
cardinalato a messer Jacopo e a messer Piero della 
Colonna, e rimettigli in stato, e fai con loro insieme 
certi miei amici cardinali. La sesta grazia e pro- 
messa mi riservo a luogo e a tempo, ch' ^ segreta 
e grande. L*arcivescovo promise tutto per sara- 
mento in sul Corpus Domini, e oltre a ci6 gli die* 
per istadichi il fratello e due suoi nipoti ; e lo re 
giur6 a lui e promise di farlo eleggere papa.' 
(Villani, viiL 80.) 

Having been elected under these circum- 
stances, Clement naturally, as Pope, was little 
more than a creature of the French king, whose 
behests he was forced to carry out one after 
the other. The condemnation ot Boniface V I U , 
however, he managed to avoid, Philip's atten- 
tion being diverted to a more profitable matter, 
viz. the plundering and ultimate suppression of 
the Order of the Templars. 

* Per sua avarizia si mosse il re, e si ordmd e 
fecesi promettere segretamente al papa, di disfare 
Tordine de' tempieri, opponendo contro a loro 
molti articoli di resia: ma piii si dice che fu per 
trarre di loro molta moneta, e per isdegni presi 
col maestro del tempio e colla magione. II papa 
per levarsi d*addosso il re di Francia, per la 
richesta ch' egli avea fatta del condannare papa 
Bonifazio . . . o ragione o torto che fosse, per 
piacere al re egli assentl di ci6 fare.' (Villani, 
viii. 9a.) 

When in 1308, on the assassination of the 
Emperor Albert of Austria, the Imperial crown 
became vacant, Clement was pressed by Philip 
to support (as some suppose, in fulfilment of 
the secret sixth condition of his election) the 
candidature of his brother, Clement's old enemy, 
Charles of Valois. Ostensibly the Pope com- 
plied, but, dreading any further extension of 



the formidable power of France, he secretly 
exerted all his influence against Charles, and 
favoured the claims of his rival, Henry of 
Luxemburg, who was elected as Henry VII. 
When the new Emperor descended into Italy 
to assert his imperial rights Clement for a time 
loyally co-operated with him ; but, yielding to 
the menaces of the French king, he gradually 
withdrew his support, leaving Henry to carry 
out his task alone, unaided, if not actually 
opposed, by the Papal influence. Clement 
survived the Emperor he had betrayed less 
than a year, his death having been hastened, 
according to Villani, by his apprehensions as 
to the fate in store for him in the next world, 
which had been revealed to him through witch- 
craft, by means of a vision. 

* Neir anno 13 14 di ao d*Aprile, mori papa 
Clemente. . . . Questi fu uomo molto cupido di 
moneta, e simoniaco, che ogni benefido per danari 
s'avea in sua corte, e fu lussurioso ; che palese si 
dicea, che tenea per amica la contessa di Pelagorga 
bellissima donna, figliuola del conte di Fusd. E 
lasci6 i nipoti e suo lignaggio con grandissimo e 
innumerabile tesoro : e dissesi che, vivendo il 
detto papa, essendo morto uno suo nipote cardinale 
cui egli molto amava, costrinse uno g^nde maestro 
di negromanzia che sapesse che dell' anima del 
nipote fosse. II detto maestro fatte sue arti, uno 
cappellano del papa molto sicuro fece portare 
a' dimonia, i quali il menarono alio 'nfemo, e 
mostrargli visibilemcnte uno palazzo iv* entro uno 
letto di fuoco ardente, nel quale era Tanima del 
detto suo nipote morto, dicendogli, che per la sua 
simonia era cosi giudicato. E vide nella visione 
fare i|n altro palazzo alia 'ncontra, il quale gli fu 
detto si facea per papa Clemente ; e cosi rapport6 
il detto cappellano al papa, il quale mai poi non fu 
allegro, e poco vivette appresso : e morto lui, e 
lasciatolo la notte in una chiesa con grande 
luminara, s*accese e arse la cassa, e '1 corpo sua 
dalla cintola in giii.' (ix. 59. ) 

D. assigns to Clement, who is not mentioned 
by name in the D, C, a place among the 
simoniacal Popes in Bolgia 3 of Circle VIII of 
Hell (Malebolge), Inf. xix. 82-7 [Sixnoniaoi] ; 
Nicholas III, who is already in Hell, foretells 
his coming there next after Boniface VIII (the 
intervening Pope, Benedict XI, having by his 
uprightness escaped condemnation), speaking 
of him as * a lawless pastor from the Westward' 
(i.e. from Gascony) 'of fouler works' than 
Boni&ce (w. 82-4) ; and alludes to his deal- 
ings with Philip the Fair in the matter of his 
election to the Papacy, comparing him to 
Jason, ' who laboured underhand to be high- 
priest ' {Mace. iv. 7) by bribing King Antiochus 
\w. 85-7) [Antioco : Jasone 2 : Ifiooold *J ; 
his dealings with Philip are alluded to agam 
(by Hugh Capet in Cirde V of Purgatory) 
with especial reference to the destruction of 
the Templars, Purg. xx. 91-3 [Templari] ; 
and also in the mystical Procession in the 
Terrestrial Paradise, in which the Church, 



[166] 



cud 



Colle 



* Fait haic (Bpapho) animis aeqaalis et annis 
Sole tatua PhaSthon, qu«m quondam taagna, loqaentem, 
Nee aibi cedentem, Phoeboque i»rente raperbam, 
NoQ tuHt Inachidea : MatriqaCj ait, omnia demens 
Credis; et es tnmidns genitona imag^ine falsi. — 
Bmboit PhaCthon, iramqae padore repressit ; 
Bt talit ad Clymenen Bpapni convicia matrem: 
Qaoqae ma^s doleaa, eenitrix, ait. ille e^o liber, 
iTle ferox tacui ; pudet haec opprobria nooia 
Bt did potntaae, et non potuiaae repelli. 
At ta ai modo anm caeleati atiqie creatoa, 
Bde notara tanti gfeneria; meque aasere caelo. — 
Dixit, et implicait matemo biachia coUo.* 

(Ar«teiw.l75off.) 

Cli6, Clio, the muse of History; mentioned 
by Virgil, addressing Statius (in Purgatory), in 
reference to the fact that the latter had invoked 
her at the beginning of the Thebaid (i. 41 ; 
cf. X. 630), thus proving that he was a pagan, 
Purg. xxii. 58. 

Cloelia, Roman maiden, one of the hostages 
given to Porsena, King of Clusium, who made 
her escape and swam across the Tiber to 
Rome, but was sent back by the Romans. 
Porsena was so struck with her exploit that he 
set her at liberty, together with some of the 
other hostages. 

D. refers to the incident of her escape, his 
account being borrowed from that of Orosius, 
whose description (ii. 5, § 3) of Cloelia's ' admi- 
rabilis transmeati fluminis audacia' he echoes, 
Mon. ii. 4W-70. 

Cloto, Clotho, the spinning fate, the youngest 
of the three fates, who at the birth of every 
mortal was supposed to wind on the distaff of 
Lachesis, the allotting fate, a certain amount of 
yam, the duration of the individual's life being 
determined by the length of time it took to 
spin. [Atropds.] 

Clotho and Lachesis are mentioned by Virgil, 
who explains to Statius (in Purgatory) that 
D.'s life has not yet run its course, Purg. xxi. 
25-7. [Iiaoheida.] 

Clugnly Cluny, town in France, about 10 
miles N.W. of Macon, the site of a famous 
Benedictine abbey, founded in 910 ; it had 
3,000 monastic communities directly under its 
sway in France, Italy, Spain, England, and 
other parts of Europe, the inmates of which 
formed the congregation of Cluniac monks. 

A few modem edd. (e.g. Witte and Phil- 
alethes) read Clugnl, instead of Cologna (the 
reading of most of the old edd.), Inf. xxiii. 63. 
[Cologna.] 

Cocito, Cocytus, 'named of lamentation 
loud Heard on the rueful stream,' river of Hell, 
whose waters are frozen and form a vast sheet 
of ice in the nethermost pit, in which, im- 
mersed to various depths, and in various 
postures, are placed the four classes of Traitors, 
in£ xiv. 119; xxxi. 123; xxxiii. 156; xxxiv. 52; 
stagno, Inf. xiv. 119 (cf. Aen. vi. 323); lago^ 
InL xxxii. 23 ; Uighiaccia, Inf. xxxii. 35 ; xxxiv. 
39 ; lagelaiinay Inf. xxxii. 60; igelati guasizijV. 
72 ; id dove i peccatori stanno jreschi^ v, 117; la 



gelata^ Inf. xxxiii. 91 ; lafredda crosta, v. 109 ; 
le gjlate croste, Inf. xxxiv. 75. [TraditorL] 

Like Acheron, Styx, and Phl^ethon, C. 
owes its origin to the tears of the ' gran veglio 
di Creta' (Inf. xiv. 1 12-19) [Creta] ; these 
unite in a stream which under various names 
flows down to the bottom of Hell, where it 
forms Cocytus, the waters of which are col- 
lected into a lake, and frozen by the wind 
generated by the wings of Lucifer (Inf. xxxiv. 
46-52) [Fiumi Infamali : Iiuoifero]. 

Coelo, De. [Caelo, De.] 

Colchi, Colchians, inhabitants of Colchis; 
mentioned by Virgil, in connexion with the 
expedition of Jason and the Argonauts in 
search of the golden fleece, Inf. xviii. 87. 
[Coloo: Jasone^.] 

Colchus, Colchian; velUra colcka, 'the 
golden fleece,' Eel. ii. i. [Ck>loo.] 

ColcOy Colchis, country of Asia, bounded 
on the W. by the Euxine, on the N. by the 
Caucasus, on the £. by Asian Iberia ; famous 
as the land to which Jason and the Argonauts 
sailed in search of the golden fleece. 

D. mentions it in connexion with the Argo- 
nauts, whom he speaks of as Quei gloriosi che 
passaro a Colco^ Par. ii. 16 ; he here warns his 
readers that their wonder at the contents df 
the Paradiso will surpass that of the Argonauts 
'when they saw Jason tumed ploughman' 
(z/z/. 17-18) [Argonautl]. There is probaU>ly 
a reminiscence of Ovid (Metam, vii. i3o) : — 

* Mtrantar Colchi ; Minyae clamoribus implent, 
Adjidantque animoe; 

but D. has transferred the ' wonder ' from the 
Colchians to the companions of Jason 
[Jasone ^]. 

Colle, town in Tuscany, in the Valdelsa, 
situated on a hill about 10 miles N.W. of 
Siena, and 14 E. of Volterra. It was the scene 
of a battle (June, 1269) in which the Sienese 
Ghibellines, with a mixed force of Germans 
and Spaniards, under Provenzano Salvani 
(who was slain) and Count Guido NovellOy 
were defeated by the Florentine Guelfs with the 
help of some of the French troops of Charles 
of Anjou. Colle is mentioned by Sapfa (iA 
Circle II of Purgatory) in connexion with this 
engagement, Purg. xiii. 115. [Bapia: Flra- 
venoano Salvani.] 

By this victory the Florentines avenged the 
disastrous defeat of Montaperti nine years 
before : — 

* Gli anni di Cristo 1369 nel mese di Giugno, i 
Sanesi, ond'era govematore messere Provenzano 
Salvani di Siena, col conte Guido Novello, colle 
masnade de' Tedeschi e di Spagnuoli, e con gli 
usciti f^hibellini di Firenze e dell' altre terre di 
Toscana, e colla forza de' Pisani, i quali erano in 
quantita di millequattrocento cavalieri e da ottomila 
pedoni, si vennono ad oste al castello di Colic di 
Valdelsa, il quale era alia guardia de' FiorentinL 



[168] 



Collina Porta 



Colonne, Guido delle 



II 



• • . E postisi a campo alia badia a Spugnole, e 

venuta in Firenze la novella il venerdi sera, il 

salMito mattina messer Giambertaldo vicario del re 

^ CavIo per la taglia di Toscana si parti di Firenze 

colle sue masnade, il quale allora avea in Firenze 

se^^ da quattrocento cavalieri franceschi ; e sonando 

^ campana, i Guelfi di Firenze seguendolo a ca- 

vaUo e a piede, giunsono in Colle la cavalleria 

1& ciomenica sera, e trovarsi intorno di ottocento 

CR.'i^alieri, o meno, con poco popolo, perocch^ cosi 

t^^^, come i cavalieri, non poterono giugnere a 

CoUe. . . . Sentendo i Sanesi la venuta della 

c^xralleria di Firenze, si levarono da campo dalla 

c&^^ta badia per recarsi in piii salvo luogo. Messer 

Cvi.sunbertaldo veggendogli mutare il campo, sanza 

>>^^cndere piii gente, pass6 colla cavalleria il ponte, 

c ^tchierata sua gente colla cavalleria di Firenze, e 

9im«llo popolo che v'era giunto, e' Colligiani (ma 

I>^xr la subita venuta de* Fiorentini nuUo ordine 

■-'V'^Ano di capitani d'oste, n^ d'insegna del comune) 

• «. . bene awenturosamente, come piacque a Dio, 

>no e sconfissono i Sanesi e loro amistk. . . . 

conte Guido Novello si fuggl, e messere Pro- 

r:iizano Salvani signore e guidatore dell' oste de' 

lesi fii presoy e tagliatogli il capo, e per tutto il 

ipo portato fitto in su una lancia. ... In questa 

^» — "ttaglia i guelfi di Firenze fecero grande uccisione 

<M^^ ' nemici per vendetta di loro parenti e amici che 

.^anasono alia sconfitta a Montaperti ; quasi nullo 

pochi ne menarono a pregioni, ma gli misono 

morte e alle spade ; onde la citta di Siena, a 

^mparazione del suo popolo, ricevette maggiore 

10 de* suoi cittadini in questa sconfitta, che non 

Firenze a quella di Montaperti.' (Villani, vii. 31.) 

Collina Porta, the Colline gate, the most 

. of the gates of ancient Rome, dose to the 

xirinal and Viminal hills ; Lucan's mention 

it (Phars. ii. 135), in connexion with the 

le between the Samnites and the Romans 

der Sulla (b.c 82), quoted, Mon. ii. 11^^. 

ti.] 

^^ Colognay Cologne on the Rhine ; men- 

"^oned by D. in his description of the Hypo- 

itesy wno, he says, had ' cowls with hoods 

«own in front of their eyes shaped like those 

om by the monks of Cologne,' Inf. xxiii. 61-3. 

•J 
According to the old commentators the 

^ worn by the Cologne monks were pecu- 

^arly ungainly, and were so fashioned by order 

the Pope as a punishment for their pre- 

mption in having petitioned for leave to 

scarlet cowls and other decorations. 








says: — 

' £ da sapere che elli ^ uno ordine di monaci Ii 

*^^iiali banno lo capo in Cologna, che ^ in Alemagna 

^Cd t molto ricchissima e nobilissima badia quella ; 

^ quale abbate gik piii tempo sentendosi esser 

^ignor di tanto ordine ed avere, cresc^ per arro- 

%anzia in tanta audacia che elli and6 ricchissima- 

nente a corte di messer lo papa, e a lui domand6, 

fiicendoli notevile lo suo esscre, che Ii piacesse di 

tiarli parola ed eziandio fare scrivere in canone, 

che Tabbate del detto luogo potesse avere la cappa 

di scarlatto e '1 cappuccio ; ancora, che le manu- 



brette delle sue cinture fosseno d'argento sovra 
dorate. Udito lo papa cosi inonesta domanda, 
procedette verso lui che elli e Ii suoi frati non 
potesseno avere cappe se non nere e di pan no non 
follato, e avesseno quelle cappe dinanzi e di drieto 
tanto lunghe, ch* elli menasseno coda per derisione 
di loro ; ancora che Ii cappucci delle predette cappe 
fosseno si grandi ch* elle tenesseno una misura di 
formento, che 6 tanto quanto h uno staro ; e per 
quell* arroganzia del detto abbate, che volea alle 
sue cinture guarnimento d'argento e d'oro, che 
non potesse avere n^ elli n^ Ii suoi frati, overo 
monaci, altro guarnimento ad esse se non di legno. 
£ a quel tempo in qua hanno quelli monaci e *1 
suo abbate tenuto e usato tale abito.' 

2^mboni (in Gli Ezzeliniy Dante e gli 
Schiavi) identifies the Cologna mentioned 
here, not with the German town, but with 
a village of that name in the neighbourhood 
of Verona, which he says was in D.'s time the 
centre of a woollen industry for the manufac- 
ture of monks* cowls; while Philalethes and 
Witte, reading Clugnl (for which there appears 
to be very slight authority) instead of Cologna^ 
take the reference to be to the famous Bene- 
dictine abbey of Cluny in France. [Clugni.] 

Cologna, Alberto di, Albert of Cologne, 
i. e. Albertus Magnus, Par. x. 98. [Alberto ^.] 

Colonia. [Cologna.] 

Colonna, Egidio. [Egidio 2.] 

Colonna, Jacopo], one of the Colonna 
cardinals deprived by Boniface Vlll ; alluded 
to as the colleague of Napoleone Orsini, 'col- 
lega Ursi,' Epist. viii. 10. [Colonnesi: Or- 
sini, I7appleone.] 

Colonna, Pietro], one of the Colonna 
cardinals deprived by Boniface VIII ; alluded 
to as the colleague of Napoleone Orsini, * col- 
lega Ursi,' Epist. viii. 10. [Colonnesi : Or- 
sini, Ifapoleone.] 

Colonna, Sciarra], one of the leaders in 
the attack upon Boniface VIII at Anagni; he 
and William of Nogaret are alluded to by 
Hugh Capet (in Circle V of Purgatory) as 
' vivi ladroni,' Purg. xx. 90. [Alagna : Boni- 
fi&sio ^ : Colonnesi : QugUelm'o di K o- 
garet.] 

Colonne, Guido delle, a judge of Messina 
in Sicily, who belonged to the Sicilian school 
of poetry which flourished under the Emperor 
Frederick II and his son Manfred. Besides 
poems Guido also wrote a romance of Troy in 
Latin prose, the Historia Trojana, which was 
widely popular in the Middle Ages ; it was 
avowedly compiled from the apocryphal his- 
tories De Excidio Trojae and De Bella 
Trojano of Dares and Dictys, but is in reality 
a more or less close translation of the O. F. 
Roman de Troie (written circ. 1 160) of Benoit 
de Sainte-More. This history (which is said 
to have been undertaken at the instance of 
Matteo della Porta, Archbishop of Palermo, 



[169] 



Colonne di Ercole 



Colonnesi 



1 263-1 272) is in twenty-eight books, of which 
the first was written about 1270, and all the 
others in Sep.-Nov. 1287; the interruption in 
the work was caused by -Guido's having ac- 
companied Edward I to England, when the 
latter was on his way home from the Crusade 
after the death of Henry III. In 1276 (or 
perhaps earlier) Guido was made Judge of 
Messina, whence he is commonly known as 
Guido delle Colonne, Giudice di Messina. 
According to an English chronicler he was 
still alive during the pontificate of Nicholas IV 
( 1 288-1 292). Guido was well known in Eng- 
land ; he is mentioned by Chaucer in the 
Hous of Fame as * Guido de Columpnis * (iii. 
379) » while his Historia Trojana was trans- 
lated into Middle English under the name of 
the * Geste Hystoriale * of the Destruction 
of Troy (E. E. T. S. 1869-74). A small number 
of Guido's poems has been preserved, including 
two (printed by Nannucci, Lett, Ital,^ i. 73-81, 
and by Monaci, Crest. Ital,, 218-23) which 
are quoted by D. 

The origin of Guido's surname delle Colonne is 
uncertain. Gorra thinks that it was derived froin 
the old name (' Columnae Herculis ') of Terranova 
on the S. coast of Sicily, to which Guido himself 
refers in his Historia (Bk. xiii). MQnaci, on the 
other hand, holds that Guido was not a Sicilian at 
all, but belonged to a branch of the Roman 
Colonna family, the title * Judex Messanae,' by 
which he is referred to in Sicilian documents, 
being of itself sufficient proof that he was not 
a native of Messina, it being the recognized custom 
at that time to appoint judges from putside. 
(This, however, is contested by Torraca, Giom. 
Dant.y V. 145-74.) Qaspary doubts the identity of 
the poet with the author of the Historia Trojana, 
and suggests that the latter was the son of Guido 
delle Colonne the poet. (See D'Ancona and Bacci, 
Lett. Ital,y \. 39-40.) 

D. (who makes no reference to the Historia 
Trojana) quotes, but without mentioning the 
author's name, the first lines of two of Guidq*s 
canzoni (* Ancor che Taigua per 1q foco lassi,' 
and ' Amor che lungamente m' hai menato ') 
as examples of the lofty style of Sicilian poetry, 
V. E. i. 12^2, 14. the latter line is quoted again 
as an instance of the use of the eleven- syllabled 
line, the author's name being given diS Judex 
de Columnis de Messina^ V. E. ii. 5*2-*. 

Some think that Guido delle Colonne is one 
of the Guidi referred to by Oderisi (in Circle I 
of Purgatory), Purg. xi. 97-8. [Quido *.] 

Colonne di Ercole], the * Columns of 
Hercules/ i.e. Mt. Abyla in N. Africa and Mt. 
Calpe (Gibraltar) in Spain, so called from the 
tradition that they were originally one moun- 
tain, which was torn asunder by Hercules ; 
they were supposed to mark the W. limit of 
the habitable world. Brunetto Latino says : — 

*■ En Espaigne ... est la fins de la terre, selonc 
ce que les anciennes gens proverent, et meisme- 



ment le tesmoigne la terre de Calpe et Albina, ou 
Hercules ficha les colonnes quant il vainqui toute la 
terre, au leu ou la nostre mer ist de la mer Oceane, 
et s'en va parmi les .iu mons ou sont les .iL isles 
Gadcs et les colonnes Hercules.' {JTresor, i. 134.) 

And in the Tesoretto : — 

*Apprea80 qnesto mare 

Vidi diritto stare 
Gran colonne, le qoall 

Vi miae per se^ali 
Ercules il potente. 

Per mostrare alia gente, 
Che loco sia finata 

La terra, e tenninata.* (xi. 119-36.) 

Ulysses (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) 
refers to the Pillars of Hercules in connexion 
with the Strait of Gibraltar, which he describes 
as ' quella foce stretta Ov' Ercole segn6 li suoi 
riguardi,' Inf. xxvi. 107-8 ; they are spoken of 
as the W. limit of the habitable world, 'ter- 
mini occidentales ab Hercule positi,' A. T. 
§ 194^-^. [AbUe: C&lpe: Setta.] 

Colonnesi], the Colonna family of Rome ; 
their war with Boniface VIII, who proclaimed 
a crusade against them, is alluded to by Guido 
da Montefeltro (in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of 
Hell), Inf. xxvi;. 85-7, 96-11 1 [Iiaterano : 
Fenestrino] ; the Colonna cardinals, Jacopo 
and Pietro, are referred to by D. in his letter 
to the Italian cardinals as the colleagues of 
Napoleone Orsini, * collegae Ursi,' Epist. viii. 
10 [Orsini, Ifapoleone]. 

The feud between the Colonnesi and Boni- 
face, which existed throughout his reign, came 
to a head in 1297, in which year it appears that 
Sciarra Colonna robbed part of the Papal 
treasure. The Pope in consequence deprived 
his two uncles, Jacopq and Pietro, of their 
rank as Cardinals, excommunicated them and 
the rest of their house, and razed to the ground 
their palaces in Rome. The Colonnesi there- 
upon left Rome and openly defied Bonifisice 
from their strongholds of Palestrina and Nepi. 
The latter was captured, but Palestrina held 
out, and was only surrendered on promise of 
a complete amnesty. No sooner, however, did 
tbe Pope get the fortress into his hands than 
he had it completely destroyed; and the 
Colonnesi, who had received absolution on 
their submission, furious at this piece of 
treachery, again defied the Pope, and were 
again excommunicated. During the remainder 
of Boniface's reign they remained in exile. 
They had their revenge when Sciarra Colonna, 
as agent of Philip the Fair, captured Boniface 
at Anagni. The Colonna cardinals were 
eventually reinstated in their dignities by 
Clement V at the bidding of Philip the Fair. 
[Alagna: Clemente^.] 

Villani*s account of the struggle between 
Boniface and the Colonnesi closely resembles 
that of D. in several details : — 

' Negli anni di Cristo 1297, a d) 13 del mese di 
Maggio, tenendosi papa Bonifazio molto gravato 



[170] 



Commedfa 



Compagni, Dino 



In/emOy 4,755 in the Purgatorio^ and 4,758 in 
the Paradiso, The average length of each 
Canto is 142*33 lines ; the longest being Purg. 
xxxii, with 160 lines, the shortest. Inf. vi, with 
115 lines. D. himself applies the term canzone 
(Inf. XX. 3) or cantica (Purg. xxxiii. 140) to the 
three main divisions of the poem, and canto 
(Inf. XX. 2 ; Par. v. 139) to the subdivisions. 

D. places the date of the action of the poem 
in the Jubilee year 1300. Thus he describes 
the Vision as having taken place ^ Nel mezzo 
del cammin di nostra vita' (Inf. i. i), i.e. in 
his thirty-fifth year, the days of our life, ac- 
cording to the Psalmist, being * three-score 
years and ten * {Psalm xc. 10), and D. having 
been bom in 1265. Further, he says (Inf. xxi. 
112) that Christ's descent into Hell took place 
1266 years ago, which, with the addition of 
the thirty-four years from Christ's Incarnation, 
gives the date 1300. 

As regards the duration of the action of the 
poem there is much difference of opinion. The 
most probable estimate, on the whole, seems 
to be that which puts it at seven days. Of 
these, twenty-four hours would be occupied 
in traversing Hell (i. e. from nightfall on the 
evening of Good Friday, April 8, 1300, until 
shortly after sunset on Easter-eve), four days 
in traversing Purgatory (i. e. one day in Ante- 
purgatory, two days in Purgatory proper, and 
one day in the Earthly Paradise at the summit 
of the Mt. of Purgatory), and one day in 
traversing Paradise ; the remaining time being 
occupied by the passage from Hell to Purga- 
tory, and from Purgatory to Paradise. 

The chronology of the poem (according to 
Moore, Time- References in the D, C) is as 
follows : — 

(Thursday^ April 7, 1300) night. Inf. i. 21 ; 
{Good Friday^ April 8) morning, w, 17, 37; 
nightfall. Inf. ii. i ; midnight, Inf. vii. 98 ; 
{Saturday i April 9) 4 a.m , Inf.xi. 1 13 ; 6 a.m., 
Inf. XX. 125; 7 a.m., Inf. xxi. 112; i p.m., 
Inf. xxix. 10 ; 7.30 p.m., Inf.xxxiv. 96; (Easter 
Sunday f April 10) circ. 4 a.m., Purg. i. 19-21 ; 
circ. 5 a.m., ttv. 107-15 ; sunrise, circ. 5.15 a.m., 
Purg. ii. I ; 6 a.m., w, 55-7 ; 6-6.30 a.m., 
Purg. iii. 16, 25 ; drc. 9 a.m., Purg. iv. 15 ; 
noon, 7/. 138; evening, Purg. vii. 43, 85 ; just 
after sunset, Purg. viii. i ; circ. 7.30 p.m., 
V, 49 ; circ. 8.45 p.m., Purg. ix. 1-9 ; (Monday^ 
April 11) before dawn, in'. 13, 52; circ. 
7.30 a.m., V, 44 ; circ. 8.30 a.m., Purg. x. 14 ; 
circ. noon, Purg. xii. 81 ; 3 p.m., Purg. xv. i ; 
circ. 6 p.m., v. 141 ; circ. 6.30 p.m., Purg. xvii. 
9 ; twilight, w, 62, 72 ; towards midnight, 
Purg. xviii. 76; {Tuesday^ April 12) circ. 
4 30 a.m., Purg. xbc. 1-6 ; daylight, v, 37 ; 
II a.m., Purg. xxii. 118; circ. 2 p.m., Purg. 
XXV. 1-3 ; circ. 4-5 p.m., Purg. xxvi. 4-6 ; circ. 
6 p.m., Purg. xxvii. 1-5 ; sunset, 7/. 61 ; twilight, 
V, 70; starlight, ?'. 89; (Wednesday^ April 13) 
before dawn, v, 94 ; sunrise, w, 109-12 ; sun 



up> ^* 133 » noon, Purg. xxxiii. 103 ; (Thursday^ 
April 14) day, Par. i. i -xxxiii. 145. 

The dates of the completion of the several 
parts of the poem have been calculated from 
mtemal evidence by several writers, but with 
widely different results, chiefly owing to the 
difference of opinion with regard to the identi- 
fication of the * Veltro ' of Inf. i. loi. 

The following limitations, however, may be 
fixed with tolerable certainty : — i. The Inferno 
must have been completed after April 20, I3I4« 
the date of the death of Clement V, because 
of the allusion to that event, Inf. xix. 76-87 ; 
and not later than 13 19, since it is rdierred to 
as finished in a Latin poem addressed to D. 
in that year by Giovanni del Virgilio, as well 
as in D.*§ Eclogue in reply. — 2. The Purga- 
torio must have been completed not later than 
1 3 19, since it is also alluded to as finished in 
the above-mentioned poems of Giovanni del 
Virgilio and of D.— 3. The Paradiso must 
have been completed after Aug* 7, 1316, the 
date of the accession of John XXII, since that 
Pope is alluded to. Par. xxvii. 58-9 ; the latest 
limit being fixed by the date of the poet*8 
death, Sep. 14, 1321. (See Witte, Dantf 
Forschungin^ i. 134-40.) 

There are between 500 and 600 MSB. of the 
D, C. known to exist, but none claiming to be 
eariier than 1335 or 1336, i.e. none earUer than 
fourteen or fifteen years after D.'s death. 

Of printed editions there are between 300 and 
400. The earliest are dated 1479, in which year 
three editions were published, viz. at Foligno, at 
Mantua, and at Jesi. The first Florentine edition 
appeared, with the commentary of Landino, in 
1 481. Two editions were printed in the next 
century by Aldus, the first in 150a, the second in 
1515 ; in the former (and in another book printed in 
the same year) the Aldine anchor began to be used 
for the first time, but it does not appear in all copies. 

The British Museum Catalogue registers four- 
teen editions of the Italian text in Cent, xv (from 
147a to 1497), twenty-nine in Cent xvi, three only 
in Cent, xvii, fifteen in Cent, xviii, and about ninety 
between 1800 and 1886. The total number of 
editions iq various languages printed in the present 
century now amounts to between aoo and 300. 

Commentator, Averroes, A. T. §§ 5^, i83«. 
[Comentatore.] 

Comoedia, the Divina Commedia^ Epist. 
^ 3) lO) 13* [Cotnmedia.] 

Compagni, Dino], Florentine Guelf, of the 
Bianchi faction, bom circ. 1260, died Feb. 261 
132^. Dino was one of the promoters of the 
democratic reform of 1282, and a supporter of 
Giano della Bella, the great law-madcer and 
champion of the commons. He was Prior in 
1289, Gonfalonier of Justice in 1293, and Prior 
again in 1301, in which year his tenure of 
office was brought to an abrupt termination by 
the violence of the Neri on the occasion of the 
coming of Charles of Valois to Florence ; he 



[172] 



Consolazione, Di 



Convlvio 



sufTecerit intueri ; rerum exitus prudentia 
metitur*); Conv. Hi. 2^*'^"^ (Cons, i. pr. 4: 
' Tu mihi et qui te sapientium mentibus inseruit 
deus * ; Cons, iii. m^/, 9 : * Tu cuncta superao 
Ducis ab exemplo ; pulchrum pulcherrimus 
ipse Mundum mente gerens similique in ima- 
gine formans*); Conv. iv. 128^^ (Cons, ii. 
me^, 5 : ' Heu primus quis fuit ille Auri qui 
pondera tecti, Gemmasque latere volentes, 
Fretiosa pericula fodit?'); Conv. iv. 127*"® 
(Cons. ii. met, 2 : * Si quantas rapidis flatibus 
incitus Pontus versat arenas, Aut quot stelliferis 
edita noctibus Caelo sidera fulgent, Tantas 
fundat opes nee retrahat manum Pleno copia 
comu, Humanum miseras baud ideo genus 
Cesset flere querellas'); Conv. iv. 1 3108-1 o> 
130-2, 140-2 (Cons, ii. pr, 5 : ' Si vitae hujus 
callem vacuus viator intrasses, coram latrone 
cantares.' — * Siquidem avaritia semper odiosos, 
claros largitas facit.* — *Tunc est pretiosa pe- 
cunia, cum translata in alios largiendi usu 
desinit possideri *) ; Mon. i. 92&-8 (Cons, ii. 
met, 8) ; Mon. ii. 981-8 (Cons, ii. me/, 6) ; 
Epist. X. 33 (Cons, iii. met, 9). 

There are also evident reminiscences of 
Boethius in the following passages : — Inf.ii. 76 
(Cons, i. pr, 3 : ' Philosophia omnium magistra 
virtutum ') ; Purg. xv. 64-6 (Cons, i, pr, 6 : 
' dimotis faUacium adfectionum tenebris splen- 
dorem verae lucis possis agnoscere'); Conv. 
i. 3^^"^ : * la piaga della fortuna . . . suole in- 
giustamente al piagato molte volte essere im- 
putata ' (Cons, \, pr, 4 : * Hoc tantum dixerim, 
ultimam esse adversae fortunae sarcinam, quod 
dum miseris aliquod crimen affigitur, quae 
perferunt, meruisse creduntur ') ; Conv. iv. 
29I0-13 and Mon. ii. 3I9-20 (nobility of descent 
does not make a man noble) (Cons, \\\,pr, 6: 
' Quam sit inane, quam futile nobilitatis nomen, 
quis non videat ? quae si ad claritudinem re- 
fertur, aliena est. Videtur namque esse nobi- 
litas quaedam de mentis veniens laus paren- 
tum. Quod si claritudinem praedicatio facit, 
illi sint clari necesse est, qui praedicantur: 
quare splendidum te, si tuam non habes, aliena 
claritudo non efficit. Quod si quid est in 
nobilitate bonum, id esse arbitror solum, ut 
inposita nobilibus necessitudo videatur, ne a 
majorum virtute degenerent *). [Boezic] 

Consolazione, DI. [Consolatlone Pbllo- 
sopblae, De.] 

Constantino. [Costantino.] 

Constantinopolis, Constantinople, capital 
of the Eastern Empire, founded by Constantine 
the Great (a.d. 330), on the site of the ancient 
Byzantium ; alluded to by the Emperor Justinian 
(in the Heaven of Mercury), in connexion with 
the transference of the seat of the Roman Em- 
pire to Byzantium, as /o stremo d^Europa, 
Par. vi. 5. [Aquilai; Qiuatiniano.] 

D. states that Charlemagne received the 
Imperial dignity from the Pope, notwithstand- 



ing that Michael was Emperor at Constanti- 
nople, Mon. iii. 1 1^'^. As a matter of fact the 
Empress Irene (797-802) was on the throne of 
Constantinople at the time of Charlemagne's 
coronation. Michael I did not become Em- 
peror until 811. [Carlo Magno : Michael.] 

Constantintis, Emperor Constantine the 
Great, Mon. iii. ioi» 23, 27, 41, 117^ ,360. [ck>- 
stantino.] 

Constanza. [Costanaa.] 

Contemplanti, Spiriti. [Spiriti Con- 
templantL] 

Contentplatlone, De, treatise of Richard of 
St. Victor On ContemplcUion ; cited in support 
of the contention that the memory is powerless 
to retain the most exalted impressions of the 
human intellect, Epist. x. 28. [Biooardo.] 
Witte quotes the following passage from the 
De area mystica, in quo de contempieUione : — 

'Quaedam namque ejusmodi sunt, quae huma- 
nam intelligentiam excedunt, et humana ratioiie 
investigari non possunt, et inde, uti superius jam 
dictum est, praeter rationem non sunt.' (iv. la.) 

Conti, ly the Counts, i. e. the Conti Guidi, 
Par. xvi. 64. [Quidi, Conti.] 

Contra Oentlles. [Qentlles, Summm 
Contnu] 

Convlto. [ConvlvloJ] 

Convlvio, the Banquet of D., a treatise in 
Italian, written in verse and prose, consisting 
of a philosophical commentary (not completed) 
on three of his canzoni, viz. * Voi che intendendo 
il terzo ciel movete' (Canz. vi; cf. Par. viii. 
37) ; ' Amor che nella mente mi ragiona ' 
(Canz. vii; cf. Purg. ii. 112); 'Le dolci rime 
d'amor ch' io solia ' (Canz. viii). The Convruio 
was originally intended to be a commentary 
on fourteen canzoni : — 

* La vivanda di questo convivio saHi di quattordici 
manierc ordinata, cio^ quattordici canzoni si di 
amore come di virtii materia te.' (i. !*••"*.) 

In its unfinished state it consists of four 
books ; the first, divided into thirteen chapters, 
is introductory; the second, in sixteen chapters, 
comprises the canzone 'Voi che intendendo/ 
and the commentary on it ; the third, in fifteen 
chapters, comprises the canzone 'Amor che 
nella mente/ and commentary ; the fourth, in 
thirty chapters, comprises the canzone ' Le 
dolci rime d*amor,' and commentary. 

It was written some time after the Vita Nuova, 
but before the Divina Commedia, in which D. 
sometimes corrects opinions he had expressed in 
the Convivio (e. g. on the spots on the Moon, 
Par. ii. 49-148; xxii. 139-41; Conv. ii. m'*"^; 
and on the angelic hierarchies, Par. xxviii. 40-139; 
Conv. ii. 6*~**). It is probably an earlier work 
than the De Monarchia and perhaps later than the 
De Vtilgari Eloqtuntia. Scartazzini (Prol, dtUa 
D. C, pp. 334-37) places the date of its com- 



[174] 



Cordelliero 



Corniglia 





position between April 1307 and May 1309. It 

iras first printed at Florence, under the title of 

Ct>9timno, in 1490; there were at least three 

editions printed at Venice, under the title of 

Apmnoroso Convhno, in Cent, xvi (1521, 1539, 1531). 

Sonne thirty MSS. of it are known to exist, the 

majority of them being preserved in Italy; six of 

th ^^se belong to Cent. xiv. 

-I. lie original title of the treatise appears to have 
:ji Canvivio, not Convito as it is ofien written by 
naodem editors. Witte states {^Danti-Forschungen, 
ii- S74-80) ^^^ ^^^ form Convivio occurs in twenty- 
si:ac of the MSS.» including the six of Cent, xiv, as 
iv'^^11 as in the first four printed editions. The 
foK-xn CoHvito appears for the first time in the 
F'lorence edition of 1733, and has been adopted in 
n^^sarly every subsequent edition. 

£oth Villani and Boccaccio include the Convivio 
>x» their lists of D/s writings; the former, who 
do^ss not mention its title, sa3rs (in a passage 
is omitted from some MSS. of the 

•):- 

f, leato Dante . . . comtncid nno commento sopra qaat- 
ici delle sopraddette sue canzoni morali volgarmente, 
lE ^^nale per la sopravvenata morte non perfetto si trova. ae 
n ao|va le tre ; la quale, per quello che si vede, alta, bella, 
.'tile, e ^randtsmnia opera riuacia, perocchi omato appare 
Ito dittato e di belle ragioni filosofiche e astrologiche.* 
136.) 
^Boccaccio says : — 

II detto Dante . . . compose ancora an commento in prosa 

fiorentino volgure sopra tre delle sue canzoni dtstese, 

necdi^ tg)X appaia lui avere avuto intendtmento, quando 

^=ominci6, di commentarle tatte, benchi poi o per muta- 

ito di proposito o per mancamento di tempo che awe- 

Mse, ptjl commentate non se ne trovano da lui ; e questo 

Stdo Comvivio^ assai bella e laudevole operetta.* 

The title Convivio was given to the work 

D. himself, * la presente opera h Convivio 

minata e vo* che sia,* Conv. i. 1 111-12 j 

}iesto mio Convivio^ Conv. iv. 22"^ ; he also 

to it as la presente scritturuy Conv. i. 2* ; 

^**» presente opera^ Conv. i. iin, 41^2 . comento^ 

^^«3nv. i. 3IO, 4106^ ^36^ 770^ 949, io27, 80, 97; 

^^sto libro, Conv. i. I^^, 8i3i ; he explains 

^ meaning of the title, the aim of the work, 

the difference between it and the Vita 

»di^<i, Conv. i. I ; D. as the author represents 

^^« servants at an actual banquet, Conv. i. 

^ ""* ; the book is of the nature of a com- 

22^tary, Conv. i. 310, 4I05, 530, 770^ 9*9^ jo27, 

.* *^ ; It is written in a lofty style in order to 

^^e it an air of gravity and authority, and so 

j^ Counterbalance the objection of its being in 

*tali5in, Conv. i. 49^-105 ; reasons for its being 

^'ittcn in the vulgar tongue instead of in 

Jr^tin, Conv. i. 5 ; the commentary stands in 

^*^ same relation to the canzoni as a servant 

j*2^ to his master, Conv. i. S^^*^, 7^^'^^ ; un- 

?*« other commentaries as being written, not 

^ Latin, but in the vulgar tongue, Conv. i. 

^r^"^* ; in it is set forth the great excellence of 

^c Italian language, Conv. i. 108O-109, 

Cordelliero. [Cordigliero.] 

CordiglierOy Cordelier, Franciscan monk, 
so called from the rough cord worn by members 
of the Order, in imitation of St. Francis, their 




founder, who bound his body with a cord, re- 
garding it as a beast which required to be 
controlled by a halter. [Franoesoajii.] 

Guido da Montefeltro, who in his old age 
became a Franciscan monk, speaks of himself 
(in Bolgia 8 of Circle VIII of Hell) as hav- 
ing been a Cordelier, Inf. xxvii. 67. [Quido 
Montefeltrano.] 

Coribanti], Corybantes (or Curetes), priests 
of Cybele or Rhea, who celebrated her worship 
with dances and music. At the birth of the 
infant Jupiter Rhea caused them to raise 
shouts so as to drown his cries and thus con- 
ceal his existence from his father Saturn. 
Virgil alludes to this incident (in his description 
of the * Veglio di Creta ') in connexion with 
Mt. Ida, Inf. xiv. ioa-2. [Idai : Bea.] 

Corintbios, Bpistola ad, St. Paul's Epistle 
to the Corinthians, Mon. iii. lo'^ ; Epist.x. 28 ; 
c}uoted, Conv. iv. 22^>®"8 (i Cor. ix. 24); Mon. 
iii. 10^-* (i Cor. iii. 11); Epist. viii. 5 (i Cor, 
XV. 10) ; Epist. X. 28 (2 Cor, xii. 3-4). 

Cometo, town in the Campagna of Rome, 
on the river Marta, about five miles from the 
coast ; mentioned in connexion with the high- 
way-robber, Rinier da Cometo, Inf. xii. 137 ; 
and again, to indicate roughly the S. limit of 
the Tuscan Maremma, In^ xiii. 9. [Ceoina : 
Maremma.] 

Cometo, Rinier da, famous highway- 
robber in D.*s day ; placed, together with 
Rinier Pazzo, among the violent Robbers in 
Round I of Circle VII of Hell, Inf. xii. 137. 
[Fredoni.] 

Little is known of him, beyond that he w^ 
a sort of bandit chief, who frequented the roads 
leading into Rome ; the Anonimo Fiorentino 
says of him : — 

* Messer Rinieri da Corneto di Maremma fu 
grandissimo rubatore, tanto che mentre visse tenea 
in paura tutta Maremma, et in fine in suUe porti 
di Roma ; per6 ch* elli per se medesimo facea 
rubare in sulle strade, et ancora chiunque volea 
rubare era da lui ricevuto nelle fortezze sue e 
datogli aiuto et favore.' 

Corniglia, Cornelia, daughter of Scipio 
Africanus Major, and wife of Tiberius Sem- 
pronius Gracchus, by whom she became ' the 
mother of the Gracchi,' viz. the tribunes 
Tiberius and Caius. On being condoled with 
on the death of her sons, who were both slain 
during her lifetime, she is said to have ex- 
claimed that she who had borne them could 
never deem herself unhappy. 

D. places her, along with Lucretia, Julia, and 
Marcia, among the noble spirits of antiquity in 
Limbo, Inf. iv. 128 [IiixnboJ; she is mentioned 
by Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), by 
way of contrast to the dissolute Florentine 
Cianghella, Par. xv. 129. 

Boccaccio and others think that the reference 



\ 



[175] 



F 



Como 



Corso Donati 



is to Cornelia, daughter of Metellus Scipio, wife 
first of P. Crassus, afterwards of Pompey, who 
is spoken of at length by Lucan (Phars, viii). 
Benvenuto mentions the alternative, but only 
to reject it : — 

' Est sciendum quod autor non loquitur hie de 
Cornelia uxore Pompeii, quamvis multum laudata 
sit a Lucano; multae enim fuenint Comeliae. 
Sed loquitur de Cornelia filia magni Scipionis 
Affricaniy quae fuit mater Gracconim, mulier 
quidem virilis et magnanima.' 

CornOy * the Horn,' i. e. the constellation of 
the Little Bear, which is conceived as a horn, 
the mouth (* bocca,' v, lo) being formed by the 
two stars furthest * from the pole-star, which 
forms the pointed end of the horn, Par. xiii. lo. 
[Boote.] 

Como della Capra, 'the Horn of the 
Goat,' i. c. Capricorn, Par. xxvii. 68-9. [Capri- 
como.] 

Coro, Caurus, the N.W. wind ; mentioned 
to indicate the quarter whence it blows, In£ 
xi. 114. Brunetto Latino says of it : — 

' Devers la tramontane en a il un vent plus 
debonaire, qui a non Chorus. Cestui apelent li 
marinier maistre, por .vii. estoiles qui sont en 
cclui meisme leu.* {Trhor, i. 107.) 

Corona, the constellation of the Crown, 
L e. the marriage-garland of Ariadne, which 
Bacchus placed among the stars after her 
death; alluded to, Par. xiii. 13-15. [Arianna.] 

Corradino. [Curradino.] 

Corrado. [Currado.] 

Comiptioae,DeQenermUoaeet [Qeaen- 
UooCt De.] 

Corsi, inhabitants of Corsica ; mentioned 
to indicate the island itself, the period when 
the Sun sets W. by S. (i. e. about the end of 
November) being described as the time when 
to the inhabitants of Rome it appears to set be- 
tween Corsica and Sardinia, Purg.xviii. 79-81. 

Corso], the present Via del Corso in 
Florence ; alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the 
Heaven of Mars) in his description of the 
situation of the house in which he and his 
ancestors lived in Florence, Par. xvi. 40-2. 
[Caociaguida.] 

Corso Donati], head of the Donati family 
and leader of the Neri faction in Florence, the 
brother of Forese (Purg. xxiii. 48, 76 ; xxiv. 74) 
and Piccarda (Purg. xxiv. 10; Par. iii. 49; iv. 
97, 1 12). He was Podestli of Bologna in 1283 
and 1288, of Pistoja in 1289 (in which year, as 
Captain of Pistoja, he took part in the battle of 
Campaldino), and of Treviso in 1308. In the 
summer of 1300 the Priors of Florence, of 
whom D. was one, in order to put an end to 
the disturbances occasioned by the Bianchi 
and Neri feud, decided to exile the heads of 
both ^parties. Corso, counting on the sym- 



pathies of Boniface VIII, repaired to Rome and 
urged the Pope to send Charles of Valois to 
Florence to pacify the city in his name. 

* Informato papa Bonifazio del male stato e 
dubitoso della cittk di Firenze . . . con procacdo 
e studio di messer Corso Donatj che seguiva la 
corte, s) prese per consiglio di mandare per messer 
Carlo di Valos fratello del re di Francia . . . e gli 
die' titolo di paciario in Toscana, per recmre colla 
sua forza la cittk di Firenze al suo intendimento.* 
^Villani, viii. 43.) 

Charles entered Florence, Nov. i, 1301, and 
was followed not long after by Corso Donati 
and a band of exiled Neri, who forced their 
way into the city, broke open the prisons, and 
at the head of the rabble attacked the houses 
of the Bianchi, pillaging, burning, and murder- 
ing for five days and nights, without any 
attempt being made by Charles to check them. 
After the departure of the latter the Neri were 
left in possession of Florence, and Corso now 
attempted to get the supreme power into his 
own hands. But his pretensions soon rendered 
him an object of detestation and suspicion, and 
at length he was formally charged by the Priors 
with conspiring against the liberties of the 
commonwealth in concert with his father-in- 
law, the Ghibelline captain Uguccione della 
Faggiuola, and was sununoned to appear 
before the Podestk. On his refusal to comply 
he was condenmed to death as a traitor, 
besieged in his own house, and eventually 
slain while attempting to escape, Oct 6, 1308: — 

'Nel detto anno 1308, essendo nella cittk di 
Firenze cresciuto scandolo tra* nobili e potenti 
popolani di parte nera che guidavano la dttik, per 
invidia di stato e di sign6ria . . . erano partiti in 
setta ; e dell' una era capo messer Corso de' Donati 
con seguito d*alquanti nobili e di certi popolani . . . 
e dell* altra parte erano capo messer Rosso della 
Tosa . . . con piii altri casati grandi e popolani, 
e la maggiore parte della buona gente della cittade, 
i quali aveano gli ufici e'l govemamento della 
terra e del popolo. Messer Corso e' suoi seguaci 
parendo loro esser male trattati degli onori e ofid 
a loro guisa, parendogli essere piii degni, perocch' 
erano stati i principali ricoveratori dello stato 
de' neri, e cacciatori della parte bianca; ma per 
Taltra parte si disse, che messer Corso volea essere 
signore della cittade e non compagnone ; quale che 
si fosse il vero o la cagione, i detti, e quegli che 
reggeano il popolo T aveano in odio e a grande 
sospetto, dappoi s'era imparentato con Uguccione 
della Faggiuola, ghibellino e nimico de' Fiorentini ; 
e ancora il temeano per lo suo grande animo e 
podere e seguito . . . e massimamente perch^ 
trovarono ch' avea fatta l^a e giura col detto 
Uguccione della Faggiuola suo suocero, e mandate 
per lui e per suo aiuto. Per la qual cosa, e per 
grande gelosia, subitamente si ]ev6 la cittade a 
romore . . . e fu data una inquisizione owero 
accusa alia podestii incontro al detto messer Corso, 
opponendogli come dovea e volea tradire il popolo^ 
e sommettere lo stato della cittade, iaccendo venire 
Uguccione da Faggiuola co' ghibcUini e nimici del 



[176] 



Corso Donati 



Cortigiani 




comune. £ la richesta gli fu fatta, e poi il bando, 

e poi la condannagione : in meno d*una ora, sanza 

daj-gli pill termine al processo, messer Corso fii 

condannato come rubello e traditore del suo comune 

* . . Messer Corso sentendo la persecuzione che 

^li era mossa ... si s'era asserragliato nel borgo 

di San Piero Maggiore . . . con genti assai suoi 

consorti e amici armati, e con balestra, i quali 

erano rinchiusi nel serraglio al suo servigio. II 

popolo cominci6 a combattere i detti serragli da 

piu parti, e messer Corso e* suoi a difendere 

francamente : e dur6 la battaglia gran parte del 

dl. ... Sentendo la gente d'Uguccione come messer 

Oorso era assalito dal popolo, si torn 6 addietro, 

e i cnttadini ch' erano nel serraglio si cominciarono 

a partire. . . . Veggendo ci6 messer Corso e' suoi, 

^ clie*l soccorso d'Uguccione e dcgli altri suoi 

ici ^li era tardato e fallito, s) abbandon6 le case, 

fugc^issi fuori della terra . . . Messer Corso tutto 

lo andandosene, fu giunto e preso sopra a 

ovezzano da certi Catalani a cavallo, e menan- 

preso a Firenze, come fu di costa a san 

VI, pr^ando quegli che *1 menavano^ e pro- 

lettendo loro molta moneta se lo scampassono, 

detti volendolo pure menare a Firenze, siccom* 

ra loro imposto da' signcri, messer Corso per 

di venire alle mani de' suoi nemici e d^essere 

iustiziato dal popolo, essendo compreso forte 

^otte nelle mani e ne' piedi, si lasci6 cadere 

cavallo. I detti Catalani veggendolo in terra, 

*uiio di loro gli diede d*una lancia per la gola 

'uno colpo mortale, e lasciaronlo per morto.' 

C^vm. viii.96.) 

Corso Donati is not mentioned by name in 
'^lie £>,C. ; he is referred to by his brother Forese 
C in Circle VI of Purgatory), in conversation 
^vrith D., as the chief cause of the unhappy 
condition of Florence, * quei che piu ri' ha colpa,' 
J. xxiv. 82 ; and his death is foretold, w, 
J— 4 [Forese] (see below) ; he and his as- 
^Kxnates are spoken of by Piccarda (in the 
Keaven of the Moon) in reference to their 
forcible removal of her from a convent in order 
Xo make her marry, as ' uomini a mal piu ch* a 
l>ene usi' (where there is probably an allu- 
sion to the nickname 'Malefami' given by 
the Florentines to the Donati), Par. iii. 100. 
[I>onati: Piooarda.] 

Forese, in foretellmg Corso's death (Purg. 
xxiv. 82-4), says that he sees him 

*a coda d*ana bestia tratto 
In Ter la valle, ove mai non si scolpa,* 

i. e. dragged at the tail of a beast towards the 
valley 0? Hell. Some, taking the words 
literally, think D. means that Corso was 
dragged to death at his horse's heels. This, 
however, does not agree with the account of 
his death given by Villani (quoted above), who 
states that Corso, having been overtaken in his 
flight from Florence by some Catalan mer- 
cenaries, threw himself from his horse, and 
while on the ground was speared in the throat 
by one of his captors. As Villani was on the 
spot and must have known the facts, we must 
either assume (with Scartazzini) that a distorted 



account of the incident reached D. in exile ; 
or (with Butler) that Forese's language is 
metaphorical, the * bestia ' being ' the popular 
party, of which Corso once thought himself 
the head, while he was really being dragged 
on by them, and by which he was ultimately de- 
stroyed.* Benvenuto, who wrote with Villani's 
description before him, takes D. 'swords literally, 
and tries to reconcile the two accounts : — 

' Fugiens solus, cum non posset flectere precibus 
vel promissis milites catalanos persequentes eum, 
timens fieri ludibrium hostium, cum esset poda- 
gricus, permisit sponte se cadere ab equo, vel 
casu cecidit, ut aliqui volunt. £t cum equus tra- 
heret eum retento pede in stapite, percussus est 
lethaliter in gutture ab uno milite.' 

Dino Compagni*s version agrees in the main 
with that of Villani : — 

' M. Corso, infermo per le gotti, fuggia verso la 
badia di santo Salvi, dove gili molti mali avea 
fatti e fatti fare. Gli scarigli {Catalan solditrs) il 
presono, e riconobbonlo : e volendolne menare, si 
difendea con belle parole, si come savio cavaliere. 
Intanto sopravenne uno giovane cognato del mari- 
scalco. Stimolato da altri d'ucciderlo, nol voile 
fare ; e ritomandosi indrieto, vi fu rimandato : il 
quale la scconda volta li di^ di una lancia cate- 
lanesca nella gola, e uno altro colpo nel fianco ; 
e cadde in terra. Alcuni monaci ne *1 portomo 
alia badia; e quivi mori.' (iii. ai.) 

Villani gives the following description of 
Corso's person and character : — 

'Questo messer Corso Donati fti de' piii savi, 
e valente cavaliere, e il piii hello parlatore, e il 
meglio pratico, e di maggiore nominanza, e di 
grande ardire e imprese ch' al suo tempo fosse in 
Italia, e bello cavaliere di sua persona e grazioso, 
ma molto fu mondano, e di suo tempo fatte in 
Firenze molte congiurazioni e scandali per avere 
stato e sig^oria.* (viii. 96.) 

Dino Compagni says of him : — 

* Parlando il vero, la sua vita fu pericolosa, e la 
morte riprensibile. Fu cavaliere di grande animo 
e nome, gentile di sangue e di costumi, di corpo 
bellissimo fino alia sua vecchiezza, di bella forma 
con dilicate fattezze, di pelo bianco ; piacevole, 
savio e ornato parlatore, e a gran cose sempre 
attendea; pratico e dimestico di gran sig^ori e 
di nobili uomini, e di grande amistii, e famoso per 
tutta Italia. Nimico fu de' popoli e de' popolani, 
amato da' masnadieri, pieno di maliziosi pensieri, 
reo e astuto.' (iii. ai.)] 

Vasari (in his Vita di Giotto) states that 
Corso*s portrait is one of those associated with 
that of D. in the fresco painted by Giotto in the 
Palazzo del Podestk (the present Bargello) at 
Florence. 

Cortese, * Courteous,* pseudonym of a 
lady (called also ' Bianca ' and * Giovanna ') 
mentioned in one of D.'s poems, Canz. x. 153. 

Cortigiani], Florentine family, thought by 
some to be alluded to by Cacciaguida (in the 



[1771 



N 



»; 



Cosenza 



Costanza 



Heaven of Mars) as one of the families who 
were patrons of the bishopric of Florence, the 
revenues of which they enjoyed during the 
vacancy of the See, Par. xvi. 112. [Aliotti.] 

Cosenza, town in Upper Calabria, on a 
branch of the Crati, about twelve miles inland 
from the Tyrrhenian Sea. Cardinal Barto- 
lommeo Pignatelli, Archbishop of Cosenza (or, 
according to some, his successor, Tommaso 
d*Agni), who by command of Clement IV 
caused the body of King Manfred to be dis- 
interred from its resting-place by the brid^ 
of Benevento, is referred to (by Manfred m 
Antepurgatory) as // pastor di Cosenza^ Purg. 
iii. 124. [Benevento: Manfred! : Figna- 
tem.] 

CostantinOy Constantine the Great, Roman 
Emperor, A.D. 306-337, eldest son of the 
Emperor Constantius Chlorus, bom a.d. 272 
at Naissus in Upper Moesia. On the death of 
his father at York in 306, C. laid claim to 
a share of the Empire, and was acknowledged 
as sovereign of the countries beyond the Alps. 
In 308 he received the title of Augustus. He 
is said to have been converted to Christianity 
during his campaign against Maxentius in 312, 
whom he defeated near Rome, the immediate 
cause of his conversion being, according to 
the tradition, the appearance in the sky during 
his march to Rome of a luminous cross, with 
the inscription * in hoc signo vinces/ After 
the death of Maxentius C. waged war against 
Licinius, who had made himself master of the 
whole of tiie East, and, having defeated him, 
became sole sovereign of the Empire, the 
seat of which he transferred from Rome to 
Byzantium, changing the name of that city 
to Constantinople, 'the dty of Constantine.' 
The remainder of his reign he spent in peace ; 
he died in May, 337, having been baptized by 
Eusebius shortly before. 

According to the legend, which was univer- 
sally accepted in the Middle Ages, Constantine 
before he mig^rated to Byzantium abandoned 
to the Church the whole temporal power of 
the West. This so-called 'Donatio Constantini * 
. is said to have been made by the Emperor in 
return for his having been cured of leprosy by 
Pope Sylvester. Bryce says : — 

* The exact date cannot be established, to which 
must be assigned the extraordinary forgery of the 
Donation of Constantine, whereby it was pretended 
that power over Italy and the whole West had 
been granted by the first Christian Emperor to 
Pope Sylvester and his successors in the Chair 
of the Apostle . . . This most stupendous of all the 
medieval forgeries— framed by the priesthood some 
time between the middle of the eighth and the 
middle of the tenth century — commanded for seven 
centuries the unquestioning belief 61 mankind . . . 
It tells how Constantine the Great, cured of his 
leprosy by the prayers of Sylvester, resolved, on 
the fourth day from his baptism, to foi-sake the 



ancient seat for a new capital on the Bosphorus, 
lest the continuance of the secular government 
should cramp the freedom of the spiritual, and 
how he bestowed therewith upon the Pope and 
his successors the sovereignty over Italy and the 
countries of the West.' {H, R. E. pp. 48, 108.) 

D., though he deplores the consequences of 
the Donation of Constantine (Inf. xix. 115-17 ; 
Purg. xxxii. 124-9; Par. xx. 58-60; Mon. ii. 
I2i6-8j I3*®~*), which of course he believed to 
be authentic, yet considered that it was be- 
stowed with a good motive (Par. xx. 55-7 ; 
Mon. ii. I2^*~^, I3®8~»). He refers to it re- 
peatedly in the De Afonarchia (ii. 12^*"^*, 
1366-9; iii. loi-fl, 106-7, 1360-4), where he 

combats the theory that in consequence the 
Empire is dependent upon the Church, inas* 
much as the dignity of the Empire is what 
Constantine could not alienate, nor the Church 
receive. The Emperor, in so hi as he is 
Emperor, cannot alter the Empire. Besides, 
even if Constantine had been able to grant the 
temporal power to the Church, the Church was 
disqualified from receiving it by the express 
command of Christ {Matt. x. 9) ; therefore it is 
manifest that neither could the Church receive 
in the way of possession, nor Constantine bestow 
in the way of alienation (Mon. iii. 10). 

Constantine is mentioned, in connexion with 
the 'Donatio/ Inf. xix. 115; Mon. iii. 10^' 23» 
27, 41, 117, 136O. infirmator Imperii^ Mon. ii. 
1 367-8 . JQ allusion to the legend that he was 
healed of leprosy by Pope Sylvester, In£ xxvii. 
94; Mon. iii. 10^ [SUvestro^J ; and in reference 
to his transference of the seat of Empire to 
Byzantium, Par. vi. 1 (cf.Par. xx. 57). [Aquila * : 
Greco ^.] 

D. places Constantine among the spirits of 
those who loved and exercised justice (Spiritt 
Giudicanti) in the Heaven of Jupiter, where 
the Eagle, in allusion to his migration to 
Byzantium, refers to him as Valtro che . . . 
Per cedere al pastor^ si fece Greco, Par. xx. 
55-7, and alludes to the * Donatio,' w, 56-9. 
[AquUa^: Qlove, Cielo di.] 

Costanza ^y Constance, daughter of Roger, 
King of Sicily, and wife of the Emperor 
Henry VI, by whom she became the mother 
of the Emperor Frederick II. [Table iv.] 

D. places her in the Heaven of the Moon, 
among those who failed to observe their vows 
of religion {Spirt ti Votivi Mancanii), Par. iiL 
118; quest* at to splendor^ v, 109; sorella^ v. 
113 ; luce, 7/. 118 [Luna, Cielo della] ; Man- 
fred (in Antepurgatory), who describes himself 
as her grandson, speaks of her as Costanxa 
Imperadrlce, Purg. iii. 113 [Manftedi] ; Pic- 
carda (in the Heaven of the Moon) refers to 
her as la gran Costanza, Che del secondo venio 
di Soave, Generb il terzo (i.e. the wife of 
Henry VI and mother of Frederick II), Par. 
iii. 1 18-20; and alludes to the story (commonly 
believed in D.'s day) that she was at one time 



[1781 



Costansut 



Creta 



a 







X3un, and had been taken from the convent 
inst her will, in order to be married to 
nry VI, so that in her heart she had re- 
faithful to her conventual vow, w. 
^-7 ; Beatrice mentions her in the same 
vinexion. Par. iv. 98 [Plcoarda]. 
"Villani, on the contrary, represents Con- 
ce as having been forced mto a convent 
ainst her will, 'non voluntariamente, ma 
r temenza di morte, quasi come monaca si 
tricava in alcuno munisterio di monache' 
. 20). His story is that her brother, William 
; Bad, sought to put her to death on account 
a prophecy to the effect that she would be 
ruin of the kingdom of Sicily, but that at 
instance of his nephew Tancred he spared 
r life and imprisoned her in a convent at 
eriiio. 







William the Good, son of William the Bad, 

iving no issue by his wife Joan (daughter of 

enry II of England), his aunt Constance became 

psresumptive heiress to the throne, which the 

:ror Frederick Barbarossa desired to acquire 

his own house. To effect his object he pro- 

an alliance between Constance and his son 

«nry Duke of Swabia, afterwards Emperor as 

cnry VI. The marriage took place in 1185, 

'Jien Constance was about thirty-two and Henry 

renty-two, but their son, Frederick of Palermo, 

« heir to the Sicilian throne, was not bom until 

«e years later (Dec. 1194)) only four years 

:fore the death of his mother (Nov. 1198). 

Lllani, whose account of Sicilian affairs at this 

is somewhat confused, states that this 

iage was desired by Pope Clement III and 

< Archbishop of Palermo for the purpose of 

dng the kingdom of Sicily out of the hands 

Constance's nephew, Tancred, who showed no 

for the interests of the Church ; but 

^illiam the Good was still alive at the time of 

« marriage, and, as a matter of fact, on his 

ith in 1 1 89, Tancred *s election by the Sicilians 

jSS ratified by Clement, as a bar to the pretensions 

^ Henry, though his wife was the rightful heiress. 

: Cicllia: Federico'.] 

Costanza^, Constance, daughter of Man- 
ned of Sicily and Beatrice of Savoy ; married 
1262) Peter III of Aragon, by whom she 
three sons, Alphonso (King of Aragon, 
385-1291), James (King of Sicily, 1285-1296 ; 
"ing of Aragon, 1 291- 1327), and Frederick 
<King of Sicily, 1296-1337). It was through 
tiis marriage with Constance that Peter III 
^laimed the crown of Sicily, which he assumed 
m 1282 after the ' Sicilian Vespers.' Constance 
died at Barcelona in 1302, having outlived both 
her husband and her eldest son. [AlfonBo^ : 
Vederloo ^ : Jaoomo ^ : Fietxo 3. J 

Manfred (in Antepurgatory) speaks of his 
daughter as la mia buona Costanza, Purg. iii. 
143 ; and refers to her as mia bella figlia^ 
gemtrice DelP onor di Cicilia e cTAragona^ 
w. 115-116 [Aragona : Cioilia] ; Sordello (in 
Antepurgatory) names her as the wife of 




Peter III, and implies that her husband was 
as superior to Louis IX of France and 
Charles I of Anjou as Charles I of Anjou was 
to his son Charles II, Purg. vii. 127-9. [Bear 
trioe^: Margherita.] 

Crasso, Marcus Licinius Crassus, sumamed 
Dives (*the wealthy'), triumvir with Caesar 
and Pompey, B. c 60 ; his ruling passion was 
the love of money, which he set himself to 
accumulate by every possible means ; in 5^ he 
was consul for the second time and received 
the province of Syria, where he looked to 
greatly increase his wealth, but in that same 
year he was defeated and killed by the Par- 
thians, who cut off his head, and, having filled 
the mouth with molten gold in mockery of his 
passion for money, sent it, together with his 
right hand, to Orodes the Psirthian king, in 
token of their victory. 

The incident is related by Florus in his 
Epitoma ;— 

' Adversis et dis et hominibus cupiditas consulis 
Crassi, dum Parthico inhiat auro, undecim strage 
legionum et ipsius capite multata est . . . Caput 
ejus recisum cum dextera manu ad Orodem 
regem reportatum ludibrio fuit, neque indigno. 
Aurum enim liquidum in rictum oris infusum est, 
ut cujus animus arserat auri cupiditate, ejus 
etiam mortuum et exsangue corpus auro ureretur.' 
(iii. II.) 

D. includes C. (with an allusion to his mouth 
having been filled with gold) among the in- 
stances of avarice recalled by the Avaricious 
in Circle V of Purgatory, Purg. xx. 116-17; 
and mentions him as the type of avarice, Canz. 
xviii. 70. [AvarL] 

Cremona, town in S. of Lombard y, on the 
Po, about midway between Pavia and Mantua ; 
its vicinity to Mantua, V. E. i. i^^^\ has a 
dialect of its own, V. E. i. 19*^ ; one of the 
Guelfic towns which opposed the Emperor 
Henry VII, Epist. vii. 6. 

Cremonensis, of Cremona ; Vul^are Cre- 
monetise y the Cremonese dialect, V. E. 1. 19^2-13, 
[Cremona.] 

Creta (form used in rime, elsewhere Creti^ 
Inf. xii. 12; Conv. iv. 27^*^), the island of 
Crete in the Mediterranean ; mentioned by 
Virgil (m his description of the rivers of Hell), 
who describes it as a waste land, situated in 
mid-sea, and refers to the reign of its king 
(Saturn) as the Golden Age, Inf. xiv. 94-5 
[Satumo^] ; he then mentions Mt Ida as the 
place chosen by Rhea for the birthplace of 
Jupiter {w. 97-102) [Ida : Bea] ; and pro- 
ceeds to describe how within the mountain 
stands the image of a great elder, ' il veglio di 
Creta,* who turns his back upon Damietta, and 
looks towards Rome {yv, 103-5) [Damiata] ; 
his head is of gold, his arms and breast of 
silver, his trunk ^ brass {yv, 106-8) ; from the 



[179] 



N 2 



Creta 



Crisostomo 



fork downwards he is of iron, save that the 
right foot, upon which he rests more than on 
the other, is of baked earth (w. 109-11); in 
every part of him, except the gold, is a fissure 
from which tears issue and flow out of the mouif- 
tain (vv, 1 12-14), forming in their course the 
infernal rivers Acheron, Styx, Phlegethon, and 
Cocytus {w. 115-20). [Fiumi Infernal!.] 

D. doubtless borrowed the idea of this image 
from that described m the book of Daniel — 
* The image's head was of fine gold, his breast 
and his arms of silver, his belly and his thighs 
of brass, his legs of iron, his teet part of iron 
and part of clay * (ii. 32-33) — but the symbolism 
is altogether different. D.'s image typifies the 
history of the human race. It is placed in 
Crete, on Mt. Ida, in accordance probably with 
the Virgilian theory that here was the cradle 
of the Trojan, and hence of the Roman, 
race: — 

'Creta Tovis mag[iii medio jacct insala ponto, 
^ Mons Idaeoa ubi, et gentis cunabnla nostrae. 
Centam orbes habitant magnas, uberrima regna.* 

(Agn. tit. 104-6.) 

Its situation in Crete is further appropriate on 
account of the position of the island at the 
point where the boundaries of Europe, Asia, 
and Africa meet (i.e. at the centre of the 
world as known at that time). Benvenuto 
says: — 

' Est hie bene notandum, quod autor per istam 
insulam figurat nobis mundum istum, sive terrain 
habitabilem, quia ista insula est circumcincta man 
sicut terra tota oceano ... et est quasi in medio 
mundi, et quasi omnia maria et confinia partium 
terrae terminantur ibi ; et ibi regna prime in- 
coepenint secundum poetas.' 

The division into metals, representing the 
Golden, Silver, Bronze, and Iron Ages, follows 
the commonplace of the poets, Ovid's descrip- 
tion of the four ages having been probably in 
D.'s mind, as well as the passage in Daniel :— 

'Aorea prima sata est aetaa, quae, vindice nnllo, 
Sponte sua, sine lege, 6dem rectumque colebat . . . 
PostQuam, Satumo (enebrosa in Tartara misso, 
Sub Jove mnndus erat ; subitt argentea proles, 
Auro deterior, fulvo prrtiostor acre . . . 
Tertia post ilias successit ahenea proles, 
Saevior ingeniis, et ad horrida promtior arma; 
Nee scelerata tamen: de duro est ultima ferro. 
Protinus irrumpit venae pejoris in aevum 
Omne nefas: fugere pudor, verumque, 6desque; 
In quorum subiere locum fraudrsque, dolique, 
lostdiaeque, et vis, et amor sceleratus habcndi.* 

(Meiam. i. 89-90, 113-15, 125-31.) 

D. differs from Daniel in making the brass 
terminate with the trunk, in order no doubt to 
emphasize his theory of the dual organization 
of L^hurch and Empire ; the right leg with the 
foot of baked earth, on which the image rests 
most, being the symbol of the ecclesiastical 
power, corrupted and weakened by the acquisi- 
tion of the temporal power from Constantine, 
but at the same time that to which mankind 
chiefly looked for support and guidance. The 
image stands with its back to Damietta (i. e. 
the East, representing the old monarchies). 



and looks towards Rome, the centre <^ the 
imperial monarchy of the West. The tears 
flowing from the fissure in every part save the 
gold signify that all ages except the golden 
were subject to sin and sorrow. 

Some think there is a further special inter- 
pretation more closely in accordance with D.'s 
political theories. According to this view 
D.'s golden age was that of the Empire under 
Augustus (Mon.i. i8^^2 . Conv.iv. 5®^'"'') ; the 
silver age that of the beginning of the decline 
and fall ; the bronze, that of its more complete 
decadence, ending in the division ('forcata') 
of the Eastern and Western Empires, with 
their endless wars (* ferro ') ; the right foot of 
clay representing the Western Empire with 
its rotten politiaO institutions threatening the 
speedy rum of the whole fabric. 

Cretiy the island of Crete ; Pin/amta tU C, 
i.e. the Minotaur, Inf. xii. 12 [Minotauro] ; 
the war of Athens with, Conv. iv. %'j^^f^-^ 
[Cefblo]. Note, — The form Creti is used also 
by Villani (i. 6) and Boccaccio. [Creta.] 

Creusa, daughter of Priam and Hecuba, 
wife of Aeneas, and mother of Ascanius ; she 
perished on the night of the fall of Troy, 
having been separated from Aeneas in the 
confusion. 

The troubadour Folquet (in the Heaven of 
Venus), speaking of the love of Dido for 
Aeneas, says she thereby wronged both her 
own husbsmd Sichaeus, and Aeneas' wife 
Creusa, Par. ix. 98 [Dido] ; C. is spoken of as 
Aeneas' first wife (D. regarding Dido as his 
second), and the mother of Ascanius, to prove 
the connexion of Aeneas with Asia by marriage 
(Aen. iii. 339^40 being quoted with the inter- 
polated hemistich ' peperit fumante Creusa,' 
which is omitted in the best MSS. of Virgil), 
Mon. ii. 393-101. [Enea.] 

Crisostomo, St. John Chrysostom ('Golden- 
mouth'), celebrated Greek father of the Church, 
bom at Antioch about 344, died at Comana in 
Pontus, 407. He belonged to a noble family, 
and was first a lawyer ; he afterwards became 
a monk, in which capacity he so distinguished 
himself by his preaching that the Emperor 
Arcadius appointed him (in 397) patriarch of 
Constantinople. His severity towards the 
clergy in his desire for reform made him an 
object of hatred to them, and led to his 
deposition at the instance of Theophilus, 
patriarch of Alexandria, and the Empress 
Theodosia, whose excesses he had publicly 
rebuked. Sentence of exile was pronounced 
against him, but the people, to whom he had 
endeared himself by his preaching, rose in 
revolt, and he was reinstated in his office. 
Shortly after he was again banished, and he 
finally died in exile on the shores of the Black 
Sea. He left nearly 1,000 sermons or homilies 
as evidence of his eloquence. 



[180] 



Cristo 



Cimizza 



Verbo di D o^ Par. vii. 30 ; Figlio^ Par. x. I 
(cf. Par. vii. 119; x. 51; xxiii. 136-7; xxvii. 
24; xxxii. 113 ; V. N. § 3o35; Conv. ii. 6^2, 07, 
»2» 90 . Mon. i. 16* ; iii. \^\ 3«) ; Naiura 
divina ed umana^ Par. xiii. 26-7 ; viva Luce, 
Par. xiii. 55; Lume riflesso, Par. xxxiii. 119; 
Luce inielletta^ Par. xxxiii. 125. [TrinltJl.] 

His twofold nature as God and Man is 
referred to, Par. ii. 41-2 ; vi. 13-21 ; vii. 35-6 ; 
xiii. 26-7; xxiii. 136; xxxiii. 4-6; Conv. ii. 
512-13 (also as represented by the Griffin in 
the Terrestrial Paradise), Purg. xxxi. 80-81, 
122 ; xxxii. 47, 96. [ProoesBioxie.] 

D. alludes to the following incidents con- 
nected with the life and death of Christ :— His 
birth, Purg. xx. 24 (Luke ii. 7) ; Conv. iv. 52* ; 
Mon. i. 16^-5; iii. 134^; the offering of the 
wise men, Mon. iii. 7-^-3 (Matt, ii. 11); His 
teaching in the Temple, Purg. xv. 88-92 {Luke 
ii. 41-9) ; the miracle at Cana, Puig. xiii. 29 
(John ii. i-io) ; His Transfiguration, Purg. 
xxxii. 17,-^1 (Matt. xvii. 1-8) ; Conv. ii. i*'*"*^ ; 
Mon. iii. 9''i-6 ; Epist. x. 28 ; His instruction 
to the young man to sell his goods and give to 
the poor, Par. xii. 75 (Matt, xix. 21); His 
walkmg on the water, Mon. iii. 9**7-«i (Matt, 
xiv. 25-8) ; His questioning of the disciples as 
to who He was, Mon. iii. 97<^3 (Matt, xvi. 15- 
23) ; His charge to Peter, Mon. iii. 8i-« (Matt. 
xvi. 19) ; the raising of Lazarus, and of the 
widow's son of Nain, Purg. xxxii. 78 (John xi ; 
LukevW, 1 i-i J) ; His washing of the disciples* 
feet, Mon. iii. 9103-7 (John xiii) ; the Last Supper, 
Mon. iii. 92^-34 (Luke xxii. 7-14) ; His capture, 
Purg. XX. Zj (Matt, xxvi. 47-57); His trial 
before Pilate, Purg. xx 91 (Matt, xxvii) ; Mon. 
ii. 13^*^*; Epist. V. 10; His selection of St. 
John to take care of the Virgin Mary, Par. xxv. 
114 (John xix. 26-7); the Crucifixion, Inf. 
xxiii. 117; xxxiv. 1 14-15; Purg. vi. 119; xx. 
88-90 ; xxiii. 74 ; xxxiii. 6, 63 ; Par. vi. 90 ; 
vii. 20, 47-48, 57 ; xi. 32, 72 ; xii. 37-8 ; xiii. 
41 ; xiv. 104-8; xix. 105; xxv. 114; xxvi. 59; 
xxix. 98; xxxi. 3; V. N. § 222-3; Conv. iii. 
7^^; iv. 24^*; Epist. viii. 4; the earthquake 
at His death. Inf. xxi. 1 12-14; Par. vii. 48; 
His descent into Hell, Inf. iv. 53; xii. 38; 
xxi. 114 ; His Resurrection, Purg. xxi. 9 (Luke 
XXXV. 15-16) ; Par. xxi v. 126 (John xx. 1-8) ; 
Conv. iv. 22i*»-'^'J ; Mon. iii. 911^10 (John xxi. 
7) ; the three Maries at His sepulchre, Conv. 
iv. 22i*»-5» (Luke xxiv) ; the visit of St. Peter 
and St. John to the sepulchre, Par. xxiv. 125-6 
(John XX. 3-6) ; Mon. iii. 911^16 ; His appear- 
ance to the two disciples on the way to 
Emmaus, Purg.- xxi. 7-9 (Luke xxiv. 13-16) ; 
His appearance to St. Peter and the other 
disciples at the Sea of Tiberias, Mon. iii. 
q87-91 (John xxi) ; His mission of the disciples 
to baptize and teach all nations, Mon. iii. 3»o-7 
(Matt, xxviii. 20). 

Christ's Transfiguration teaches us, in the 
moral sense, that in most secret things we should 



have few companions, Conv. ii. i*«-5i . ^^ 
existence of angels attested by Christ himself, 
Conv. ii. 62 ^"31. jjis teaching that man is 
both mortal and immortal, Conv. ii. 9ii*-32. 
the miracles performed by Christ and His 
saints the foundation of our faith, Conv. iiL 
7I6I-4J His teaching that the contemplative 
life is best, though the active life is good, 
Conv. iv. i79*-ni ; Christ died in the thirty- 
fourth year of His age, since it was not fitting 
that Divinity should suffer decline, the thirty- 
fifth year being the age of perfection ; similarly 
He died at the sixth hour, i.e. at the culmina- 
tion of the day, Conv. iv. 23^^^^® ; had Christ 
lived out the natural term of His life, He 
would have died in His eighty-first year, Conv. 
iv. 24^3-8. Christ bom during the reign of 
Augustus, at a time when the whole world 
was at peace, Conv. iv, 524-66 . Mon. i. 16^"** ; 
He willed to be bom subject to the edict of 
Augustus in order that the Son of God made 
man might be counted as a man in the Roman 
census, Mon. ii. I2*i"""^; Epist. vii. 3; being 
under the jurisdiction of the Roman Empire 
He was rigfhtly judged before a Roman tri- 
bunal, which Herod and Caiaphas brought 
about by sending Him to Pilate, Mon. ii. 
1346-Mj by His birth and death under the 
Roman Empire Christ gave His sanction to 
the Empire, Mon. ii. 12*^"^; Epist. viii. 2; 
His acceptance of frankincense and gold from 
the wise men symbolical of His lordship over 

things spiritual and things temporal, Mon iii. 
7I-5. 

Croazia, Croatia, country (forming, with 
Slavonia, a province of the present Empire of 
Austria- Hungary), which lies to the S.W. of 
Hungary, between the river Save and the 
Adriatic; mentioned by St. Bemard (in the 
Empyrean), who pictures pilgrims coming 
thence to see the 'Veronica* at Rome, Par. 
xxxi. 103. [Qiubbileo : Veronioa.] 

Crociata], Crusade ; the disastrous Second 
Crusade (i 147- 1 149) preached by St Bemard, 
and undertaken by the Emperor Conrad III 
and Louis VII of France, is alluded to by 
Cacciaguida (in the Heaven of Mars), who 
says that he followed the Emperor Conrad 
and met his death among the Mahometans, 
Par. XV. 139-48. [Caocia^uida : Currado^.] 

Crotona, now Crotone, city of Calabria in 
the old kingdom of Naples, a few miles N.W. 
of Cape Colonne at the mouth of the Gulf of 
Taranto; reading adopted by many edd. for 
Catonay Par. viii. 62. The latter, however, is 

Preferable both on critical grounds and as 
aving the support of MSS. and early edd. 
Cortona (in Tuscany), the reading of one or 
two edd., is obviously wrong. [Catona.] 

Cunizza, sister of the Ghibelline, Ezze- 
lino III da Romano, youngest daughter of 
Ezzelino II and Adeleita dei Conti di Man- 



[182] 



Curiatii 



Curradino 



D. also speaks of Cupid as A more, Conv. ii. 
5117-26^ where, to prove that he was regarded 
by the ancients as the son of Venus, he quotes 
Virgil {Aen, i. 665) : — 

*Nate, patris tammi qai tela TyphoTa temnis*; 

and Ovid (Metam, v. 365) : — 

'Anna manaaqne meae, mea, nate, potentia*; 

in both of which passages Venus addresses 
Cupid as her son. [Venere^.] 

Cuiiatiiy celebrated Alban family, three 
brothers of which fought with the three Roman 
Horatii in the reign of Tullus Hostilius, to 
determine whether Rome or Alba was to be 
mistress. The fight was long doubtful ; two 
of the Horatii fell, but the third, who was 
unhurt, seeing that the three Curiatii were 
severely wounded, feigned to fly, and, manag- 
ing to engage his opponents singly, succeeded 
in killing them one ^ter another (Ltvy, i. 25). 

The fight of * i tre ai tre * is alluded to by the 
Emperor Justinian (in the Heaven of Mercury) 
in connexion with the fortunes of the Roman 
Eagle, Par. vi. 39 ; he says the Eagle remained 
in Alba for 300 years, i.e. up till the time of the 
defeat of the Curiatii by the Horatii, w. 37-9 
[Aquila^]. D. mentions the Curiatii, in con- 
nexion with the combat, referring to Livy 
(i. 24, 25) and Orosius (ii. 4) as his authorities, 
Mon. ii. Ii22-3i. [Alba: Horatii.] 

Curiazii. [Curiatii.] 

Curio ^9 Marcus Curius Dentatus, favourite 
hero of the Roman republic, celebrated in later 
times as an example of Roman frugality and 
virtue. He was twice Consul, B.C. 290 and 
275 ; and Censor, 272. In his first consulship 
he successfully held the Samnites in check ; 
and in the second he completely defeated 
Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, and forced him to 
leave Italy. On this and on other occasions 
he consistently declined to share in the large 
booty which he gained. At the close of his 
military career he retired to his small farm in 
the country of the Sabines, which he cultivated 
with his own hands. An embassy sent to him 
on one occasion by the Samnites with costly 

E resents found him roasting turnips at his 
earth. He rejected their presents with the 
remark that he preferred ruling over those 
who possessed gold, to possessing it himself. 

D. mentions C. in connexion with his re- 
jection of the bribes of the Samnites, his 
authority probably being Cicero (Senect, § 16), 
Conv. iv. 5110-15. [Senectute, O^.] 

Curio^y Caius Scribonius Curio, originally 
an adherent of the Pompeian party, by whose 
influence he was made tribune of the plebs, 
B.C. 50. He was afterwards bought over by 
Caesar, and employed his power as tribune 
against his former friends. When Caesar was 

Proclaimed by the Senate an enemy of the 
Republic C. fled from Rome and joined the 



former, who sent him to Sicily with the title of 

Eropraetor. After expelling Cato from Sicily 
e crossed over to Africa, where he was de- 
feated and slain by Juba. 

D. places C. among the Sowers of discord 
in Bolgia 9 of Circle VIII of HeU (Malebolge), 
Inf. xxviii. 102 ; tal, v. 86 ; colui, v. 93 ; cont" 
pagno^ V. 95 ; quesiiy w, 96, 97 [Soisniartioi]. 
Pier da Medicina, speaking of Malatestino, 
says he holds the land (i. e. Rimini) which one, 
who is with himself in Hell, would be glad 
never to have set eyes on (Inf. xxviiL 85-7) ; 
D. having asked who it is to whom the sight 
of Rimini was so bitter (w, 91-3), Pier lays his 
hand upon the jaw of one of his companions, 
and opens his mouth, saying it is he and 
that he cannot speak {tjv, 94-6) ; he then 
describes him (adopting the words of Lucan) 
as the man who, having been banished, urged 
Caesar to cross the Rubicon {w, 97-9) ; D. 
thereupon recognizes him as Curio, ' who once 
had been so bold to speak,' but now is abashed, 
with mutilated tong^ue (w. 100-2). 

Several touches in D.'s description of Curio 
are borrowed from Lucan, whose lines : — 

'Darn trepidant nallo firmatae robore partes. 
ToUe moras; semper nocait dtflferre jparatia.* 

{I%ars. i. aSo-Si.) 

he adopts here {w, 97-9), and quotes in his 
Letter to the Emperor Henry VII, Epist. 
vii. 4. 

D. follows Lucan in making Curio respon- 
sible for Caesar's crossing the Rubicon, though 
as a matter of fact it appears that Caesar had 
already taken the decisive step when C. joined 
him. The term * scacciato * {v. 97) applied to 
C. is a reminiscence of Phars, i. 278-9 : — 

'Pdlimar e patriis laribaa, patimar^ae volentes 
Bxsiliam: toa no« faciet victoria cives* — 

while the reference to his boldness of speech 
is probably due to Lucan's line (v, 269) : — 

*Aadax venali comitatar Cario lingua.* 

CtirradinOy Conradin, son of the Emperor 
Conrad IV, the last legitimate representative 
of the Swabian line, the last scion of the 
Hohenstaufen. On the sudden death of his 
father in 1254, C, who was barely three years 
old, was the rightful claimant to the crowns of 
Sicily and Naples. But his uncle, Manfred, 
assuming first the regency in C.'s name, on 
a report of his death (which he himself is 
supposed to have originated), accepted the 
crown at the invitation of the great nobles 
(1258). He met the protests of C.'s mother by 
saying it was not for the interests of the realm 
that Naples should be ruled by a woman and 
an infant, and declared that, C. being his only 
relative, he should preserve the kingdom for 
him, and should appoint him his successor. 
After Manfred's defeat and death at Bene- 
vento (Feb. 26, I26f), the Sicilies, impatient 
of the French yoke, and the Ghibellines 
throughout Italy, called upon Conradin to 



[1841 



Cyclopes 



Damiano, Pier 



ing to the tradition, when (in B.C. 362) the 
earth in the Roman forum gave way, and 
a great chasm appeared, which the sooth- 
sayers declared could only be filled up by 
throwing into it Rome's g^atest treasure, 
mounted his steed in full armour, and leapt 
into the abyss, exclaiming that Rome possessed 
no greater treasure than a brave citizen (Livy, 
vii. 6 ; Oros.j iii. 5, § 3). 

Cyclopes, one-eyed giants, the assistants 
of Vulcan, who forged the thunderbolts of 
Jupiter. D. alludes to them as gli altri {fabbri 



di Giave)^ and represents them at work in the 
'black smithy' of Mt. Aetna (volcanoes being 
regarded as the workshops of Vulcan), Int. 
xiv. 55-6; their abode beneath Mt. Aetna, 
' arida Cyclopum . . . saxa sub Aetna,' £cL iL 
27. [Viilcano.] 

Cyclops, the Cyclops Polyphemus ; antrum 
Cyclopis^ *the cave of Polyphemus,' i.e. (accord- 
ing to the old commentator) Bologna, P. him- 
self representing King Robert of Naples, £cl. 
ii. 47. [Polyphemus.] 

Cyrus, King of Persia, Mon. ii. 9*3. [Ciro.] 



D 



D, first letter of the word Diltgite, formed 
by the spirits of the Just m the Heaven of 
Jupiter, Par. xxviii. 78. [Aquila^ : Glove, 
Cielo di] 

Dafhe^], Daphne, daughter of the Thessalian 
river-god Peneus ; she was pursued by Apollo, 
who was enamoured of her, and when on the 
point of being overtaken by him she prayed 
for help and was transformed into a laurel, 
which in consequence became the favourite 
tree of Apollo. D., in allusion to the meta- 
morphosis of Daphne, speaks of the laurel as 
fronda Pemia, Par. i. 32-3 [Peneio] ; and 
frondes versa Peneide cretae^A, i. 33 [Peneis]. 
The story of Daphne is told by Ovid (Metam, 
i. 452 ff.), who describes her as * Primus ajnor 
Phoebi Daphne Peneia,' 

Dafne^], Daphne, a daughter of the sooth- 
sayer Tiresias, supposed by some to be referred 
to, Purg. xxii. 113 ; the reference, however, is 
almost certainly to T.'s better-known daughter 
Manto, the prophetess. [Manto : Tlreeda.] 

Dalmati, inhabitants of Dahnatia, country 
on E. coast of the Adriatic, which formed part 
of the ancient lUyricum. In the (almost 
certainly spurious) letter of D. to Guido da 
Polenta the Venetians are described as being 
ignorant of Italian, on account of their descent 
from Greeks and Dalmatians. 

Damascenus, Johannes Damascenus, John 
of Damascus, eminent Father of the early 
Greek Church (circ. 680-756); he was the 
author of the first system of Christian theology 
in the Eastern Church, and famed for his ex- 
position of the orthodox faith. The most 
important of his works was translated into 
Latin by Bui^gundio of Pisa in Cent, xii under 
the title De Fide Orthodoxa ; it thus became 
familiar to Peter Lombard and St. Thomas 
Aquinas, through whom it exercised consider- 
able influence upon the scholastic theology of 
the West. 



In his Letter to the Italian Cardinals D. 
reproaches them with neglecting the works of 
Damascenus and other Fathers of the Church, 
Epist. viii. 7 [Ambrogio]. For Damascenus 
some edd. read Damianus on the strength of 
an alteration in the MS., but there can be 
little doubt that the former is correct. 

Damiano, Pier, St. Peter Damian, a Father 
of the Church, bom of an obscure family at 
Ravenna circ. 988 (or according to some 
circ. 1007). In his childhood he was much 
neglected, and after the death of his parents 
was set by his eldest brother to tend swine. 
Later on another brother, named Damian, 
who was archdeacon of Ravenna, took com- 
passion on him and had him educated. Peter 
m gratitude assumed his brother's name, and 
was thenceforth known as Peter Damian 
(* Petrus Damia^ii'). After studying at Ravenna, 
Faenza, and Parma, he himself became a 
teacher, and soon acquired celebrity. At the 
age of about 30, however, he entered the 
Benedictine monastery of Fonte Avellana on 
the slopes of Monte Catria, of which in 
ro4i he became Abbot [Avellana]. In this 
capacity he rendered important services to 
Popes Gregory VI, Clement II, Leo IX, 
Victor II, and Stephen IX, by the last of 
whom he was in 1058, much against his will, 
created Cardinal and Bishop of Ostia. He 
appears to have been a zealous supporter of 
these Popes, and of Hildebrand (afterwards 
Gregory VII), in their efforts to reform Church 
discipline, and made journeys into France and 
Germany with that object After fulfilling 
several important missions under Nicholas II 
and Alexander II, he died at an advanced age 
at Faenza, Feb. 2^ 1072. 

D. represents ^ Peter Damian (Par. xxi. 
127-35) ^ inveighing against the luxury of 
the prelates in his day; the commentators 
quote in illustration a passage from a letter of 
his to his brother Cardinals, in which he 



[18«] 



Damiano, Pier 



Damiano, Pier 




Mninds them that the dignity of a prelate 
loes not consist in wearing rare and costly 
'urs and fine robes, nor in being escorted by 
roops of armed adherents, nor in riding on 
leighing and mettlesome steeds, but in the 
»ractice of morality, and the exercise of the 
lintly virtues : — 

' Non ergo constat episcopatus in turritis gebel* 

lorum transmarinanimve ferarum pileis, non in 

^1 immiiiililm i martonim submentalibus rosis, non 

^S.n bractearum circumfluentium phaleris, non denique 

:^Hn glomeratis stipantium militum cuneis, neque in 

^Krementibus ac spumantia frena mandentibus equis, 

in honestate morum et sanctamm exercitatione 

rirtutum.' 



D. places St. P. D. among the contemplative 
pirits (Spiriti Contempianti)^ in the Heaven 
f Saturn, Par. xxi. 43-139; Pier Damiano^ 
121; Pietro peccator^ v, 122; quel (spleti" 
re)y V, 43 ; vita beaia^ ^» 55 ; sacra lucema, 
. 73 ; lume, v. 80; questa (jiammella\ v. 139. 
jSatumo, Cielo di.J 

Some edd. read Damianus for Damascenus^ 
l£pist. viii. 7. [Damasoenus.] 

In the Heaven of Saturn D. sees spirits de- 
scending on a golden ladder (Par. ipci. 28-42) ; 
one of them (that of St. P. D.) halts close to 
D. and Beatrice, and, it having by it^ increase 
of brilliancy manifested a desire to speak with 
D., he with the approval of B. addresses it 
(r^. 43-52), and asks why it had approached 
him {w, 52-7), and why the chantm^, which 
he had heard in the other spheres, is ' silent 
here {yv, 58-60) ; the spirit, replying first to 
the second question, says that, just as out of 
consideration for the weakness of D.'s mortal 
vision B. had forborne to smile on him {yv, 4- 
12), so out of consideration for his mortal 
hearing the spirits here forbore to chant (z/t/. 
61-3) ; he adds, in reply to the first question, 
that' he approached D. m order to speak with 
him (vz/. 64-6), but that it was not any 
superiority to the others in point of charity 
that had impelled him to come, but solely the 
fact that this duty had been allotted to him in 
fulfilment of the eternal counsel, which is itself 
moved by love (t/z/. 67-72) ; D. having expressed 
his inability to comprehend the mystery of 
predestination [yv. 73-8), the spirit, after 
rapidly revolving, explains that the mystery is 
not intelligible even to those in Paradise, since 
they have no power to see into the hidden 
counsels of God ; how much less then can 
those on earth do so {w, 79-102) ; D. there- 
apon abandons his inquiry, and asks the spirit 
who he is {vv, 103-5) ; the spirit in reply, after 
describing the situation of the monastery of 
Fonte Avellana {w, 106-11), says that he had 
led there a life of privation and of contempla- 
tion (w, 112-17) ; he then laments the de- 
generacy of the monastery (vv, 118-120) ; and 
names himself, saying that he had been known 
there as Peter Damian, but as Peter the Sinner 



(see below) in the monastery of Sta. Maria at 
Ravenna {yu, 121-3) ; he relates how he was 
made a Cardinal in his old age {yv, 124-6}, 
and contrasts the simplicity of St. Peter and 
St. Paul {w, 127-9) with the luxury and pomp 
of the modem prelates, who required attendants 
to support them, and bear their trains, and 
wore such ample mantles that they covered 
their palfi-eys with them, ' so that two beasts 
(i.e. the palfrey and its rider) went under one 
skin* {yv, 1 30-5); as he concludes, other 
spirits approach, and they utter a piercing cry 
of indignation, by which D. is overcome {yv. 
136-42). 

Benvenuto (in his comment on w, 130-5) 
gives a striking picture of the luxury and 
excesses of the cardinals in his day, and 
remarks that had D. been still living he might 
have changed his phrase and said 'so that 
three beasts go under one skin,' viz. Cardinal, 
concubine, and horse, for he had heard of one, 
whom he knew well, who used to go hunting 
with his concubine on the crupper behind him. 

There has been much discussion as to the inter- 
pretation of w. iai-3 : — 

' In qael loco fa* io Pier Damiano 

E I^etro peccator fui (v./. fu) nella casa 
Di No5rtra Donna in sal Hto Adriano.' 

If /mi be read in v. laa 'Pier Damiano' and 
'Pietro peccator' must be one and the same 
person, and the meaning would be, according to 
the punctuation, either : * I was known as Peter 
Damian in the monastery of Santa Croce di Fonte 
Avellana, but called myself Peter the Sinner in 
the monastery of Our Lady on the shores of the 
Adriatic,' or, *At Fonte Avellana was I, Peter 
Damian, also known as Peter the Sinner, and 
I resided also in the monastery of Our Lady on 
the Adriatic' 

The former is the interpretation of Benvenuto : — 

'Hie Petroa deacribtt se a nomine proprio, et daplici 
cognomine ... ^ hie nota quod maltt sont decepti hie, 
dicentes quod Petrus peccator fuit alius a Petro Damiano 
de eodem ordine ; quod est penitua falsam ; immo Petrns 
Damianus vocavit se nomine proprio in primo loco Catriae; 
in secundo vero g^ratia sammae hamilitatis vocavit se Petmm 
peccatorem/ 

With this Buti, Landino, Vellutello, and many 
others agree. The fatal objection to this inter- 
pretation is that, so far as is known, the monastery 
of Santa Maria in Porto fuori at Ravenna, with 
which these commentators identify 'the house of 
Our Lady on the Adriatic,* was not in existence 
during the lifetime of St Peter Damian (though 
Benvenuto states that he was the founder of it), 
it having been founded in 1096, 24 years after 
his death, by his namesake Pietro degli Onesti. 
As the latter is also supposed to have called 
himself ' Petrus peccator,' some think that D. 
confounded the two, as other writers have done. 
If, on the other hand, fu be read in v. laa it can 
only be assumed that D. was aware of the con- 
fusion between the two, and intended by a paren- 
thetical statement to correct it, in which case the 
rendering would be: 'I, Peter Damian, was at 
Fonte Avellana, but (giving ^ in v. laa a dis- 
junctive force) Peter the Sinner (i. e. Pietro degli 



[187] 



Damianus 



Dante 



Onesti) was at Santa Maria at Ravenna.' This 
interpretation is accepted by the Postillator Cassi- 
nensis, Ottimo Comento, and Anonimo Fiorentino, 
as well as by Lombardi, Tommaseo, Fraticelli, 
Philalethes, Butler, &c. 

New light has been thrown on the question by 
Mercati, who identifies ' la casa di Nostra Donna 
in sul lito Adriano/ not with the monastery of 
Santa Maria in Porto fuori at Ravenna, as his 
predecessors had done, but with that of Santa 
Maria in Pomposa, which is situated on a small 
island at the mouths of the Po, near Comacchio ; 
he proves that St. Peter Damian resided here for 
two years, and that the monastery, which in those 
days was an important place, was commonly 
spoken of as 'monasterium sanctae Mariae in 
Pomposia,' a name which St. P. D. himself applies 
to it Mercati also points out that it is very doubtful 
whether Pietro degli Onesti ever called himself 
or was known in D.*s time as * Petrus peccator,' 
that appellation having apparently been given him 
in the middle of Cent, xv, whereas St. P. D. 
invariably described himself in his letters and other 
writings as 'Petrus peccator monachus.* The 
interpretation of w, iai-23 then would be: *At 
Fonte Avellana was I, Peter Damian, known as 
Peter che Sinner ; I resided also at the monastery 
of Santa Maria in Pomposa on the Adriatic coast.* 
(See Giom. Dani^ iv. 78-81, iai-2.) [Pietro 
degli Onesti.] 

Damianus, St. Peter Damian ; reading of 
some edd. for Damascenus, Epist. viii. 7. 
[Damasoenus. ] 

Damiata, the old town of Damietta in 
Egypt, situated at the mouth of the eastern- 
most of the two principal branches formed by 
the Nile at its delta ; mentioned, in connexion 
with * il veglio di Creta/ to indicate the East 
(as representing the ancient monarchies), while 
Rome indicates the West, Inf. xiv. 103-5. 
[Greta.] 

The name of Damietta was familiar in 
western Europe during Cent, xiii, owing to its 
having been taken by the Crusaders in 121 8, 
and again in 1249 (by St. Louis, who, being 
captured by the Saracens, restored it soon 
after in exchange for his liberty). The modem 
Damietta, situated five miles further inland, 
is built of the remains of the old town, which 
was destroyed by the Saracens to prevent its 
being again occupied by the Crusaders. In 
the Middle Ages Damietta seems to have been 
identified with the ancient Memphis; Ben- 
venuto says : — 

'Damiata est civitas Aegypti, quae olim voca- 
batur Memphis in prophetis et poetis, quae fuit 
saepe capta a christianis, et ob hoc destructa a 
fundamentis a saracenis, nc amplius esset recepta- 
culum hostium cum eorum praejuditio magno.' 

Daniel, the prophet Daniel, Par. xxix. 134 ; 
Epist. x. 28. [Daniello.] 

Daniel, Amaut. [Amaldo Daniello.] 

Daaiells, Prophetia], the Book of Daniel ; 
quoted, Mon. iii. i> •* {Dan, vi. 22); referred 



to, Purg. xxii. 146-7 (ref. to Dan. i. 3-30) ; 
Par. iv. 13 (ref. to Dan, ii. 12, 24) ; Par. xxix. 
134, Conv. ii. 634-« (ref. to Dan, vii. 10) ; 
Epist. X. 28 (ref. to Dan, ii. 3). — The Book of 
Daniel is supposed to be symbolized by one of 
the four-and-twenty elders (representing the 
twenty- four books of the O. T. according to 
the reckoning of St. Jerome) in the mystical 
Procession in the Terrestrial Paradise, Puig. 
xxix. 83-4. [BIbbIa: ProoesBione.] 

Daniello, the prophet Daniel ; mentioned 
as an example of temperance in Circle VI of 
Purgatory, where the sin of Gluttony is purged, 
* Daniello Dispregi6 cibo, ed acquist6 sapere,' 
Purg. xxii. 146-7 LGk>loBiJ ; the reference is to 
Dan. i. 3-20 : — 

' And the king appointed them a daily provision 
of the king's meat, and of the wine which he 
drank. . . . But Daniel purposed in his heart that 
he would not defile himself with the portion of 
the king^s meat, nor with the wine which he 
drank. . . . Then said Daniel to Melzar, whom the 
prince of the eunuchs had set over Daniel, Hana- 
niah, Mishael, and Azariah, Prove thy servants, 
I beseech thee, ten days ; and let them give us 
pulse to eat, and water to drink. ... As for these 
four children, God gave them knowledge and skill 
in all learning and wisdom: and Daniel had 
understanding in all visions and dreams.* (w. 
5, 8, 11-12, 17.) 

Beatrice, who divined and solved D.'s doubts, 
is compared to Daniel, who told Nebuchad- 
nezzar his dream and interpreted it to him, 
thereby appeasing his wrath, and saving the 
lives of the wise men of Babylon, whom he 
had commanded to be slain for not being 
able to interpret the dream {Dan, ii. 12, 
24), Par. iv. 13-15 (where iox /e' ji Beatrice 
some edd. read fessi B,) ; Daniel's estimate of 
the number of the angels {Dan, vii. 10), Par. 
xxix. 134; Conv. ii. 6'^'*"0; his account of 
Nebuchadnezzar's dream {Dan, ii. 3), Epist. 
X.-28; his answer to Darius from the lions* 
den (Dan, vi. 22), Mon. iii. i^~3, 

Daniello, Amaldo. [Amaldo Daniello.] 

Danoia, the river Danube; the ice of 
Cocytus compared to its frozen surface in 
winter, Inf. xxxii. 26 [Coclto]. For Danoia 
(corresponding to the Germ. Donau) D. else- 
where uses the commoner form Danubio. 
[Danubio.] 

Dante, the poet's Christian name, said to 
be a contraction of Durante ; mentioned once 
only in the D, C, it being the first word 
addressed to D. by Beatrice. Purg. xxx. 55 ; «/ 
nome mio^ v, 62. Many MSS. read Dante for 
Da te in the passage where D. is addressed by 
Adam, Par. xxvi. 104. Pietro di Dante accepts 
and justifies this reading : — 

' . . . vocando Adam ipsum auctorem per nomen 
proprium, ad ostendendum quod a Deo in perfecta 
scientia fuit ipse Adam creatus, quod omnia 



[188] 



Dante 



Dante 



Lomina talia sunt ei nota, ut patri omnium 








«)minum. 

He is followed by Landino and Buti, as well 
s by Witte. The introduction of D.*s name 
ere, however, would be a violation of the 
recept expressly laid down by D. in the Con- 

via : — 

* Parlare alcuno di s^ medesimo pare non licito 
. . Non si concede per li rettorici alcuno di s6 
edesimo senza necessaria cagione parlare* (i. a*~^*), 

d implied in the apology, ' il nome mio . . . 

i necessity qui si registra,* Purg. xxx. 62-3, 
^r its mention by Beatrice (v. 55). 

Da te is the reading of nearly every editor 
d commentator from Benvenuto downwards, 
d there can be little doubt that it is the 

orrect one. Benvenuto says :— 

' Sufficiebat quod autor jam se nominaverit semel 
Ji fine Purgatorii, et ibi se excusavit, sicut et 
irgilius dux ejus nominavit se semel tantum in 
pere toto ; similiter Horatius.' 

D. does not name himself in the Vita Nuova^ 
'onviiHo^ De Monarchiay or De Vulgari Elo- 
ta ; in the last treatise he usually refers 
o himself as the friend of Cino da Pistoja, 
micus Cini, V. E. i. laJ^ 1725 ; ii. 288' ^3, 5«, 
^*; alius Floreniinus^ V. E. i. 13^^; nos^ 
.E. ii. 8"i, io26, 12I8, 13^3; in his Letters he 
ames himself, Dantes^ Epist. ix. 4 ; x. 13 ; 
^anies AllagheriuSy Epist. ix. 3 ; x. 10 ; also 
T. § 24-* ; Dantes Alagherii, A. T. § i^ ; his 
name is prefixed to the following Letters, 
Dantesy Epist. iii ; Dantes AllagheriuSy Epist. 
ii, V, vi, vii, viii, x. [AlighierLJ 

D. is spoken of by the Virgin Mary (to 
St Lucy) as il tuo fedele^ Inf. ii. 98 ; by 
Beatrice (to Virgil) as ramico miOj Inf. ii. 61 ; 
B. addresses him once by name, Purg. xxx. 55 ; 
otherwise 2^frate^ Purg. xxxiii. 23 ; Par. iii. 71 ; 
iv. 100; vii. ^8, 130; he is also addressed 
2&frate by Belacqua, Purg. iv. 127 ; by Oderisi, 
Purg. xi. 82 ; by Sapia, Purg. xiii. 94 ; by 
Marco Lombardo, Purg. xvi. 65 ; by Adrian V, 
Purg. xix. 133; by Statius, Purg. xxi. 13; by 
Forese Donati, Purg. xxiii. 97, 112; by Bona- 
giunta^ Puig. xxiv. 55 ; by Guido Guinicelli, 
Purg. xxvL 115 ; by Matilda, Purg. xxix. 15; 
by St. Benedict, Par. xxii. 61 ; he is ad- 
dressed by Virgil 2&figlio^ Inf. vii. 115; Purg. 
xxvii. ^5, 128 ; dolcefiglioy Purg. iii. 66 \Ji^liuoly 
In£ vii. 61 ; (JigliuoTo)^ viii. 67 ; Purg. i. 112; 
viii. 88 ; (jigliuole)^ xvii. 92 ; xxiii. 4 ; figliuol 
mto. Inf. iii. 121 ; xi. 16; Purg. iv. 46 ; xxvii. 
20; by Brunetto Latino, as figliuol mio. 
Inf. XV. 31 ; figliuol y xv. 37 ; by Statius, as 
fratey Purg. xxi. 13 ; figliOy xxv. 35 ; by Caccia- 
guida, 2LsfigliOy Par. xv. 52 ; xvii. 94 ; by Adam, 
zs figliuol miOf Par. xxvi. 115; by St. Peter, 
as duon cristianoy Par. xxiv. 52 ; figliuol. Par. 
xxvii. 64 ; by St Bernard, 2^ figliuol di graziay 
Par. xxxi. 112. 

D. is escorted through Hell and Purgatory 



by Virgil (Inf. i. 61 — Purg. xxx. 48), who, after 
taking formal leave of him on the threshold of 
the Terrestrial Paradise (Purg. xxvii. 124-42), 
accompanies him for a short time longer, and 
then finally departs (Purg. xxx. 49), leaving 
him to the charge of Beatrice ; by her he is 
conducted from the Terrestrial to the Celestial 
Paradise, and through the successive Heavens 
of the latter, until they reach the Celestial 
Rose, where she quits him, sending St. Bernard 
to take her place (Par. xxxi. 59) ; with him D. 
remains until the termination of the Vbion 
(Par. xxxiii. 145). 

In the light of the fivefold interpretation of 
the Commedia indicated in his Letter to Can 
Grande (Epist. x. 7), D., as he appears in the 
poem, represents in the literal sense the Floren- 
tine Dante Alighieri ; in the allegorical, Man 
on his earthly pilgrimage ; in the moral, Man 
turning from vice to virtue ; in the religious, 
the Sinner turning to God ; in the anagogical, 
the Soul passing from a state of sin to tluit of 
glory. 

D. supplies, directly or indirectly, the follow- 
ing information about himself in his various 
works : — that he was a native of Florence (Inf. 
xxiii. 94-5 ; cf. Inf. x. 25-7 ; xvi. 9 ; xxxiii. 11 ; 




several of his Letters) ; that he was bom in 
1265 (Inf. i. I ; xxi. 113; cf. Conv. i. 3^2-5), 
under the Constellation of Gemini (Par. xxii. 
112-17 ; cf. Inf. XV. 55) ; that he was baptized 
in the Baptistery of San Giovanni (Par. xxv. 
8-9 ; cf. Inf. xix. 17), the font of which he once 
broke in order to rescue a boy from sufibcation 
(Inf. xix. 17-21); that his Christian name was 
Dante (Purg. xxx. 55 > cf. Epist. ix. 3, 4 ; x. 13 ; 
A. T. 9 i^) ; that his surname was derived 
from the wife of his great-great-grandfather, 
Cacdaguida (Par. xv. 91-2, 137-8) ; (appar- 
ently) that he was of noble descent (Par. xvi. 
40-5 ; cf. Inf. XV. 74-8) ; that he taught himself 
the art of versifying (* io avea gik veduto per 
me medesimo Tarte del dire parole per rima,' 
V. N. § 3«'^-7i) ; that he could ride (V. N. 
§ 9*o» 44) and draw (V. N. § 35^) ; that he 
loved music (Purg. ii. 106-23) ; that he 
suffered from a weakness of the eyes, caused 
by excessive weeping (V. N. § 4o3t>-4), and too 
much reading (Conv. iii. 9i*^"*7) j (possibly) that 
he was present at the battle of Campaldino 
(Purg. V. 92), and at the capitulation of Caprona 
(Inf. xxi. 94-6) ; that (after 1291) he frequented 
the schools of philosophy (Conv. ii. 13**^) ; 
that he was exiled from Florence as a member 
of the Bianchi faction (Par. xvii. 46-93 ; xxv. 
4-5 ; cf. Inf. vi. 67-9 ; x. 81 ; Purg. xi. 140-1 ; 
Canz. xi. 77-9; Canz. xvi. 5; Conv. i. 3^^^; 
V. E. i. 6^- "-^3 ; ii. 63»i-9» 4ti-7 ; Epist ii. 1 ; ut ; 
and the titles of Epist iv, v, vi, vii) ; that he 
took refuge first with one of the Scaligers at 



[189] 



Dante 



Dante 



Verona (Par. xvii. 70), then with the Malaspini 
in Lunigiana (Purg. viii. 133-9); that he 
formed an attachment for a Lucchese lady 
named Gentucca (Purg. xxiv. 37-48) ; and 
that he spent some time as the guest of Can 
Grande at his court at Verona (Par. xvii. 88). 
The history of his love for Beatrice, whom he 
first saw at the age of nine, is told in the Vita 
Nuova, Among his friends were Guido Caval- 
canti Cquegli, cui io chiamo primo de' miei 
amici/ V. N. § 3**^), his friendship with whom 
dated from 1283 (V. N. § z^^'^-^), Cino da 
Pistoja (V. E. i. lo^o 1726 ; ii. a^s, 93)^ Lapp 
Gianni (Son. xxxii. i), and Casella (Purg. ii. 
76-117) ; while he revered as a master Bru- 
netto Latino (Inf. xv. 82-5). 

The most pathetic reference to his exile is in 
a passage at the beginning of the Convivio : — 

' Ahi ! piaciuto fosse al Dispensatore dell' uni- 
verse, che la cagione della mia scusa mai non 
fosse stata ; ch^ n^ altri contro a me avria fallato, 
ni io sofTerto avrei pena ingiustattiente ; pena,